Historical Newspapers of South Carolina

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J?r&on Intelligencer. Wednesday Morning, July 22nd. TOOTHS PEOPLE OF SOUTH CAROLINA. On the 29th of November, 1865, I eu - cered upon the discharge ot* the duties of Chief -Magistrate of South Caroliua, pur iuul to thc provisions of the Constitution il .pted by a Convention in September, This Convention was called by a \ .lamation of Provisional Governor ; n-'v, ha having been appointed to that; position by President Johnson, the July ? .receding. Upou what principle the President de? bared that the Constitution of force at the ..lose of the war was valid, and by virtue jf what authority he could order the for malton of a new Constitution, has not been very well defined. Nevertheless, as we were just emerging irojn a revolution, and as the scheme ot restoration proposed by ?he Piosideut appeared to be liberal and ist, it was accepted by the people of '^outh Carolina, and by no one of har. citi? zens more heartily than by myself. That plan, however, failed ; as indicated by the vote of the people in 1S06. A new one was adopted by Congress, and the ques? tion presented to the then existiug Execu , e of the Southern States was whether . v ould advise it* acceptance or rejec ;.-Irised its acceptance. My offi ~ i :ns having now terminated, I ( the present a proper occasion to briefly tv. sew what hus been done in the State during my administration-to pre? sent some of the reasons which have in? fluenced my official action, and to express tba opinions entertained by me as to the pro ?er line of policy in the future. util the General Assembly in Novein . 1S05, the State had been for many iths entirely under the jurisdiction of ?vost courts and military commissions. K o civil court Jiad met to administer law or justice in South Cardinia for more than twelve months preceding. Outlaws abounded in many localities ; depredations were of daily occurrence, and desperadoes roamed over the land defying the military . and outraging the persons and property of citizens. It was not until the succeeding Spring that the judges resumed their places upon the bench, courts wer? held, criminals brought to trial and punishment, and civil law, to a certain extent, was re? stored. Citizens then became more as? sured of protection and the prospect of material progress and improvement hourly brightened. The public institutions were revived. The South Carolina College was converted into a University, re-organized and placed in successful operation. The Asylum for the Deaf and Dumb and the Blind, was re-opened and continued in op? eration until the exhaustion of the fund appropriated by the Legislature. 'A peni? tentiary was ordered to bo established, aud rapid progress has been made in its construction. A large number of convicts are already incarcerated. in the prison, earning their subsistente and relieving the State from tho expense of maintaining them in idleness in the jails. The new State House has been enclosed and cover? ed, thus protecting a structure, which has cost an immense sum o? money, from fur? ther deterioration and decay. Court houses havo been placed in proper repair, or new ones erected, and the jails destroy? ed by lires have been rebuilt. The Libra? ry of the Court of Appeals, together with the Legislative Library, which were de? ployed by the conflagration of February, ' are ag^in tilling np with those voi? les so essential to the judge and Iegisla .?I tiie performance of their duties, tho . .cautives of the various States of the :;i iiaviug generously responded to the s - i test that they would furnish duplicate ^ies of such books as could be couveui - :itly spared from their respective coilec icns. Tho ?xocutive Departments have .?.een thoroughly reorganized, and are in -scoessful operation, and the records and archives of the State which were uot de? stroyed by fire or lost by the casualities of war, have been re-arranged for the pub? lic convenience. Artificial legs have been furnished to nearly all of the citi/.eus of South Carolina who lost their limbs du r: ig the war. AH the important railroads il thc State which were torn up aud de? stroyed towards the close of tho war have been repaired, and tho lines are now in successful opperation and prepared to fa? cilitate the commercial intercourse of the j;* --ri?>r with the seaboard, the North, and iv - ? foreign nations. Repeated re mon? tis made against the illegal and op : ; ?.. conduct of Treasury agents have set red restitution of much property bolos ging to the citizens which had been .i/e .-, 03t< nsibly, for the use of tiie Gov? ernment, md tia; obnoxious parties were recalled ur dismissed. During the year and up to April, 1 St?7, there was lit? tle o.