Historical Newspapers of South Carolina

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An Independent Family Journal?Devoted to Politics, Literature and General Intelligence. HOYT & CO., Proprietors. ANDERSON 0. H., S. 0., THURSDAY MORNING, JULY 28, 1870. VOLUME 6?NO. 6. NOTES ON THE FOREIGN WAR. The Cause of the Euperoan War. The direct cause of the final rupture between France and Prussia seems to have been, as the direct causes of such ruptures are too often apt to be, a personal collision of an unpleasant character between two eminent personages. These were the King William of Prussia and Count Benedetti, the French embassador at the Prussian court. King William was at Ems, near Wiesbaden, a place where neither his Ma? jesty nor the Prussians are particularly admir? ed, but the waters of which are found to be the beneficial to the venerable and rather mor? bidly billious constitution of the monarch. Where the King is there is the court, and the French ambassador consequently was at Ems, also, conducting the negotiations set oh foot by the sudden explosion of the Prim-Bismarck contrivance for getting a Prussian prince upon the throne of Spain. These negotiations were rather delicate, since they were intended by France to bring the Prussian soverign to a flat ?disavowal of any hostile intentions in permit? ting the Prince, his kinsman, to accept the Spanish crown. The personal temper of the importance in the conduct of the affair; for King William well knew both that the inten? tion of Bismarck in organizing with Prim the candidacy of Prince Leopold really had been hostile to France, and that he himself had for years desired nothing so much as an opportu? nity of relieving his soul of a profoundberedi tary hatred of Frenchmen in general and of the Bonapartes in particular. Yet, at the same time, he was well aware that he could not pos? sibly afford, in his capacity as an European sovereign, to confess that he had connived at the aggrandizement of a member of his own family with the express object of insulting and circumventing a friendly power. Had Count Bismarck been intrusted by the King with the management of the affair, even out of this dis? agreeable complication peace with honor might have been perhaps evolved. For Count Bis? marck, with all his contempt for abstract right and his love for brusque and peremptory solu? tions of diplomatic imbroglios, understands and appreciates the importance of the public opin? ion of Europe aud of politic forms very much better than King William, who, indeed, neither understands nor appreciates them at all. But Count Bismarck has been growing out of favor with his master for some time, exactly in pro? portion as the King has become reconciled with Count Bismarck's bitter personal enemv, the Crown Prince. So King Will iam insisted upon managing his intercourse with Count Benedetti himself. A sketch of the two men will satisfy the reader how inevitable was the result of this royal wilfulness. King William of Prussia is one of the oldest of reiguing sovereigns. He was born in the midst of the first French Revo? lution. As a child he witnessed the humilia? tion of Prussia, of his father, and of his family by the first Napoleon, aui as a youth he took part in the avenging campaigns of 1813 and 1815. These events gave a decisive color to bis opinions and his character for life. A youuger son, he gave himself up to a military career, felt and professed openly the utmost contempt for democracy and constitutionalism, and made himself so obnoxious to all the Liberals of Prussia that in 1848 he was forced to fly the kingdom after doing his utmost to induce the government to allow him to drown the revolu? tion in the blood of the Bcrlinese. Camphau sen contrived to get him back after an exile of nine months in England; and in 1841) he sig? nalized himself by his victorious and merciless campaign against the people of Baden. In 1852 he was made Governor-General of Rhenish Prussia, and during his rcsideucc at Mayence he contributed greatly to intensify the hatred with which Prussia has long been regarded in that city, doomed by the military strength of its position to see all its splendid commercial advantages reduced to nought. He bitterly op? posed the neutrality of Prussia in the Crimean war, longing then to lead an army against France. He became Regent in 1857 by the de? clared lunacy, and King in 1861 by the death, of his childless brother, Frederic William IV. With his reign began the new military career and policy of Prussia. In October, 1861, he had himself crowned with great pomp, and de? clared that he held his throne not from the people or the constitution, but "from God alone." This brought on an open conflict be? tween the Crown and the Parliament, during which the King never for a moment bated his haughty absolutism. When the Liberal party earned the elections, in 1862, the King refused to open the session of Parliament, and when the Parliament rejected the enormous appro? priation asked for the army, the King sent for Bismarck, then Ambassador at Paris, to help him conquer these obstinate contemners of di? vine right. The House of Peers backed the King. The Commons persisted. The Peers voted the money refused by the Commons. The Commons declared this vote illegal. The King thereupon closed the session, and coolly pro? claimed that the appropriations had been made. This was