Historical Newspapers of South Carolina

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litera litidlig?tttei Grovernor Seymour's Letter o Acceptance. Wc publish below- Governor Seymoui formal letter of acceptance ol" the uomiu tion for President ol'the United ?tates: Utica, August 4, 1SGS; Gentlemen : When, in me city of Xe York, on the 11th of July, in the presen of a vast multitude, on behalf of the N tiona! Democratic Convention, y ou tend? ed to me its unanimous nomination their candidate for the oftiee of Preside of tlie United States, 1. stated I had i words "adequate to express my gratitm for the good will and kiudu<*ss which th body had slrown to me. Its nominath was unsought and unexpected. It w my ambition to take an active part, fro which I am now excluded, in the gre struggle going on for the restoration good government, of peace and prosperii to our country. But ? have been cangl up by the whelming tide which is bearii; us on to a great political change, and find myself unable to resist its pressnro. You have also given me a copy of the re olutions put forth by the Couveutio showing its position upon all the gres questions which now agitate the countr; As the presiding officer ofthat Conven?o 1 am familiar with their scope and impor as one of its members, I am a party I their terms. They are iu accord with ni views, and I stand upon them in the co test upon which we are now entering, an I shall strive to carry them out in futur wherever I may be placed, in political < private life." I then stated that I would send ye these words of acceptance in a letter, as the customary iorru. 1 see no reason, upc reflection, to change or qualify the tern x>? my approval of the resolutions of ti Convention. I have delayed the mere formal act i communicating in writing what I tin publicly said, for the purpose of seein what light the action of Congress woul throw upon the interests of the countr; Its acts, since the adjouiment of the Coi vention, show an alarm lest a change < political power will give to the peop what they ought to have?a clear stat meat of what had been done with tl money drawn from them during the pa eight years. Thoughtful men feel tin there have been wrongs in the ti nanci management which have been kept fro the public knowledge. The Congressiom party has not only allied itself with mil tarypower, which is to be brought to bei directly upon the elections in many State but it also holds itself in perpetual sessioi with the avowed purpose of making sue laws as it shall see tit, in view of the ele tions'whioh will take place within a fe weeks. It did not, therefore, adjourn, bi took a reces?, to meet again if its partiza interests shall demand its re assembling. Never before in the history of ourcoui 'tryy?ias Congress thus taken as menacin attitude towards its electors. Under ii influence, some of the States organized b its agents are proposing to deprive tli people of the right to vote for Pesidcnti; electors, and the Bret bold steps are take to desfoy the rights of suffrage. It is m strange, then-fore, that thoughtful men sc in such action the proof that there is wit those who shape the policy of the Repul Hean party, motives stronger and deopc ? than the mere wish to hold political po we that there is a dread of some exposai which drives them on to acts so desperat and impolitic. Many of the ablest leaders and journal of the Republican party have openly dt plbred the violence of Congressional actioi and its tendency to keep up discord i our country. The great interests of ou Union demand peace, order, and a returi to those industrial pursuits without whicl we cannot maintain the"faith or honor o our Government. The minds of busbies men are perplexed by uncertainties. Tin hoars of toil of our laborers are lengthene< by the costs of living made by the diree and indirect exactions of Government.? Our people are harassed by the heavy ant frequent demands of the tax-gatherer.? Without distinction of party, there is ? strong feeling m favor of that line of actioi which shall restore order and confidence and shall lift off the burdens which nov k hinder and vex the industry of the country Yet, at this moment, those in power hav< thrown into thc Senate Chamber and Con gressioual Hall new elements of discorc and violence. Men have been admitted as Representa tives of some of the Southern States, wit! the declaration upon their lips that they cannot live in the States they claim tc represent without military protection.? These men are to make laws for thc North, as well as the South. These men, who, a few days since, were seeking, as suppliants, that Congress would give them power within their respective States, are, to day, the masters and controllers of the actions of those bodies. Errtering them with minds tilled with passions, their first de? mands have been that Congress shall look upon the States from which they come as in conditions of civil war; that the major? ity of their populations, embracing