* oo interference by the military au? thorities with, the civil administration of justice in this State. In cons?quence of t : failure ol the provision crop of 18G0 . (peals were addressed to every section r,ha North and West tor corn "and other provisions to supply the destitute, who .vero numbered by thousands! These ap? peals were generously responded to, and through this Department a large quantity of corn and bacon was distributed during tho Spring and Summer of 1S?7, thereby alHeviating the sufferings of a multitude, many of whom would probably have starved but for these generous donations. A bureau of emigration has boen organ? ized and agents sent abroad, with the .dev/ of inviting portions of the teeming population of the Old World to seek homes on the*generous and inviting soil of South. Carolina. The merchant has replen? ished his vacant storehouse, the mechanic his machino shop, tho planter and larmer, notwithstanding past disappointments, are hopeful and industrious ; and a vigorous edbrt is being made by all classes to re? pair the disasters of a bloody and unsuc? cessful war. Taxes sufficient to defray tho ordinary and extraordinary expenses of thc State! government have been paid. No combi? nations have existed to defeat by violence, tho laws of the laud ; and no riot between tho white and colored races has marred t' "s peace and good order which has pre , vailed in South Carolina since tho cessa sion of hostilities. Indeed, a degree of tranquility has marked ont the career which may proudly challenge comparison not only with any of the late Confederate States, but with any State in the Unioi Within one .year after the abolition < .slavery the Legislature of our State vo I untarily passed a "Civil Rights Bill, j which secured to the colored man all tl: rights enjoyed by any citizen-allowin him to sue and be sued, and to give -ev dence in all cases. The traditional preji dice brought from the mother couutr which had been nourished for ages/again s permitting any party in interest to giv evidence in any cause, civil or crimina was broken down ; and the law now ii vites testimouy from every source whic is calculated to evolve the whole trull leaving it to jurors and judges to detern iue what credence shall be given thereti From tune to time measures for the r< lief of the people who were suffering fror the pressure of a large ante-war indebtec ness were recommended by me to the LOL islature, but that body, in its wisdom, di not think it proper to adopt these suggc: tions. A liberal homestead law, the abc litiou of imprisonment for debt, and th passage of an insolvent law which woul wipe out all indebtedness on the surrendei "by the debtor, of his property, have bec earnestly urged by me during my admir istration, but whi?e failing in the Genen: Assembly to compass these most desirabl ends, I am gratified to know that sue measures have been embodied in the ne\ Constitution. It would also have been wise to incoi porate in that instrument a provision fo the scaling of debts contracted prior t and during the ?var down to the basis o the existing wealth and resources of th country. Ko one will question that th war destroyed more than one-half of th value of property in the South, and sine its close various causes have produced depreciation of one-half of tho rem'aiuin] half, so that the wealth of the State i really reduced to one-fourth of its valu prior to the war. Now, if an individua chanced, at the commencement of th struggle, to have his estate invested ii loans on bonds and mortgages, there cei tainly eau be no justice or propriety ii permitting him to recover the fullamoun j of his property, dollar for dollar, whei the very property upon which the credi was given has perished in the hands of th debtor, not by his own act but by the ac of the Government and the casualities o war for which the -lender and borro we are equally responsible. There is no jus tice, equity or morality which would re quire that the note or bondholder prior t< the war, should not suffer at least pro rati with the debtor whose property was ruin ed by the calamities and disasters of th? samo period. The present is also a fitting opportnni ty for a brief review of my course sinct the passage of the Reconstruction Acts o Congress, and of the reasons influencing my .conduct with reference to them-tin same not having before been presented. In January, 18G7, at the instance of sev eral of the leading citizens of tho Slate, ] visited Washiugton. and after a full cou ference with leading Senators and Repre seutatives of the Republican party, be .came satisfied that under no circumstance: would they recognize the President's plai of restoration ; and that in the plan whicl Congress inteuded to adopt, the alterna tive presented was either qualified or