the first instance of a successful royal revolution against the rights of the people" in the history of Europe since the days of 1789. It was followed by persecutions of the press, by an ailiance with Russia to suppress the Polish insurrection, by an ordinance suppressing the liberty of the press ; and when the Liberal par? ty succeeded in 1863 in carrying the elections again by a great majority, the king at once flanked "them by opening the war with Austria against Denmark for the conquest of Schles wick-Holstein. Foreign war thus became, us it had so often before become, the grave of do? mestic liberty. The war of I860 against Aus? tria completed what the war of 1863 against Denmark had begun ; and King William of Prussia is to-day as completely the representa? tive of armed and irresponsible kingly power in Europe as was the Czar Nicholas in 1854. He looks the character as thoroughly as he be? lieves in it. Stalwart, deep-chested, with a square rugged face, a bristling gray mustache, cold implacable eyes, which rather "twinkle than glitter, and a heavy jaw, King William is the beau-ideal of a veteran cuirassier, as ready to ride down shopkeepers and lawyers in Berlin as to charge the cavalry of France at Jena. The hereditary malady of his family, which carried off his father in a state of religious mania and bis brother as a hypochondriac, be? trays itself in King William through an incon? ceivable worship of his place and prerogative. He believes in the infallibility of monarchs as devoutly as Pius IX. in the infallibility of popes. So firm is his faith in the divine nature of his position that he keeps, and has for years kept, a minute daily diary of everything which happens to him. and whenever any new cmer fency arises he turns to this diary to sec what e did or did not do on the corresponding day in all the previous years of his life of now seventy-three years. His contempt for all men not soldiers or" nobles he finds it so difficult to conceal that he did not deign to bestow the slightest attention last year upon the Humboldt celebration; and all the efforts of Count Bis? marck have been needed to make him treat Americans at Berlin with even a show of cour? tesy since a plebeian frerman. Mr. Kreissmsn element of particular whom President Lincoln sent out as Consul to Berlin, insisted, with success, on getting ad? mitted to his court, from which consuls had al? ways been, and indeed still are, excluded as absolutely as merchants, bankers, lawyers, and tradespeople of all sorts. With this froward and fanatical old prince M. Benedetti was left to debate the peace of Europe. M. Benedetti, the Corsican boh of a Greek father, was trained in early life at Cairo and Constantinople to manage the susceptibilities of Turkish Pashas not a whit more obstinate and opinionated than King William. He had acquired a great expe? rience of European affairs as Director-General of the Foreign Office in Paris, and Secretary General of the Congress of Paris, as well as in the post (which he filled for three years) of French Envoy at Turin, when he was sent as French Ambassador to Berlin in 1864. With Count Bismarck M. Benedetti had gradually obtained a good deal of influence, and had the Prussian Chancellor been with him at Ems matters might perchance have been smoothed over again at this time between the two states, as they were three years ago at the threatening crisis of the Luxembourg question. But King William would himself settle an affair which concerned his own princely house. He allowed M. Benedetti to gam a first step by securing the retreat of Prince Leopold from the candidacy, and, this having been done, he insisted that Prussia had no more to do. In vain did M. Benedetti point out to him that the only reason why Prince Leopold's candidacy was obnoxious to France consisted in the fact that as a Prus? sian prince be was held by the French- people to symbolize a hostile intention on the part of the Prussian government; and that it was there? fore incumbent upon his Majesty to take an official part in withdrawing him. The King flatly repelled the suggestion at first, and when it was pressed upon him again he flatly repell? ed the Ambassador. This act, of course, closed the discussion, and the closing of the discussion equally, of course, opened the dreadful vials of war.?A. Y. World. The War in Europe. The following figures showing the strength of the armies of the two first and principal par? ties to the war just commenced, and which bids fair to involve all the great powers of Europe, will be read with interest by all classes of our people: The French army, when increased to its war footing?the condition it is now in?consists of seven hundred and fifty-seven thousand seven hundred and twenty-seven men. Of these 515,937 are infantry; 100,221 cavalry; engi? neers 15,433; Gardarnies, staff and troops of the administration 00,874. The liurses of this establishment amount to 143,238. This is the actual force now in the field. But to this must be added the reserves, which embrace nearly the whole of the male adult population. The French military forces, embracing all the classifications of war material, consists of three grand divisions, namely, the "Active Ar? my," the "Army of the Reserve," and the "Na? tional Guard Mobile." The active army amounts to 404,192 ; the army of the reserve 400,000 ; and the national guard 538,723, ma? king