Historical Newspapers of South Carolina

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An Independent Family Journal?Peyoted to Politics, Literature and General Intelligence VOL. 3. ANDERSON, S. G., WEDNESDAY, MAT 20, 1868. NO. 48. BY EOYT?&:"v7ALTERS. . TERMS: SWO BOIIABS* AIO); A HAU" AinnrM, ik ???srss?ir states ccebexct. -- 'KATES OF ADVERTISING. Adver?isemcntgiris?rted at th? rates of One Dol ?>\ ?isr per square of twelve lines for the first insertion and Fifty* Cents for each, subsequent,insertion. ' Liberal deductions_mad? to those who advertise by the year. " For announcing a candidate, Five Dollars. ^C??n advance. ,. , . . -= From the London Times, April 23. ? Impeacljoient from an English : J: 3?omf pf View, The great state -trial of the New World |p?8:rapidly;approaching its close, and any Lour may now bring us intelligence of the ? judgment pronounced upon Andrew Jobn fion:-by.3h07American Senate/ It is a .^fcteange??'nd* of Vmfgjity conflict?a sin ^guler example of political bathos. The most gigantic, costly, -and-,sanguinary Straggle ever known .has dwindled into a prosecution, of which we, in this country, can only think that it need never "have ? 'been instituted at all. Whether the President of the Republic, did or did not : commit the offences imputed to him is a question which it really seems hardly ne? cessary to" entertain, so plain* does the conclusion appear, according to English - opinions, that these offences were not such as should have put him upon his trial.' ' The whole charge against President Johnson amounts to little more than this ?that he placed ,himself in opposition to Congress. The Executive'and the Legis ~ lature bavo -been for some -time at vari - ance, but thatis a misfortune which might occur at any time. The Constitution . gave powers ip Congress and powers to the Pr?sident, and ii was always possible that these authorities might differ in opinion. No doubt such an antagonism might be carried by a President to such a ; point, and be supported by such measures ?as Would justify an impeachment, but it seomsiirapossi ble to regard in such a light as this any of the proceedings ascribed to Mr. Johnson. That he did not sympathize with the view's of Congress is, of course, notorious, but in -America opinions are surely free ; that he spoke without much respect of Congress may be admitted, but in America speech is very free, indeed. Wo know of nothing said by the Presi? dent on this subject which might not have -been said of Parliament or Ministe-s here withont creating more than a passing re? mark, and certainly members of" Congress have spoken as hardly of Andrew John? son as ever he spoke of them. There was a political feud between the parties, and ..; ?party feeling ran high j butas things go %i?i?America, and, indeed, in all free coun? tries, it seems out.of all measure to make angry words the; groand^of a solemn im poachmcrt. ? -V-'-r The legal aspect of the ?ase "-may be a 'fair question for American lawyers to de? termine, but even on this point there gp pears, at any rate, tts much to be sajiT for tire President as should havo saved Bim ; from this prosecution. A law was passed hr Congress;avowedly in prejudice of Air. Johnson's authority, to the effect, that it .should not be competent to the President to remove from office certain Minis? ters of Stato. This law was 'designed cx -, pressly to bridle Air. Johnson, and pre? vent nim from dismissing any member of i the Cabinet whose sympathies might be rather with Congress than with the Presi? dent. Mr. Stanton, Minister of War, had been appointed to his place bj- Mr. Lin? coln, and Mr. Lincoln could at any time "have removed him. Congress desired that President Jobnson-should not possess this power over-one of its allies, and therefore passed"'the bill which rendered the tenure of the office in question independent of tho President's pleasure. This measure was notoriously* directed against Mr. Johnson personally, insomuch that evi? dence was offered during the trial, but re ' lajsed by tho Senate, to the effect that the whole Cabinet, including Mr. Stanton himself-advised the President to put his "Veto upon it. It passed, however, and became law, but there was obviously a .. question whether the act could have mich a. retrospective operation as tb, affect the tenure of an office conferred by-a former President under different conditions. Mr. ' Johnson considered that it could not, and he proceeded at a later period to remove Mr,7rStanion ? upon