their intelligence, shall be treated as^public enemies; that military forces shall be kept up, at the cost of the people of the North, and that there shall be no peace and order at tho South, save that which is made by arbitrary power. Every intelligent man knows that these men owe their seats in Congress to the disorder in the South; every man knows that they not only owe their present posi . tion to disorder, but that every motive springing from the love of power, of gain, of a desire for vengeuce, prompts them to keep the South in anarchy. While that exists, they are independent of the wills or wishes of their fellow-citizens. While confusion reigns, they are the dispensers of the" profits and the honors which grow out of a government of mere force. These men are now placed in positions where they cannot urge their views of policy, but where they can enforce them. Whenothers shall be admitted, in this manner, from thw remaining Southern States, although they will have, in truth, no constituents, they will have more power in the Senate than a majority of the people of the Union living in nine of the great States, lr? vain, the wisest members of the Republican party protested against the policy which led t.o this result. While the chiefs of th3 late rebellion ?ave submitted to tho results of the war, and are now quietly engaged iu useful pursuits for the support of themselves and j their families, and are trying by the force of their example to lead- back the people of the South to the order and industry, not only essential to their well being, but to the greatness and prosperity of our common country,, we see that those who, without ability or influence, have been thrown by the*agitations of civil convul? sion into positions of honor and profit, are stri\ ing to keep alive the passions to which they owe their elevation. And they clam? orously insist that they are the only friends of our'Union?a Union that can only have a sure foundation in fraternal regard and a common desire to promote the peace, the order and the happiness of all sections of our land. Events in Congress, since the adjourn? ment of the Convention, have vastly in? creased the importance of a political vic? tory by those who are seeking to bring back economy, simplicity, and justice in the administration of our national affairs. Many Republicans have heretofore clung to their party who have regretted the ex? tremes of 's iolence to which it has run.? They have cherished a faith that while the action of their political friends has been mistaken, their motives have been good. They must now see that the Republican party is in that condition that it cannot carry out a wise and peaceful policy, what? ever its motives may be. It is a misfortune, not only to the country, but to a governing party itself, when its action is unchecked by any form of opposition. It has been the misfortune of the Republican party, that she events of the past few years have given it so much power that it has been able to shackle the Executive, to trammel the judiciary, and to carry out the views of the most unwise and violent of its mem? bers. When this state of things exists in any party, it has ever been found that the 6ober judgment of its ablest leaders do not control. There is hardly an able man who helped to buildup the Republican organi? zation, who has not within the past three years warned it against its excesses ; who has not been borne down and forced to give up his convictions of what the interests of the country called for; or, if too patriotic to do this, who has not been driven fiom its ranks. If this has been the case, here? tofore, what will be its action now with this new infusion of men who, without a decent respect for the views of those who had just given them their positions, begin their legislative career with calls for arms, with demands that their States shall be regarded as in a condition of civil war, aud with a declaration that they are ready and anxious to degrade the President of the United States, whenever they can per? suade or force Congress to bring forward new articles of impeachment? Tho Republican party, as -well as we are, are interested in putting some check upon this violence. It must bo clear to every thinking man that a division of po? litical power tends to check the violence of party action and to assure the peace and good order of society. The election of a .Democratic Executive and a majority of Democratic members to the House of Rep? resentatives would not give to that party organization the power to make sudden or violent changes, but it would servo to check those extreme measures which have been deplored by the best men of both political organizations. The result would most certainly lead to that peaceful res? toration of'the Union and rc-cstablishmcnt of -fraternal relationship which the coun? try desires. I am sure that the best men of the Republican party deplore as deeply as I do the spirit of violence shown by those recently admitted