a total force of 1,341.915 soldiers. This grand army is divided into seven army corps, each commanded by a Marshal of France. Among the number now in commission are Marshals Canrobert, Bazainc, McMahon and Baraguay de'Hilliers, all of whom have won distinction on previous fields of carnage. France has for the past few years paid par? ticular attention to the increase and perfection of her war navy, and has now afloat an arma? ment which, in the number and size of her vessels, the character of their guns, and the kind of projectiles in use, compares favorably with any of the great powers of the world.. She has sixty-two iron-clads carrying 672 guns of heavy calibre; two hundred and sixty-four steam screw propcllors, with 1,547 guns; sixty two side-wheel steamers, with 154 guns and 113 sailing vessels, carrying 673 guns, making a to? tal of four hundred and one vessels, carrying 3,045 guns. Many of her iron-clads are of the most for? midable character, not only from the size and character of armament, but because of the ter? rible "rams" which project from the prows of most of tbem. The guns used on these iron? clads are principally breech-loading 100 poun? der rifles, furnished with 155 charges each. The largest of these iron-clads is the Rocham beau, formerly called the Dunderburg, built in this country by Webb, and originally intended for the government of the United States. The navy is commanded by 2,218 officers, and the sailors afloat and ashore number 39,345, which, together with engineers, dockyard la? borers, and others connected with the force, swells the grand total to 74,403. The military establishment of Prussia on the peace footing, is settled upon the basis of 1 per cent, of the population. The total number en? rolled is on the peace footing 319,358 and on the war footing 977,262. In time of war the military force embraces the whole adult male population. All men between the ages of 20 and 36, are held ready for offensive warfare, and those above 36 and up to the age of 50 are bound to do service in the military garrisons and posts within the country. This immense establishment is divided into eleven grand ar? my corps, two of which, the 2nd and 3rd, are commanded by Princes of the present reigning house. The Prussian navy is quite inconsiderable as compared to other first-class European powers. Her navy consists of six iron clad steamers car? rying 73 guns, nine steam frigates and corvettes carrying 200 guns, twenty-seven steam gun boats carrying 37 guns, fifty-nine sailing vessels carrying 247 guns. K?nig Wilhelm, iron-clad, was built in England fronf designs made by the chief constructor of the British navy, and is of 5,738 tons burden, carries 23 rifled 96 pounders, made of hammered steel, and capable of being fired with 751t>s. charges as oftt?n as twice in a minute. This is a formidable vessel, and if it should encounter the Rocharr.beau, a terrible conflict must ensue. It will be seen that while Prussia is greatly inferior in the naval army of her service to France, that her regular land forces arc 200,000 greater than those of the latter. If the war could by any possibility be confined to these powers, its duration would be very limited. The main strategic points are close and equally accessible to both governments; the armies of both are in a pcfect state of mobilization, and war materiel on both sides abundant and con? venient. But we indulge no hope that the con? flict can be confined to these powers. We regard the alliance of Russia with Prussia as absolutely certain, while Austria and Italy are equally certain to ally themselves with France. Sweden, Belgium and Denmark will be irresisti? bly drawn into the great war vortex, and their position will in, our judgment, have much in? fluence in fixing the status of England towards the two great belligerents. If England's great statesman and war minister were now alive, that government might maintain a strict neu? trality, but since the death of Palmerston, Great Britain has been left without a statesman able to comprehend her vast influence and re? sponsibility, and, at the same time, capable of controlling English sentiment, even against its greatest prejudices. The action of Russia will be closely watched by the English Government, and if it should appear that the Czar contemplates an attempt to retrieve the losses and wipe out the stain in? flicted by England and France upon Russian pride and Russian ambition in the Crimean contest of 1854-5, then England necessarily becomes involved in the conflict. Russia has long had her heart set upon the acquisition of Constantinople and the Bosphorus, because such acquisition would give her command of the trade of the Eeast. That she will seek the present opportunity while Prussia holds France in check on the Rbine, to consummate her an? cient designs in the East, is more than proba? ble. If England should be drawn into the contest it requires no prophetic ken to foresee the ulti? mate entanglement of the United States in the great war maelstrom. As long as England stands aloof from the conflict there would be no difficulty in preserving strict neutrality on our part. Every interest of England and America demands that the government should keep clear of the contest. Prejudice is, however, sometimes stronger than interest in determin? ing the conduct of nations as well as individ? uals, and we shall not be