the ground that tho office, as he held it, was tenable only dur i rig the Presiden fa pleasure." "It seecms to us impossible to maintain that this pro? ceeding,-whether actually a breach of the law 'or not, was such a breach as to require or justify an impeachment. There was certainly sufficient doubt about tho effect of the bill to give Mr. Johnson some ex? cuse in thinking himself at liberty ; and ' lhere are, moreover, other circumstances telling strongly in his favor. It was stated in his defence^.that. in the opinion he'fermedjapon this case he had the con? currence and support of his constitutional" advisers} and it is of still greaterimpor tanc? to. observe, what has been openly alleged for. him, arid never contradicted, that his sole object in dealing as he did -with Mr. Stanton wa? to obtain a case ?which might go beforo ile Supreme Court, and there be decided according to constitutional law. In the face of those considerations, it seems to us impossible to regard-tbe Prosident'a act in removing the Minister of War as constituting such a high crime and misdemeanor as would call for his indictment and trial before tho country. The impeachment of the Chief Magis? trate of a nation is an act of extreme gravity, to be justified only by overpow? ering considerations of publio welfare. We fail to discern anything resembling such justification in tho case before us. It appears to ns only an unmeasured cx gression of party feeling. A Republican bngress has been impatient of a Demo? cratic President, and that is all. It ia certainly possible that a majority of the Senate may rule conscientiously as well as rightly, that Mr. Johnson's attempt to; dismiss Mr. Stanton was a'violation of law, but it will not be held in Europe, and: wo should think it would not be held in America, that the act waa such a viola? tion of law as to demand these extreme1 proceedings. ? Il will bo far easier to rule that tho President has occasionally been 1 indiscreet of speech; but this, too, give very little support to the eas impeachment. Nobody can deny Mr. Johnson's conduct has fallen she the dignity of his place, but wo, are b to add that, upon the whole, it has as becoming and as politic as those placed him in office by their votes' entitled to anticipate. Taking his of career from first'to last, he has certf exceeded the expectations which 1 formed of him.- It is not for us to beg question-:by deciding,Jbetween tho ch of Eepublican and Democratic princi but cvon if it be assumed that the pc pursued by Congress was right, and advocated by the President wrong, t was no reason on this ground for put the President on his trial. Congress its own way, though with a little opj tion. It was thwarted, but it could be controlled. The President, as a i ter of fact, did not succeed in remoT Mr. Stanton, nor could lie enforce his< views on tho reconstruction of the So It cannot be pleaded that there was necessity for depriving him of the po to db evil. Ho vetoed the- measuree Congress, but Coagress.passed thein a| over his veto, and the actnal.policy ol United States was not Democratic, Republican. Congress had the up hand, and might have been content v its power. . It would be better, of cou that the Executive and Legislature she be in harmony with each other, inst of contending in daily conflict, but s differences are the natural incidents political freedom. An Episode in the History of G B?tleu.?When in New Orleans Bul was jwssing, at the head of some troc the residence of a very respectable yoe lady, who, with some hid}" friends, w enjoying the cool air ol'the balcony. T young lady, whose name wo omit foi reason that wilt-soon appear, was one those impulsive, light-hearted.joyous er tures, whose life is made up ot smiles a n?orc demonstra ti vc outbursts of joy, J as Butler himself was opposite, some mark was mado, or something visiblo the eye ot a mirth provoking charact caused her to .break out in a ringing lau? Butler stopped short his horse, and loc ing up said, in his rough and rcpulsi style : "What are you laughingat '(" Si prised at the qncetion, and insulted b}T t manner in which it wa** asked, the you lady instantly ceased lier laugh,-but mn tio response. Butler turned away, h had proceeded but a short distance, wh the same clear ringing- laugh again ni his ear, and turning again, ho with .st more brutal insolence demanded : "Vom woman, what are you laughing at ?" There was no mistaking his meaning ll lime, and tho hot blood of the sum Sou til flushed to tho cheek