uni versal suffrage to the colored race. Ii view ol this fact, the text of a constitu tional amendment was prepared by seve ral leading Southern statesmen then ir Washington, approved by many Rcpubli cans, and submitted to the Legislature 01 North Carolina in thc hope that that body would accept tho same, and request Con gress to adopt it in lieu of the fourteenth article, or Howard amendment. It, how? ever, iailed in the North Carolina Legis lature. On ray return to the City of Char? leston, early in February, in an address1 delivered to the colored people of the city, I statad that I was in favour of admitting the colored man to the right of suffrage who was able to read and write, or who possessed property to the value of $250. Early in March, thc first reconstruction act of Congress was passed, and on the 22d of the same month it was followed by a supplemental act, giving to the colored race universal suffrage, and dividing the ! ten Southern States into five military dis? tricts. These governments, which had been brought into existence by the plan of the President, were declared to be on j ly provisional. The District Commanders were vested with such absolute powers as made the civil authority subservient to, and dependent upon, the military. In April following, in an address made before the Charleston Board of Trade, among other things, I said: "The vital question now presented to tiie people of South Car? lina, as well as to the people of the South? ern States, is whether we shall accept the teims of these bills and endeavor earnest? ly and in good faith to carry ont their provisions, or loki our arms in silence, apathy, indifference and contempt, and de? termined to take no step." Again: "While the constitutional amendment was pro? posed to South Carolina as a State, and our own volition in that capacity could bo exercised, I opposed its adoption ; but the ?ict of Congress, recently passed, has assumed that this country is a conquered territory and wc a conquered people, and consqucntly that that body has a ri^ht to dictate terms. Tho power undoubtedly exists in that body to dictate those terms; it is secura for the next two years; and when they place themselves squarely and broadly upon that platform, I for one do not propose to go to the Supr?me cour: or anywhere else for the purpose of disputing that, power; but in good lilith, 1 will ac? cept the terms, humiliating as they may be, aud openly, fairly and honestly niue their adoption before our people." A cain I remarked: "I would, therefore, say to every man in South Carolina who has not been disfranchised, that as soon as the proper order has boen issued, he should proceed to register his name, and go to the polls to vote for thc best niau" who can be selected to form a constitution un? der which we and our posterity can live.'' Congress had taken* the position that the right belonged to that body, rather j than to the President, to lix thoconditiohs ; upon which the Southern States should be ; readmitted to the Union. Hence the pertinacity with which they adhered to I thc Constitutional plan, ' and hence ' the passage of the act of July, imposing j I still more stringent conditions than existed : in thc preceding law. Hence, a'so, the long, angry and unfortunate controversy i between tho President and Congress-a i quarrel in which Ave have been tho suffer ers. For three long years, readrai: into tho Union and the right of repr tation has been denied us, and Corn, having the power to enforce their vi and the President being impotent to cute his own plan, was it not wise foi South to accept that which- promised speediest restoration to a repr?sentatif Congress? Although many of our zens were disfranchised, a sufficient nur still were entitled to go to the ballot and being eligible to official position, could have controlled the convention; intelligence and virtue, and moulded Btitutions in all of the Southern State der which both races might have live harmony. I was satisfied that our rr rial prosperity, the development of resources and the restoration of confu? and credit, could not be secured until political issues involved in the questio reconstruction were settled, and the resentatives of the South on the floo Congress could make known her w and protest against her wrongs. Our ital had been swept away by hundred millions: a large number of our yo men-the flower of tho population been killed in thc war; and industrial ployments were either crippled or bro np, and the wide spread ruin could c be repaired by inducing capitalists f the North and from Europe to locat< our midst, and bring with them their i sans, merchants, mechanics, ship-build and others whose labor is wealth itsel The struggle which impoverished us in t he North rich ; aud since the