to seats in Con? gress from tho South. The condition of civil war which they contemplate must be abhorrent to every right-thinking man. I have no mere personal wibhes which mislead my judgment in regard to tho pen? ding election. No man who has weighed and measured the duties of tho office of President of tho United States can fail to bo impressed with tho cares and toils of him who is to meet its demands. It is not merely to float with popular currents, without a policy or a purpose. On the contrary, while our Constitution gives just weight to tho public will, its distinguish? ing feature is that it seeks to protect the rights of minorities. Its greatest glory is that it puts restraints upon power. It gives force and form to those maxims and principles of civil liberty for which the martyrs of freedom have struggled through ages. It declares the right of the people? ''To be secure in their persons, houses and papers against unreasonable searches and seizures. That Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of re? ligion or tho freo oxercisc thereof, or abridging the freedom of speech or of'the press, or the right of the peoplo to petition for the redress of grievances. It secures the right of a speedy and public trial by an impartial jury." No man can rightfully enter upon the duties of the Presidential office, unless he is not only willing to carry out tho wishes of the people expressed in a constitution? al way, but is also prepared to stand up for the rights of minorities. Ho must be ready to uphold the free exercise of relig? ion. He must denounce measures which would wrong personal or homo rights, or the religious conscience of tho humblest citizon of tho land. Ho must maintain, without distinction of creed or nationality, all tho privileges of American citizenship. 1 he experience of every public man who has been faithful to his trust teaches him that no ono can do tho duties of the office of President, unless ho is roady, not only to undergo tho falsehoods and abuso of tho bad, but to suffer from tho censure of tho good, who are misled by prejudices and misrepresentations. There arc no at? tractions in such positions which deceive mJ' judgment, when I say that great change is going on in the public mind.? The mass of tho Republican party aro more thoughtful, temperate and just than thej' were during the excitements which attended the progress and close of tho civil war. As tho energy of the democratic party springs from their dovot;on to their cause, and, not to their candidates, I may, with pro| r ety, speak o'' the fact that nev? er in the political history of our country has the action of any liko body boon hail? ed with such universal and wide spread enthusiasm as that which has been shown in relation to the position of the National Democratic Convention. With this, tho candidates had nothing to do. Had any others of those names been selected, this spirit would have been perhaps more mark? ed. The zeal and energy ol" the conserva? tive masses spring from a desire to make a change of political- policy and from the [ confidence that they can carry out their pin pose. In this faith they are strengthened by the co-opcrali'on of the great body of thobe who served in the Union army during the war. Having given nearly 10,000 com? missions to the officers of that army I \ know their views and wishes. They de-j mand the Union for which they fought.! The largest meeting of these gallant sol- j dicrs which ever assembled, was held in | New York, and endorsed the action of the National Convention. In words instinct with meaning, they called upon the Gov? ernment to slop in its policy of hate, dis? cord and disunion, and in terms ot fervid eloquence they demanded the restoration of the rights and liberties of the American people. When there is such aecord between those who proved themselves brave and self-sacrificing in war, and those who are thoughtful and patriotic in council, I can? not doubt we shall gain a political ti iumph which will restore our Union, bring back peace and prosperity to our land, and will give once more the blessings of a wise, economical and honest Govermcnt I am, gentlemen, truly yonrs, etc., HORATIO SEYMOUR. -?? From the Charleston Courier. Suffrage, and Who are Entitled. As the elections approach, which involve the rights and liberties of oar people, the question natuially occurs as to who, under the present condition of things, are entitled to suffrage. It will readily be seen that no more important question can be submitted. And to this we propose a clear and simple answer. "We propose first to consider this in the light of the Acts of Congress, and then to refer to the Constitution of this State, adopted under what are known as the lie construction Acts. Secretary Seward has declared the Howard Constitutional Amendment as adopted. As words are important, we cite the very language of tho third sec? tion : Sec. 3. Xo person shall be a Senator or Representative in Congress, or Elector