surprised to find, ere long both England and the United States drawn irresistibly into the struggle. We of the South can lose nothing by such a turn inpublie affairs.?Augusta Chronicle and Sentinel. Count von Bismarck, Prime Minister of Prussia* Otho, Count von Bismarck-Schonhausen, Prime Minister of Prussia, and, with the sole exception of Napoleon III., the most famous man of the present age, is the descendant of a long line of petty nobility, whose origin is lost in the remotest antiquity. Frederick the Great, commencing life with almost puerile tastes, and in a condition of abject domestic subjection to the will of a crack-brained, ec? centric father, built up the Prussian monarchy a century and a half ago. Bismarck, who, by his eccentricity and irregular (not vicious) habits, earned for himself the derisive appella lation of Mad Bismarck, has outlived the de? preciatory opiuions of his youthful critics, and has, by the strength of his will and the force of his political genius, torn the prestige of German leadership from Austria, raised Prus? sia to rivalry with France for the premiership of Europe, and realized the dream of a great German empire by the consolidation of all the German states under the guidance of Prussia. To Bismarck's towering abilities, and to the immense strength of his political combina? tions, is owing more than to any other single or personal cause the present war. The tradition of French diplomacy will not admit of a supe? rior or even of an equal in the political equi? librium of Europe. Napoleon has found him? self equalled, if not dominated, by Bismarck's political manteuvres, and neither the ambition of the Emperor nor the genius of the French nation can tolerate such an attaint on the na? tional houor. Bismarck's moral courage and consummate tact have made Prussia what she is in this generation, and in the accomplish? ment of bis high objects it is more than doubt? ful whether he did not couutcrniincNapoleou's own plans. Certain it is that his position of armed neutrality after Solferino precipitated the imperfect and unsatisfactory termination of the Italian question, and his subsequent splen? did triumphs at Konigsgratz and Sadowa, were a humiliating counterpoise to the imperial blunders iu Mexico ; while at home the con? solidation of Prussian supremacy has been a paiuful contrast to the concessions of imperi? alism to liberal institutions for the sake of as? suring itself an extended lease of power. Bis? marck's predilections, both personal and ances? tral, led him to identify himself with the cause of kingly rule in Prussia. He identified the weal of the nation with the personal govern? ment' by a King. He is monarchical by in? stinct, and each concession made to liberalism has been wrung from him as a departure from the true principles of all government, and as an attack upon the people's own happiness. The theory of his foreign policy was that Aus? trian preponderance was inimical to the wel? fare of Germany, and that the general interests of the Teutonic race would be promoted by the elevation of Prussia to the first place in Ger? man councils. His antipathy to democracy was increased by the events of 1848, and in 1851 he became member of the Prussian Par? liament, where his speeches on the new consti? tution and his aristocratic loyalism attracted the attention of the Court. While on his wed? ding tour he accidentally encountered the King at Venice, and personal intercourse so confirmed the impression he had created that very soon afterwards he was appointed Prus? sian representative at the Frankfort Diet. There is, perhaps, no man in Europe of whom better stories are told than of Bismarck. Among others one is told of this particular epoch, showing his sense of his own dignity, and ol the respect due to him as representative of Prussia. The young minister paid a cere? monial visit to Count Thun, the Austrian Minister and President of the Diet. Count Thun did not ask him to take a seat, but con? tinued smoking. Bismarck, nothing discon? certed, took out his cigar case, and drawing a chair forward, asked the President for a light, and fairly smoked him into civility. In 1859 he was recalled from Frankfort, and sent Am? bassador to St. Petersburg. In 1802 he was placed in charge of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The whole course of Prussian politics was at this time a constant protest at every point by the liberals and the democratic party against the crown and its authority. The op? position to every ministerial plan was virulent, and no success at home or abroad modified the hostility of the opposition. Even Prussian successes in the Schleswig-Holstein affair brought no peace to the councils of the nation. The general tendencies of Europe were towards an expansion of liberalism. Bismarck and the King believed that the national welfare lay in the consolidation of the royal power, in the control of the press, and in the increase of the. standing army. The dispute with Austria sprang out of "the increasing preponderance of Prussia in all questions touching the common interests of Germany. The German principali? ties were being rapidly mediatized into Prus? sian dependencies. The question of arma? ments was a new jealousy, and her alliance, offensive and defensive, between Prussia and the new Kingdom of Italy, led to the warlike movements by Austria for the purpose of