formal of the Government capital has never b so abundant or so ready to embark m : investments. Yet, for three long ye, both capital and emigrants have been terred from seeking a resting place in South. Parlizans, using a partizan pi for partizan purposes, have represented South as being still in a condition of qi rebellion. Life has been declared to insecure and property uncertain. It y said that Northern men who had the I merity to seek homes in the South, w set upon by ruthless mobt and murder Every species of enormity were attribu to tho Southern people to subserve poi cal and partisan ends. The effect of si misrepresentations upon us has been m disastrous. A few tourists have come the State-a few adventurers looking political promotion have rested here; 1 a comparatively small number lu brought their capital and located with bona fide purpose of identifying th? selves with the State and aiding her peo to rebuild their broken fortunes. The ; predation in Ihe value of thc stocks :i bonds of the State within a few mon pa.*t, furnish conclusive evidence of t correctness of the opinion that Nortlu ?capital would not be trusted in-the Sot until representation in Congress was c< suinmaled. In January last, South Ca Ima State stocks and bonds were selli at twenty two and twenty five cents the dollar. Now, with restoration sured, they are worth from sixty two sixty six cents on the dollar. lu t Spring and Summer of 1807, money rei ily commanded from two and a half three per cent per month. In the sat market, it is now readily borrowed at frc three quarters to one per cent, per mom Objectionable as the reconstruct! Acts, or tiie new constitutions, or t privilege of universal suffrage to the ci outed race, may have been, was it not t part of wisdom, looking at tho cotiditii of affairs in the material sense to which have referred, and to "ihe fact that ti domination of the bayonet could not i superseded by thc judge and the jury-bo lo have accepted these obnoxious mer tires, controlled as far as possible the co volitions, secured the best constitution gained readmission into the Federal cou cils, and trusted to the future to corre such errors, remove such burdens and r b?ke such tyrannny as made odious eitlu the Acts of Congress or thc constitutioi or legislation of the States? Being myself firmly convinced of tl prudence of such a policy. I enunciate the sentiments before the Board of Traci already quoted; and as far as possible, have co-operated in good faith with til military authorities in carrying ont th laws bf Congress and promoting peac and order among the people. Whatevc ruay be my individual opinion as to thei constitutionality, it was my duty to r< cognize their validity until pronounced III constitutional by the Supremo Court c the United States. When the election occurred for mem hers of the State Convention, the whit population of South Carolina, by their ac lion at least, seemed to have adopted opin ions adverse to those which I have ex pressed. Very few lepaired to thc poll to vote for delegates to that body. Then appeared to be a ?tange delusion perva ding tho public mind, that the Convontioi would not meet, or, if it did meet, that it; action would be nugatory. It is, perhaps the lirst instance in the history of a free intelligent people whore the ballot having been given to them they have refused it.' exercise and abdicated tho power, thc rights and privileges which their intelli? gence, experience and wealth would have enabled them to wield successfully. They ignored their opportunity, and surrender? ed to strangers, and to the colored people almost exclusive, thc selection of delegates to t ho Convention. If, therefore, the con? stitution framed is obnoxious, very many of the intelligent white voters of the State must feel that the fault is their own. Their action, perhaps, has been wiser than my advice. Time alone must decide. As has been stated, in February, 1807, I .avowed myself favorable to the idea ol conferring qualified sugragc upon thc col? ored race. It was manifest that to that extent, at least, suffrage would be en? forced. Hut a higher motive moved me to make the enunciation. The colored population in South Caroli? na outnumbered the whites by 120,000. Many of thc colored men had enjoyed some educational advantages, and others hail accumulated property. In making laws which were to operate upon this en? tire class as well as upon the whites-laws affecting lite life, liberty, property and pursuit of happiness of so considerable a majority of the population-was it just or right that this class should be excluded from any voice in choosing the represent a? tives to enact those laws V Would they have patiently and tamely submitted to a system of laws which they had no agency in making; or to