of President and Vice-President, or hold any office, civil or military, under the United States, or under any State, who having previously taken an oath as a member of Congress, or as an officer of the United States, or as a member of any State Leg? islature, or as an Executive or Judicial officer of any State, to support the Consti? tution of the United States, shall have en? gaged in insurrection or rebellion against the same} or given aid or comfort to the enemies thereof. But Congress may by a vote of two-thirds of each House, remove such disabilities. Two things, therefore, will be observed : First. That this amendment now declared to be a part of the Constitution of the United States disqualifies only from ofiice and not from suffrage. Secondly, that the offices to which all, who, either as members of Congress, or as officers of the United States, or as members of any State Legis? lature, or as the executive or judicial offi? cers of any State, and who participated, either by act, or in aid, the Confederate Stales, are disqualified from holding or enjoying office are: 1. Those of Senators and Representa? tives in Congress. 2. Electors for President and Yice-Pres ident. 3. Any office, civil or military, under the United States, or any State. It is apparent, therefore, that this amend meut excludes a large ami intelligent por? tion of our citizens from any office whether Federal or State. And this disability re? mains until removed by a two-thirds vote of each House of Congress. But the important fact remains that under this amendment no citizen is exclud? ed from suffrage. Therefore, so far as this is coucerned, there is no restriction upon the ballot, although thera is as to office. Is there, then, anything in the now al? leged Constitution of the State which prohibits suffrage for past political opin? ions? We again refer to the text: ARTICLE VIJI.-WUliT Ol* SUFFRAGE. Section. 2. Every male citizen of the United States of the age of twenty-one and upwards, not laboring under the disa? bilities named in this Constitution, without distinction of race, color or former condi? tion, who shall be a resident of this State at the time of the adoption of this Consti? tution, or who shall thereafter reside in this State one year, and in the county in which he offers to vote sixty days next preceding any election, shall be entitled to vote for all officers that are now or hereaf? ter may be elected by the people, and upon all questions submitted to the elect ors at any election ; Provided, That no person shall be allowed to vote ur hold office who i3 now or hereafter may be disquali? fied therefor by the Constitution of the United States, until such disqualification, shall be removed by the Congress of the United States; Provided further. That no person while kept in any alms house or asylum, or of unsound mind, or confined in any public prison, shall bo allowed to vote or hold Oihce. The words in which we are interested are: "That no person shall be allowed to vote or hold office, who is now or hereaf ter may be disqualified therefor by the Constitution of the United States." ]Srow it has lx-en seen that the Constitu? tion of the United States disqualifies no one from suffrage, therefore the State Constitut ion disqualifies none. It follows, therefore, that whatever may be the rule with regard to office, that in relation to suffrage, all male citizens of the United State of age, resident within the State for one year, are entitled to vote, except: (1.) Those kept in any alms house or asylum. (2.) Those of unsound mind. (3.) ThoBo confined in any public pris? on. This it seems to us is the plain aud in? evitable construction of the law. ?Klopstock, the German poet, engraved on the tombstone of his wife two sheaves of wheat, thrown as it were, carelessly together: "We shall ripen in heaven." Mr. and Mrs. Thad. Stevens' unfinished monument bears a similar device, with the words: "We shall bo threshed in he" ?but the sculptor has not left room for "aven," ^ Veto Message. The following message from Governor StiOTT, vetoing the bill to reduce the bonds of certain public officers, was read in the Senate ou Wednesday last: Executive Department, ^ Columbia, August 12, 1808. f Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Sen? ate:?I have the honor to return to the Senate, in which it originated, "An Act to fix the amounts of the official bonds of certain public officers, and to impose pen? alties ou embezzlements*" without my ap? proval, which I am constrained to withhold for the following reasons: The public credit must be guarded at every point. The embarrassments encoun? tered in the inauguration of our new State Government will be best overcome by proceeding in 6nch a manner as to com? mand from the first the confidence of cap? italists in the financial policy of the State. Any measure appearing to countenance a relaxation of'the precautions with which the State guards its funds, will impair the public credit. Such a