de? fending her Venetian dependencies, which led to Napoleon's appearance on the scene and to the expulsion of Austria from Italian soil. The suddeu close of the Italian campaign at Solferino, leaving Victor Emmanuel's position only half assured, and transferring Savoy to France was hardly satisfactory to Prussia It is generally believed that, in interviews which Bismarck had at Biarritz with Napoleon about this time, the Prussian favored the Napoleonic claims to a Rhine frontier as a set-off to Prus? sia's longings for Schleswig-Holstein and Bal? tic ports. Austria now expressed her disap? proval of Prussia's aggrandizing views on the Duchies; but to these protests Bismarck paid no attention, and the battles of Sadowa and Konigsgratz affirmed Prussian rights and si? lenced Austrian remonstrance. After the Aus? trian defeats Prussia consolidated the North German States, and brought them all under her control, subsidizing their princes and granting them pensions and allowances in place of their independent revenues. Ar? rangements were also made with Southern Ger? man States by which they retained their nomi? nal independence, but Prussia was made com? mander-! n-chief of the joint army and head of the Customs Union, and. the line of the terri? torial demarcation completely excluded Aus? tria from all participation in the new Bund. The Luxembourg affair, it will be remembered, originated from an attempt by Prussia to get possession from Holland of that fortress by purchase. This was objectionable to France, and the fortress was eventually dismantled and the territory neutralized. At this moment, owing to the consolidation of Germanic pow? ers to the supremacy of Prussia and to the powers granted Von Bismarck as Chancellor of the Federated States, he is the most power? ful minister in Europe, having personal influ? ence and weight more analogous to that of Richelieu or Dannitz than to that of any mod? ern minister. In person, Von Bismarck is tall, well form? ed, fair haired, blue eyed, and of great vigor. He is as hearty and joyous as he is energetic and determined. His tastes are simple and Eopular, as a proof of which the national beer, oth white, bock, and lager in great silver tan? kards and foaming goblets, is a feature of his entertainments. He has been once shot at, but though slightly wounded, arrested the as? sassin with his own strong hand, and the offen? der subsequently killed himself in prison. Of his personal views M. de Vilbort, a Par? isian journalist, reports an interview in which these words were uttered by Bismarck: "Sixteen years ago I was living as a country gentleman, when the King appointed me En? voy of Prussia at the Frankfort Diet. I had been brought up in the admiration, I might almost say the worship, of the Austrian policy. Much time, however, was not needed to dispel my youthful illusions. The humiliation of my country, Germany, sacrificed to the interests of a foreign nation, a crafty and perfidious line of policy, these were not things calculated to give me satisfaction. * * * I conceived the idea of snatching Germany from Austrian oppres? sion?at least that part of Germany whose tone of thought, religion, manners, and interests, identify her destinies with Prussia?Northern Germany." Of French pretensions to territorial aggran? dizement, the same gentleman reports Bis? marck as saying : "Ere a fortnight i3 past we shall have war on the Rhine if Fiance insists on her territorial demands. She asks of us what we neither can nor will give. Prussia will not cede an inch of German soil?we cannot do so without rais? ing the whole of Germany against us, and if it be necessary let it rise against France rather than ourselves." Herr von Bismarck is married and has three children. His private life is of the happiest, and his wife is said to be a most efficient help? meet, and his very best secretary and amanu mensis. To his sister he is most tenderly and devotedly attached, and their mutual affection is a bright spot on the history of a great life. He is 50 years of age. The Field of War. The Northern boundaries of France are Bel? gium and Prussia. As Napoleon has declared war, he must take the offensive and cross the line. There is a small belt of couutry between the French line and the Rhine which France has long coveted, and which is now doubtless the great object she has in view. The country along the Rhine is very flat as far south as Colonge. The plains are fertile, and favorable to the moving as well as to the subsisting of armies. Wesel is the first Prussian stronghold on the Rhine, and lies on the right bank, just below the mouth of the Lippe, commanding both rivers. The works were commenced by Napo? leon, and finished by Prussia. One of its forts is Blucher, at the head of the Pontoon river. The garrison is 6,000 men. Colonge has a stone bridge over tho Rhine, and is a great railroad center. It is, therefore, and important military point. It is strongly fortified, and has a garrison of 7,000 men. With Colonge as an objective point, Napole? on would find several serious natural obstacles in his way. These are the two rivers Erft and the Roer, and the Argonne forest. Luxemburg is at the junction of the bounda? ry lines of Belgium, Prussia and France, and was Holland's strongest fortress. It is a very important strategic position. The strongest Prussian defensive point on the Rhine is Ehrenbreitstein, opposite