taxation without repre? sentation? il there had been no open combinations to resist and defeat such le islation, could secret societies, cous cies, perjuries and assassinations 1 been prevented ? Would a single ind: ual of that class-be bis intelligence virtue what it may-have liad any ind ment to co-operate in the enforcemoii laws thus passed ? j These views which were regarded 1 so much odium only a brief year when I was frank enough to make t i public, are now accepted by large ant spectable organizations ot the white pie ia every section of the State, and that basis earnest, efforts are being n: to obtain the support of the colored r Looking even to the interest of race, Congress in, my judgment, c ted a grievous mistake in bestowing u it univeral suffrage. It may secure at porary party triumph, but it will ine\ bly lay thc foundation of a corrupt < ernment-of corruption among voters conniption among legislatorsand mini rial officers. Can it be expected that wholesome 1; will emanate from legislators whose t stiueuts may be ignorant and vicious Again, where the large majority of vol are ignorant, do they thus become the struments ot corrupt men, in elevating power those who arc utterly unworthy their suffrage ? How can a voter, wii mind ia unenlightened by experience intelligence, protect himself from fra m imposition-unable, as he will bo, to criminate between that which is upri and that which is depraved? Universal suffrage is an evil which been appreciated tor many yeal s ; and evil results from the fact that the ignor voter enables the corrupt aspirant oflice by bribery, persuasion or import i ty to foist himself into position, and tl protect himself in his tenure by means once illegitimate and dishonorable. Il for this reason that universal suffrage been repudiated in several of the JS'OI ern States. To confer tho right, therefore, upon colored people of the South-the uiaji .ty of whom have just emerged from ac dition of slavery, and who have not inl ligence to exercise the privilege, is a tv rc done to society and to the colored ir himself, which must retard thecivihzat of this section for many years to come It has, however, been imposed upon t South, and in my judgment thc evil v not be ameliorated except through < own exertions, aided by the efforts a influences of tho moro intelligent of t colored race. It is very apparent that the Republic party, so long as they may retain pow will adhere to universal suffrage. W their plan of restoration carried iutoeffi as it has been, the Republican party t now willing to leave the question of s frage to the States themselves, their pt j cy having placed the party in power; a it is vain to expect any restriction wh they remain in power, It is equally ii to anticipate relief from the Democra: party. The Republicans will have t undisputed control of the government r the 4th of March, IStiS. liven thong}) t Democrats succeed in the Fall ??lectiot and secure their President, aud the lion of Representatives, there will still be Republican majority of more than tv thirds in the Senate, and thai majori must continue if the present party div ions are maintained, until t he 4t h of Marc 1870. Assuming, therefore, that all tl intermediate elections shall be favorub to the Democratic party, not until the 41 March, 1871, can they obtain control the legislative and executive departmen of the Government; and not until the whatever may bu their disposition, wi they possess the strength necessary I limit this right ol suffrage. When i power, however, how are they to procer in removing thc evil-what remedy ca they apply ? Will they repeal the Recoi struction acts of 1807 ? The Convention in N"cw York has avov ed the doctrine that the right of regulatin suffrage belongs exclusively to the State Upon that i^sue, mainly within the la; six months, the party have achieved thei success over the Republicans in the Non and West. In 1871, the Southern State government will have been in operation utidor tites I Acts for three years, and, to a certain e.> I tout, society will have adapted itself t. their laws and requirements. Should th Democrats, under these circumstances, rt peal the Reconstruction Acts, or shouli the Supreme Court pronounce them un constitutional and declare the State organ izations then existing void, we shall 1? left in a Condition of anarchy. Ifj on tin other hand, they declare t hem to be simpb provisional, what authority will then de termino the question of suffrage? Tin theory of thc Democratic parly will bi that the Slates themselves must do so. Will the party in direct opposition to tba theory, when they pass new Reconstruc? tion Acts, ignore tho Southern Conslitu tions of 1.SU8, and by their act dec?an against the suffrage of the colored man either universal or qualified? Will HOI such action upon their part bc directly ii antagonism to their professed principles and their legislation he following directly in the footsteps of the Republicans whom they censure so gravely for regulating sui' frage in the StatesV Should the Supreme Court declare the Acts unconstitutional, and thc State gov? ernment void, what government will be in existence ? Can anarchy then be avoided without the intervention of Congress, and an invasion of the right of the Slate to regulate this question ? Will the Consti? tutions of 1 siiii, or 180?, be declared in force; and will the officers in office, when those Constitutions were superseded in 11808, be reinstated? If so, which set of officers? 