measure, now tole? rated, would be a blow struct- at the financial standing of the State, at a time when all important considerations demand that it should, be vigilantly and vigorously upheld. To reduce, at this time, the bonds of those to whom the public funds are en? trusted for safe keeping, seems to me dan? gerous to the public credit. Many of the men who have been elected to positions of trust, are new to the public service.? They have not been tried. We believe they are true men. Those who know themr express unqualified confidence in their in? tegrity. But the peculiar circumstances in which they are placed, demand that they should furnish the amplest guarantees of their official reetitude. The ability to do this, is the only sufficient auswerte the often repeated charge that tho party in power has advanced to positions of respon? sibility and trust those who were without respectability and good standing in the community. Were the question of the amount of the bonds to be required of public olfieers a new one, the bill now re? turned might be unobjectionable. But the circumstances must be duly weighed, and it cannot be overlooked that the reduction of these bonds now will be understood and believed to be made to meet individual cases of men who were elected with a full knowledge of the re? quirements of the law. Legislation to meet special cases is always objectionable, and the present is probably a time when more harm will result from such legislation than at any previous moment in our history.? It is not pertinent, however, to inquire par? ticularly what may be the individual char? acter of the officer and olfieers who chanced to be personally interested in securing the proposed reduction. The source of danger is in the principle, and does not rest on personal grounds.? The precedent is had. When once we be? gin to accommodate local requirements to suit special cases, the mischief is done. In the case of some of the officers of Counties, it is understood that a proposi? tion is under consideration to diminish the responsibilty by assigning part of the du? ties to other officers. In cases where the responsihilities may be thus reduced, the reduction of the bond required would not be improper. But, upon a careful consul eration of the whole suhjeet, and with the deepest concern for the interests of tho State, I feel compelled to tlisaj prove the Act to reduce the bonds now required by law of those officers elect,, whose duties and responsibilities remain the same as those of the present incumbents and their predecessors. The sect'on guarding against embezzle ment of the public moneys, meets my un? qualified approval, but I am compelled, for the reasons above given, to disapprove the Act as a whole. ROBERT K. SCOTT, Governor. - A Charge to be Refuted. It is charged, says the Albany Arg US? and the official records of a court of justice are present to support it?that Giant, while in command at the South, and when this Government reserved the right to purchase cotton from the rebels for its own advantage, gave his father the privilege to buy cotton. On this capital tho elder Grant went into a speculation with parties who agreed to furnish money to carry on the trade. Mr. Grant, Sr., was to have one-fourth of the proceeds for his interest in the business. It appears that the mon? eyed partners refused to make good their stipulations, and declined to divide. Mr. Grant entered a suit to compel them to share their ill-gotten gains, but it appears he was turned out of court, under the old law axiom, that he did not come into it with clean hands; in other words, that the privilege his eon secured him was one he had no right to give, aud was, cn its face, illegal and fraudulent. The Brooklyn Eagle suggests that "am? ple time has been given to refute this grave charge, if it be possible to do so. Mo answer is forthcoming. We assure the j Radicals that this accusation cannot be disregarded. No man, we think, will enter the White House as President of the Uni? ted States while under accusation of an offence which in the military service would have been punished by the edict of a drum? head court martial, which in civil life ought to be rewarded by free quarters, not in the White House, but in an edifice of quite a different character. If Grant should be elected President, the party op? posed to him expect to be able to treat him with all the respect and deference due to the occupant of that exalted posi? tion. If the charge made against General Grant cannot be answered in a satisfactory manner, the Radicals owe it to their op? ponents, and certainly owe it to themselves, to substitute, even at this late day, another candidate for the position of Chief Magis? trate of this Republic !" ? A Dutchman relates the following story:?Mine Cot, Hans, you may talk as fon pe a mind about tc hogs peing te con trnriest animal, but te hen is so much more contrary a coot deal. Vy, no longer ago and toder day, I try to make a hen set, I make a nest up coot; poot te hen on, but she no set; I jam her down on te eg?fs, but she vill op right up. Den I make a leetle pox, 'pout so pig von way, (measuring with his hands), and 'pout so pig toder way?den 1 poots te leetle pox over her? and den 1 just takes and raises te pox to see. whether she is setting, and I pe tain if i 1 don't fiat to tarn hen set a standing! > The Kadical Comptroller-General The Columbia Phoenix gives the follow? ing bit of history in the life of Dr. J. L. Neagle, Comptroller-General, so-called,? Such exposures have only one tendency? to commend the individuals exposed to greater laver among the Radicals : Cii.