Coblenz and the mouth of the Mozelle. It is an elaborate fortress hewn into a rocky bluff, which proudly lifts itself 370 feet above the right bank of the river, and overlooks the West and South. In 1631, the French captured the place, and blew up the fort. It has since been elaborately re? paired, and is now very strong. Coblenz, just opposite, is likewise on a bluff, and is very strong. An army of 100,000 can encamp about the city. The two cities are connected by strong bridges over the Rhine. Mayence, with Castel just across the Rhine, forms a very im? portant station for the defence of the river. It is surrounded with a bastioncd wall, part new and part old. Manheim and Soudon arc histo? ric points, and strong defensive positions for Prussia. The broad and fertile plains on cither side of the Rhine from Heidelberg to Neustadt, and from Black Forest to the Vosges Mountains, aro the special battle ground of the Rhine, and have been the theatre of more horrors than civ? ilized countries are obliged to witness. The very names of Tilly, Turcnnc, Meloc and Louis XIV, arc execrated by the inhabitants of the old Palatinate, because associated with the memory of burning cities and butchered fami? lies. Rastadt, on the Murg about four miles east of the Rhine, is a strong fortress, both modern and extensive. The Black Forest is east of the Rhine, and as difficult of passage as the Vosges Mountains. These arc some of the points soon to have new interest and importance, and prove valua? ble for reference hereafter. ?A young man, accompanied by his lady-love, took breakfast at a hotel the other day. Never having seen any fish-balls, he handed one to his lady, under the impression that it was a dough? nut. After breaking his own, he carefully ex? amined, then smelled of it, and with a sepul? chral voice said, "Sal, don't eat that doughnut; there's somothiug dead in this." ? If four dogs-, with sixteen legs, can catch twenty-nine rabbits with eighty-seven legs, in forty-four minutes, how many legs must the same rabbits have to get away from eight dogs, with thirty-two legB, m seventeen minutes and a half. We have seen sums in books nearly as sensible as this. What It Is to be a Radical. A Radical is one who believes that human nature in the black race is precisely like hu? man nature in the white, and that apparent differences are due to circumstances only; that political distinctions, therefore, on account of race, color or previous condition, are dictated, not by reason, but by prejudice; and that the right to vote is a moral right, as inalienable as the right to life itself, belonging to a man sim? ply by reason of the fact that he is a man, a political animal, and not a brute beast. If a sincere Radical be pointed to the evils that sometimes spring from suffrage, through the ignorance or viciousness of voters?as Whitte niore'a re-election, for instance?he will not deny the fact, but will deny that the remedy is to take away the right to vote. The right to vote is, he would say, the right to exert politi? cal power that essentially inheres in a political being with a political nature ; just as the right to move about belongs to the physical man by reason of his being created for motion. The remedy for the wrong use of power, either po? litical or physical, is rather to educate how to use it, than to take the power away. As i;he crime in the wrong use of physical force must be very heinous to deserve physical death, so the perversion of political power must be of the most flagrant character to deserve political death, or the deprivation of the right to exert political power. The ten commandments must not be pronounced impracticable by reason of sin, nor universal suffrage condemned because of its failure to realize a political millenium. And it is the fact that the Radical political creed is thus founded upon a moral basis, upon certain enthusiastic beliefs of what is just and right, and not simply upon convictions of con? venience and utility, which gives it, and ever will give it a tremendous, and, frequently, a revolutionary power. It is perhaps useless to say, that we are not Radical, if we have given a candid description of what it is to be a sincere oue above. We no more regard voting as an essential part of justice, than we regard the trial by jury an es? sential to justice. The one, like the other, is a means, a valuable expedient towards attain-, ing the cud of all government, which is justice, but which may be attained through organisms which exclude universal suffrage and the trial by jury. Neither do we consider it a bit sounder philosophy to say, that the same sort and amount of political power ought to be given to races living together, which differ in their mental and moral capacity, than to assert that children and adults should have the same amount of choice in the disposal of their time, and in the regulation of their bodily locomo? tion or of their tongues. There are places where " children should be seen and not heard and there are places where they should not even be seen. In brief, just as in other spheres of thought and action, "circumstances alter cases," so, in the political world, the wis? dom and the justice of conferring political power or the right to vote on any individual or set of individuals, should be determined* by considerations of time, character, races, color and previous condition, and