'flic terms of all of them have expired. How will elections be ordered to lill their vacancies ? I Upon neither of the foregoing theories can the right of suffrage in thc States be regulated otherwise than by Congress. Does any reflecting man believe for a mo? ment, that Congress, in 1871, will remit these States to a territorial and chaotic condition, and require us lo go through a new process of rest oral ion. The Southern people need liol delude themselves with false expectations. When thc time arrives, if the Democratic j.art y are in power, and the regulations of suffrage in the Stales is the recognized principie, depend upon it, tho $tilt'i qvo then existing will not ho dis? turbed by Congress. What, then, are we lo rely upon to re? lieve the body politic from the serious in? jury which is to result from thc continu-, ance of universal suffrage, with BO ni ig ii o ru nee prevailing among the voters, my judgment, the remedy is exelush with ourselves. It will prove iiluson rely upon help emanating from any ot source. Intelligence and wealth have h tofore, in all sections of the Union, soc or later, controlled the votes of the h: rant and dependent, and in time the S? result will fellow. That tho colored vote should have [tained the Republican party, in the rec elections, is not surprising, especially w it is remembered that the party was sc ?Ced by t he organization ot'another pa i whose principles, as avowed, looked the repudiation, or at least to the ab?? ment of the elective franchise, which C gress has granted to the colored mar When he was called upon lo cast his bal and the issue presented was to sustain party which had first proclaimed his ll dom, enacted thc Freedman's Bureau ; i Civil Rights bill, which had extended ? him the riglit of universal suffrage, i was then struggling to maintain its e tence against the party, which in Congi and elsewhere had opposed all th privileges-when to vote in opposition Republican ideas, was to voluntarily noonee the elective franchise so mi esteemed as a public hoon-it was not all surprising that the ballot of the colo man was cast, nearly as a unit, against advice and influence of the great major of the white, population of the Soutin States. When this question of suffrage settled, he wi!! learn that his best frier and safest advisers, are those with wh from childhood lie has been associated the various relations of life. Many of I colored people will soon begin to acqti property, and they will at once appreci; the identity of political and personal mt est between themselves and the while ra This interest, combined with a disappc ance of that prejudice and distrust whi now exists, will, if they arc kindly a fairly treated, induce them heartily to i operate with the "whites, in imposing sn restrictions upon the right of suffrage, will secure society against tumult, disi der and vicious legislation. To tho win and to the intelligent colored man aloi therefore, and to no external power dc look for a limitation of the right of sn If raj and its establishment upon the basis of educational property qualification. Shot: they fail, however, they will control a direct the vote of the ignorant, and th exert a conservative influence upon t welfare of the Stale. Thc- evils of universal suffrage, whi have already largely developed themsel v< will in a few months teach the color race the most instructive lessons,especial in'those Districts in which they have majority. The ambition of adventurers t heir own race, and the love of uotorie possessed hy many natives, have indue large numbers of them to become cam dates for offices, legislative, ministerial ai judicial. W hen called upon to perform t various duties of these offices, it will found that their lack ol education, inform lion, experience and training will utter disqualify them from holding positions responsible. As a consequence, the connti will be overrun with inefficient and incoi petent officers, and the public iuterestni the peace of society will alike !