\klotj\e, N. C., Aug. 10, 1868. Dear Sir :?In replying to your favor of the 8th instant, making inquiries in refer? ence to the character of Dr. J. L. Neagle, I will state such facts as I know, of my own personal knowledge, in as brief and concise a manner as possible. In 1854, J. L. Neagle, with several other young men, (including myself), boarded with ll. S. Pharr, Esq., near Harrisburg Depot, Gabarras County, North Carolina, and went to school to Mr. S. Lindsley. Neagle ?vas a beneficiary of Concord Pres? bytery, and was being educated for a nun kiter. The first three or tour month?, his deportment was excellent; he prayed regularly every morning and evening, and observed strictly every Sabbath. In fact, his great object seemed to be to do the Will of Him who said, "Thou shalt not steal." After the time referred to, pocket-books, money, &C, began to disappear. Neagle professed to lose money. Our landlord suspected Xeagle, but no one of the board? ers did. One morning after this, Mr. H. S. Pharr and wife started for Concord, about the same time we started for school. Neagle said that he was sick and remained at home. When we returned from school, we found that Neagle had robbed several of the boarders'trunks and left for parts unknown, lie did not take his trunk with him, but left nothing of value in it. Some time after this, on returning from school, we were surprised to Bud that our landlord had Neagle in duress. Neagle had returned to get his trunk, and our landlord, fortu? nately being at home, persuaded him to remain until we returned from school.? During the evening, J. L. Neagle confessed, voluntarily, in the presence of Messrs. H. S. Phar.-, W. W. Alexander, J. S. David? son, William Davidson and myself, that he committed all the thefts charged against him, demurring only to the charge of Wil? liam Davidson?stating that it was not five dollars and eighty cents that he took troin him, but five dollars and seventy-five cents. Neagle begged us not to expose him, promising that he would replace the cloth? ing, and refund the money as soon as he arrived in Charlotte. He said that he liad credit at Fulling & Townly's clothing store, and had a relative in Charlotte from whom he could get the money. After con su! ta tion, we decided to accept Xeagle's I proposition, and J. S. Davidson and my self were selected to escort him to Charlotte. Un the next day, we took the train for Charlotte. Neagle appeared to be so mor titted, tlint we did nut guard linn closely. Ile succeeded in making his escape from us, and 1 never heard of him agam until the fall of 18(35. Mis history, since that time, I suppose you are familiar with. Very respectfully, S. R ALEXANDER. -o Catgut in* thou own Trap.?It is pro? posed that tl m.-carpet bag legislatures elect the Presidential electors. If they do, thc 14th ameudmeut deprives their respective States of representation in Congress?. In its second section that amendment says of each State that "When the right to vote at. any election for the choice of electors for President and Vice President of thc United States, rep? resentatives in Congress, thc executive and 'judicial officers of a State, or the members of the Legislature thereof is denied to any of thc male inhabitants of such State, being ? twenty-one years of age and citizens of t he United States, or in any way abridged, except for participation in rebellion or other crime, the basis of representation therein shall be reduced in the proportion which thc number of such male citizens shall bear to the whole number of male citizens twenty one years of age in such State." When the right of voting for Presiden? tial electors is denied to all the voters of a State, then the basis of representation in such State must be reduced by the number of all the voters, which is to say that it is to have no basis of representation at all. -A' Y. Herald. How to Make a Popular Paper.?The way to make a popular paper, is to pitch in. But it must be no ordinary, weak, wishy washy pitching in. lt must be a furious, fiery, rearing, tearing, rip-snorting, sky cavorting and earth-bursting pitching in. You must rant, roar, howl, yell, bellow, bawl, and finally blow an awful, uncom? mon, unending and exasperating blast. You must shout, shriek, sneer, snigger, sneeze and eventually snarl. Revile, ca? lumniate, repudiate, excoriate, opprobn