not by moral spec? ulative abstractions. We consent, therefore, to negro suffrage sincerely, but not, as does the Radical, with fanatical political faith ; not as to something necessarily right and wise in it? self, but as perhaps the best solution of the problem of the free negro, with which we are obliged to deal, and as perhaps the best expe? dient for avoiding even greater evils than any that negro suffrage can be supposed to involve, when the certain prospect of the whites being soon able to harmonize with it, or that failing, to overpower it by steadily increasing numbers, stands clearly out to the eye that will glance from the present to the early future. And lastly, if the right to political power be a mor? al right, as real Radicals believe, then, since there is no distinction of sex in morals, and what is right for a man is right for a woman, a consistent Radical cannot but be an earnest advocate of woman-suffrage, which we reject. We are not Radical.? Winnsboro News. Finger-Marks.?A short time since, a gen? tleman employed a mason to do some work for him, and among other things, to "thin-whiten" the walls of one of his chambers. This thin whitening is almost colorless until dried. The gentleman was much surprised, on the morning after the chamber was finished, to find on the drawer of his bureau, standing in the room, white finger-marks. Opening the drawer, he found the same on the articles in it, and also on a pocket-book. An examination revealed the same marks on the contents of a bag.? This proved clearly that the mason, with his wet hands, had opened the drawer, and searched the bag, which contained no money, and had then closed the drawer without once thinking that any one would ever know it. The "thin whitening" which happened to be on bis hands did not show at first, and he probably had no idea that twelve hours' drying would reveal his wickedness. As the work was all done on the afternoon the drawer was opened, the man did not come again, and to this day does not know that his acts are known to his employer. Children, beware or* evil thoughts and deeds! They all leave their finger-marks which will oue day be revealed. If you disobey your pa? rents, or tell a falsehood, or take what is not your own, you make sad stains on your charac? ter. And so it is with all sin. It defiles the soul. It betrays those who engage in it, by the marks it makes on them. These marks may be almost, if not quite, invisible at first. But, even if they should not be seen during any of your days on earth, (which is not at all likely,) yet there is a day coining in which every sin will be made manifest. Never suppose that you can do what is wrong without having a blot'made on your soul. It is impossible. If you injure unothcr, you, by that very deed, hurt your own self. If you dis? regard a law of God.'lhc damage is your own. Think?ever bear it in mind?dear children, that even' sin yon commit leaves a blemish up? on yourselves. Even should it not be seen by those around you on earth, it will be seen, to your condemnation, at the bar of God.?Home \ Journal. What Has Become of the State Treas? ury??Notwithstanding the enormous amount raised by taxation out of the pockets of the people, we understand that $70,000 of the bonds of the State, pf-st due, have been dis? honored. The drafts were duly drawn, but came back dishonored, there being neither funds in the Treasury at Columbia, or to the credit of the State in New York. It is but a few days ago, when several other drafts, drawn by the Treasurer of the State, and countersigned by the Comptroller-General, upon the financial agent in New York, were also dishonored, and suffered to go to protest. What has become of the money of the State ? ? Charlesion Courier. ? "Madam," the lawyer demanded, "what sort of conduct have you pursued through life that should subject you to suspicion of this outrage upon the plaintiff?" She answered, "Impudence, which has been the making of you, has caused my ruin !" Agricultural Congress?To be held in Au? gusta, Ga., October 26, 1870. To Agriculturists and Agricultural Organize lions Ourougkout the country: The necessity of co-operation amongst the agriculturists and agricultural organizations of the Southern States is becoming more manifest every year. Public improvements, the diffusion of agricultural science, and the protection of the righl? of agriculturists, have not hitherto received the attention which subjects of Buch vast importance to our prosperity demand, and which are best secured by voluntary associa- - tion and combined action. The interests of the cultivators of the great staple productions of the Southern States de? mand a central and united organization, the object of which shall be the promotion 01 im? proved methods of culture?especially adapted to the productions peculiar to our section?the improvement of our labor system, the encour? agement of foreign immigration, and the di? versification of our agricultural products, A general desire for an organization, With these objects in view, is expressed by leading agriculturists throughout the South. It is, therefore, proposed to organize an asso? ciation which shall meet annually at some accessible point in one of the Southern States, where agriculturists from every section shall assemble to deliberate in council, and fully communicate the result of their experiences, as tending to the