>e jeopar ?zed by their incapacity. The tneritorioi and intelligent of the colored popnlatio whose interests are identified with tho; of the white race, will themselves snc appreciate these tacts, and realize the grav mistake that has been made in elevating t position a class of persons unfitted thereto They will likewise perceive that the ev can only bc corrected by restricting tl; privilege of thc ballot box to those wh have intelligence sufficient to enable thei to judge of the lil ness and capacity ( those who may aspire to represent them Hence this das.-; will be prepared to unit cheerfully with the while race ?ti imposin the restriction which experience will dt tnonstrate to be necessary. A corrupt magistrate, or an ignoran constable, has il. in his power sorely t annoy and oppress the poor-those whos contracts are limited to small sums, au upon whom mainly the jurisdiction of ofl cers of this grade, will be exercised. A incompetent sheriff involves his sureties i ruin, entails loss upon parties who liav executions in his hands, amt harasses rh public by an ineificient discharge of hi duties. The same remark applies to al other officers. Experience has demon stratetl that lhere can be no greater enrsi inflict eil upon a community than ittcompe tent officials, to whom is entrusted tlx expounding and enforcement of the law ami the preservation of peace. Tiie firs and heaviest sufferers under the existiiti condition of affaiis are likely to be tin colored people themselves. The Reconstruction acts have given t( the liv?: Military Commanders almost ab solute power in the Southern States, 'flu power to enact laws by order, to remov? all classes of officers, and to appoint others unquestionably constituted the militan superior to civil authority. In performing the duties of the Executive of the State therefore, 1 have sought to avoid collisioi with this assumed superior power, am! thereby secure thc least interference willi the civil administration of the government. I have invited no controversy and pro voked no antagonism, and it is my duty and pleasure lo say that, in the main, the military have rarely interfered with the ollicers of the State in the performance ol their duties. The present Military Com? mander has rarely interfered with the ad? ministrai iou of the criminal law, and where aplic?is have been addressed to him to interpose his authority, he has invariably referred them t<> me for final d?cision. The Judges of the Court of Appeals, the Circuit Judges, (wit ii a single exception,) and all lite Chancellors concurring in thc views above expressed, have yielded obedience to such military orders as have been issued, and a similar spirit of co-operation has been exhibited bv all other executive, judicial and ministerial officers. This course, in my judgment, has been eminently wise. It* has .secured the retention of the officers elected by the people themselves, and the execution and enforcement of their own laws. If obedi? ence had been refused by any department, t here can be no doubt that removals would have taken place, and strangers appointed to till the vacancies. Every officer in the State, who could conscientiously carry out the military orders, has rendered an essential service to tho people in that ho has relieved the citizen from what, in all probability, would have boen a much more rigorous and oppressive adniinisl tion of military law in case of the exhi tion of any contumacy. In adopting this general line of poli endeavoring to carry out in good faith i provisions of thc reconstruction acts, I \ satisfied that the citizen would be bet protected in person and property thai the civil structure was overturned, a j in lieu of it an exclusively military g f eminent was established. I have foi j the military at all times ready to j operate, cheerfully and efficiently, w the civil authority, whenever they lu been called upon so to do ; and the cou of conciliation pursued has often enab me to intervene, for the benefit of 1 citizen, in whose case the rigor of militi authority might have been oppressive By this course of conciliation, I have ht enabled to effect modifications of militi orders that might have borne lieav upon communities. By this course conciliation, the taxes imposed by t military have not only been materia reduced, but levied upon a more equital and acceptable basis than heretofore. ] this course of conciliation, I have bc enabled to secure the usual support 1 the public institutions, and they have be fostered ami encouraged. Public impro1 ments have not been arrested, but push forward to a state of completion. Ai finally, harmony and peace have been p served, and the great interest's of t commonwealth been promoted, so that t people of the State have not material experienced the usual inconveniences military rule. And I now repeat, wh has