ate, castigate and even antedate. Nick name, nastily, knock down, drag out, dig him in the ribs, and hit him in the eye-ball, bim. Grab him, grip him, grin at him, gouge him, grit your teeth at him (whoever he may be), use him, abuse him, and at length do him bad unanimously. Above all, rear, rile, rip, zip, flip, gnash, gash, gander-pull and gradually chaw up, spit out. and stamp him to death. We have failed to do this. Next week we shall open actively and appallingly,? Native Virginian. ? A friend of ours has two boys, aged respectively six and eight years. The younger was partaking lamely of the good things of this life at the dinner table, im? mediately on their return from the Sabbath school on Sunday. The elder, after eyeing his brother for some time, said, "Charlie, if you were to eat much more, and it should ki?l you, you would weigh so much that the angels could not carry yon to heaven." Little six-year old hesitated foi a moment, and then, looking up, replied, "Well, if they couldn't do it alone, God would send Sampson down to help them." Kidney Worms in noos.?ITickory ashes mixed with the food, in as largo quantities as they will consume, till the disease disappears. Pigs should have salt and ashes in their food frequently. Colic m Hoksks.?May be cured by drenching the animal withsaltand water, ' made os strong as possible. It will also j afford relief in cases of bots, j PENDLETON FACTORY. THE WOOL CARDS AT this place are now in complete running order. All the Wool offered will be carded into Rolls of the best quality at short notice, at the following rates for cash: All Wool, Plain and Mixed Rolls, 12k. per lb. Mixed otton and Wool Rolls, 15c. per lb. Bacon, Lard, Corn and Cotton will be taken at market rates in exchange for carding. Wool may be sent to the Factory from any points on the Railroads, through the agents, and the Rolls de? livered by them as soon as the Wool can be cardedl and returned. AN ASSORTMENT OF SITTI1 OF A SUPERIOR QUALITY, Will be kept on hand at the Factory, and custo? mers supplied promptly, at as low figures as the market will justify. Dealers will find it to their interest to give ns a trial before buying elsewhere. Respectfully, WILLIAM PERRY & CO. Proprietors. Oct. 0, 18G7 17?tf Keese & McCully, DEALERS IN' EJBAVY BEY BOOBS, GROCERIES, HARDWARE, Brokers and Commission Merchants, IVO. lO GRANITE ROW, Anderson. G. H., S. G. r April 15, 1868 43 tf SHAliPE & FANT, BROKERS, No. 7 Granite Row, ANDERSON C. S. C. STOCKS, Bonds. Gold and Exchange :n N?w York and Charleston, and uncurrenl Bank Bills bought and sold. State money always on hand for sale. Be* !? pay tour Taxes. Fob 12, 1808 8-f Charleston Hotel, CfflAUZSTOBi S. CS. THE undersigned respectfully informs hi3 friends and the travelling public he has taken charge of the above well-known FIRST CLASS HOTEL, and refurnished aud refitted it, in all its depart? ments. The celebrated ARTESIAN WATER BATHS, HOT. COLD and SHOWER, at all hours. Coaches run to and from all Railroads and Steamers, with attentive Porters. The patronage of the travelling public is respectfully solicited. J. P. HORBACH. AgenV Jan 20.1868 32 Proprietor. PAVILION HOTEL, CHARLESTON. S. C. HOARD, PER DAY, - - - S3.0O Mns. U. L- BCTTELTIELD. A. BUTTEKFIED, Proprietress. Superintendent. March 11, 1868- 88 NICKERSOFS HOTEL, jggy* Passengers convoyed to and from the De? pots, free of charge. T. S. NTCKERSON, Froprietor. Rod't. Hamilton, Sup't. Octl6, 1867 18 ly BENSON HOUSE" ANDERSON, S. O THE undersigned has taken charge of the above well-known Hotel, and is prepared to accommodate the traveling public in the very best style, and on the most reasonable terms. The table will be sup? plied with everything the market affords, and eve? ry attention given to render gaests- comfortable. Stables are attached to the House, and Horse, will be carefully attended to. WM. M. OS BORNE. Jan 25, 18G8 32 tiios. E. GhJEGG. J. botu BRUK80K. cuas. E. gregg. GREGG & CO., Importers and Dealers In CTfrs&rs&Y, (&iLA?s*}y?SE9 Jorner Richardson and Taylor Streets COLUMBIA, S. C. Oct 9,1867 17 TO PLANTERS, MERCHANTS, SPECULATORS. ON and after this day we will be prepared to mak. advances on cotton and all other produce shipped to Geo. W. Williams & Co., Charleston, or Wil? liams, Taylor & Co., New York. Parties wishing advnnoos, will furnish ua the railroad recoipis for the produce shipped. SHARPE & FANT. July 81, 1867 7 E. F. MU1IRA11, Painter, Glazier and Paper Hanger, BEGS to inform his friends and the public gen? erally that he has resumed work, and is prepared! to fill all orders in his line, with promptness and dispatch. He will be found at this place, when not engaged iu the country, and all orders ad? dressed to him at Anderson C. H. will be attended to at once. May 20, 1868 48 3m WHITNER & WHITNER, COUNSELLORS AT LAW. WILL practico in the Courts of Law and Equity in the Western Circuit, the United States Courts for South Carolina, and pay particular attentioa to Bankruptcy. Fob 26, 186S 36