advancement of the arts of husbandry and kindred subjects. It is suggested that the initiatory assembly convene at Augusta, Ga., during the holding of the great fair of the "Cotton States' Me chanics and Agricultural Fair Association" in October next. In furtherance of the foregoing, the under? signed have been appointed a joint committee from the "Cotton States' Mechanics and Agri? cultural Fair Association," and from the Au- ' gusta Board of Trade, to make all necessary arrangements for the first meeting, which wiU be held in this city October 26,1870* The several State and county organizations throughout the country are cordially invited to send delegates. The first business before the assembly will be the permanent organization of an Agricultural Congress, election of officers, etc., to be follow? ed by free discussion of agricultural subjects. The central location of Augusta, and its ex? tensive railroad connections, make it easy of access from all points of the country. Arrangements are made with the various railroads to carry delegates free of charge or at reduced rates. Delegates, in order to avail themselves of this privilege, will have to present duly au? thenticated certificates of appointment to the Agricultural Congress. Associations are requested to report, as early as practicable, the names and number of deb> gates they may appoint. All communications will be addressed to Mr, E. H. Gray, Secretary Cotton States' M. & A. Fair Association. Edward Thomas, President Augusta Board of Trade. M. L. Bonham, South Carolina; P. J. Berckmans, Augusta, Ga. T. P. Branch, Augusta, Ga. A Remarkable Case.?A large number of our young men who engaged in the struggle of the late war continue to bear in their Dodies one or more of the leaden messengers hurled at them during some occasion when they "grappled with glory" in the fury of the fray! To some, these mementoes have ever since proved continual and irritable inconveniences; others experiencing no trouble from them since their wounds havehealed. A sigular and gratifying case of relief from a wound of this kind occurred with one of our citizens last week. Mr. William Beattie, a member of the Brooks troop from this place, was wounded nearly seven years ago in one of the engagements in Virginia?the ball entering in rear of his left eye, destroying the sight thereof, and lodging internally. Since that time he has occasionally suffered from the presence of this unwelcome tenant, but had given up all hope or idea of having it extracted. On last Wednesday night, he awoke from his slumber, feeling strangely unwell, and on arising was seized with a fit of coughing, ac? companied with nausea; during which he felt something fall into his mouth, and immediately supposed it to be the hall that had so long lain hidden. On obtaining a light, he found his supposition, happilv, correct?the ball had worked its way slowly through into the channel of the larynx, and the convulsive efforts of coughing released its hold, when it fell by its own gravity through the channel mentioned. On examination, the ball appears to have encountered the hard portion of the skull in entering, being somewhat abraded and torn, but not flattened ; it was apparently shot from a breech-loader, and weighs half an ounce. Mr. Beattie lias experienced but slight in? convenience from the forcible ejection of this unwelcome tenant, and has since received many warm and hearty congratulations from his friends on his happy release.?Greenville Mown* tuineer. Dreadful Scenes in Alabama.?From the Rome Commercial we have received the following particulars of the unfortunate diffi? culty between the whites and negroes at Cross Plains, Ala.: It seems that on Sunday eve? ning last, a white boy and a negro had a quar? rel and fought. Several other negroes and whites coming up, a general row ensued. The negroes were dispersed, but having armed them? selves returned, and meeting the white boy, with whom the first difficulty occurred, in com? pany with a number of ladies, fired into the party. This so exasperated the whites, that a large number armed themselves, captured and hung a Mr. Luke, a carpet-bag school teacher, who is said to have urged the negroes on, and four of the ring leaders among the negroes, and also shot and killed another negro. Luke was taken to a house before his execution and allowed to write a letter to his family. In his letter he de? nied having incited the negroes to revenge, but claimed to have persuaded them to desist. The affair is a most unfortunate one, and happens, we fear, at a most unfortunate time for the people of Alabama. It is, however, but what we may expect as tne practical work? ings of the Fifteenth Amendment and other laws having a tendency to bring the whites and blacks in antagonism aud keep alive the flames of the "irrepressible conflict." Chinese Laborers for Southern Rail* roads.?Five hundred Chinese laborers ar? rived at Chattanooga, Tenn., on Saturday, the 15th instant. They are the first instalment of two thousand who are to be employed on t ?? Alabama and Chattanooga Road. It is stated by the Lynchburg (Va.) Newt that the Chesa? peake and Ohio Railroud Company intend em? ploying immediately one thousand Chinese to work on the construction of that road. They are induced to take this Btep, it is said, because the colored laborers have left, and are still leaving, the road in large numbeni..