already been stated, namely, that z peace of society, the liberty of the citizt the protection of person and property, t usual avocations and employments of t citizen, and the regular administration justice, have been interfered with ai obstructed as little in South Carolina as any other of the ten States under milita rule. ., The Executive might have resigned, have refused to recognize the Acts Congress, and the military orders, ai have been removed. The Judges of tl Courts of Appeal, of the Circuit Couri and of the Court of Chancery, Distri ofh'cers, tax collectors, magistrates, ar others, might have adopted a similar polic But what would have been the result? Their places would have been filled I strangers, having neither interest u< sympathy with our population ; or the: would have beer, established an absolu military government with bayonet? ai provost courts to enforce military law, 1 afford the protection demanded by tl various classes in the community. It ma be, that those holding official position i South Carolina, who have adopted tl course which has been pursued, ha ve acte unwisely; but it is doubtful whether conscientious man can be found, within tl: limits of the State, who will not adm that, by this policy, the citizen has bee protected from the arbitrary oppressioi of the bayonet power, lt remains for th people to say \\ bother their executive judicial and ministerial officers lune no; under ali the circumstances, acted in ac? cordance with the dictates ol'wisdom, an patriotism, aud pursued the only polio which could secure the peace and prospei itv of the State. My successor. Governor Ii. K. Scott has neen inaugurated. His address am me.s>age are before you. The principle and purposes winch he avows, with relej ? euee to the policy ami interest of the State j are wise and patriotic, and I respectfull] invite the people to give his administrate a full and fair trial, before they detcrmiui upon its condemnation. However much a; an individual, he may differ in pol?tica opinion with the majority of the \\hh< citizens who represent the wealth anc intelligence of South Carolina, I believed to be his aim and object, as the Executive of the State, to develop in the largesi degree her material prosperity. In this undertaking bc should receive the co-oper atiou of every class of the community and au encouragement which will stimilatc him to such exertions as will not only command the praise of men, but obliterate thc memory of the wrongs and prejudices of the past. A few words personal to myself, and I am done. Twenty four years ago I entered I he service of t he. people ol" Sont h Caroliua: During t'nis period, which has embraced the prime of my life, 1 have lilied, with a brief respite, many of the most honorable and responsible positions in the State and General Government. I may have com? mitted grave errors of judgment ; but in every sphere in which I have acted,it has been my aim to protect and promote-the interests of the people of South Carolina, lu common with all public men, my mo? tives have been impunged and my actions' misrepresented. Harsh and unjust eviti cism has often followed the most earnest efforts to accomplish good; but I have lived long enough to be rewarded by the success of many measures and opinions, which have outlived tiie censure bestowed upon them and their author. While some have .shown an antagonism which was undeserved, I have received sympathy and support from many kind friends, who in the darkest moments, have never relaxed their confidence in the earnestness and honestv of purpose with which 1 have sought"to administer public affairs. Especially during t he last three years, in which 1 have acted as the Governor of South Carolina, under embarrassments un? known to any of my predecessors, I have encountered prejudices, whose bitterness time alone can assuage, and whose injustice time alone will obliterate. Conscious, however, of a rectitude of purpose, feeling that Providence had placed me in a posi? tion which would enable me to serve the' people of South Carolina, and perhaps spare thom tho inflict ion of many of tho evils incident to absolute military authori? ty, I have pursued my convictions, regard? less of thc threats of enemies or the im? portunities of friends. My work lins been accomplished. The State has passed into the cort roi of those authorized to govern it by the supreme law of the land : and nothing is left to nu? now, but to invoke" thc blessings of Hea ven upon this shatter-' ed and stricken commonwealth. To the people of South Carolina, for their oft-repented evidences of confidence and support, I tender my heartfelt thanks, and bid them farewell. JAMES L. ORR. COLUMWA, July 10, lb68. --- Commodore James F. Miller, forty two years in service, is dead.