of the maidi as she scornfully replied, "None ol' yo business, sir." Butler, with a threalcuii gesture, but without reply, rode own An hour or two after this a file of goldie appeared at the residence of thc 3*0111 lady with an order for her airest. SI was torn from tho bosom ol' her lamil taken to the military prison or guai house, and there kept confined until tl men in whose society, she was throw either as keepers or fellow-prisoneis, a com [dished her ruin. These facts can Le substantiated t parties now rebiding at Kendall. Orleai county, New York, or by Dr. McLane, < wife,-ant^ others ot New Orleaus, tho la ter having witnessed the transaction r lated above, from the opposite side of iii street.?Detroit, (Mich.) Union, May 5. Geoiigia and Gent.kal Hancock.?Th Boston Post says : '-The ?amo of'ilancoe is the favorite one in the South amor. Democrats and Conservatives?who d< sire only the complete reinstatement c the Union?asa candidate for the Pres dency. With Georgia holdingpractieall tho balance of political power in that sec tion. and the section itself capable of d( ciding tho issue between the two partie in tho North, it may turn out that th single State of Georgia, on which Rad calism has been trying to force an obnos ious Constitution, will be the final arbite of the political contest. At any rate, th state of the voto in the South makes i apparent that the preference of its pcopl for a Presidential candidate deserves care lui regard fro nut he rest of tho country That the namo ot Gen. Hancock shouh be the favorite one with them-, when hi distinction as a Union commander ii equally clear in their sight, with hil ability as a Umoff statesman, is the high est satisfaction they can give that the} aro anxiously waiting for tim restoratior of the Federal Union under the authority of the Constitution. With a majority 0 the Northern votes for tho Democratic and Conservative candidato,anda similai majority of thosoof tho South for Gcncrai Hancock, it requires but slight perception to discover who tho candidate is that may be constitutionally elected President next November." -e> ? Mr. J. J. Peres recently delivered a sermon in the Jewish Synagogue in Mem? phis, on tho Passover, lt attracted con? siderable attention, and was highly spo? ken of as an intellectual effort. The Memphis Avalanche learns that, among tho many propositions ho presented, was seeking to prove "how tho Isrealitcs wcro so visibly under the influences of the con? sequence of the disperson, and that the divino prediction : "and thc land of your enemies shall not consume you," and "al? though in tho land of your enemies. I will not destroy yon," has been and is lit? erally fulfilled, for the number of tho Is? raelites this day is in round figures tho same as it was two thousand years ago. Is there another nation where such a phenomenon has taken place ? Thoy are not destroyed, nor do they increaso. The Blue Eidge Railroad. Charleston, May ' S. H. Goddin, Cincimiati?Sm : I h perused with much satisfaction ? y "plan for the construction of the South Kai I read," and I take the liberty of se ing you a copy of the report I had honor of making here in 1856 on the ss subject. The general proposition has assent of all intelligent minds; tho d culties are found in the choice ot rou and in the want of means. Rivalries exhibited as strongly in the efforts to feat opposing schemes, as in labors to complish the favored one. The strenj that combined would have been equal the construction of one road, divided i opposed, displays the power in the def of several. To the cause perhaps nv than to any other, may bc attributed this section of country the failure to rei a point West of the Allcghanics availa for a connection with Cincinnati and L isville. On your side of the raountai among the causes that have hitherto p vented a nearer approach to us, are th< set forth in your pamphlet. The mc of overcoming them, you have clearly a distinctly pointed out. The reason signed why the Lexington and Danvi Company cannot or will not finish th section of the great highway is conclus! ??'There is not merit enough in this iso ted section to justify the outlay necessa for its completion." This is plain a practical, and the remedy you propose equally practical and efficient, name tho consolidation of the "Kentucky Ct tral" and the "Lexington and Danvill Roads. I think there are none familiar wi such matters who will refuse their asse to your views, and to the prudence a practicability^ the measures rccommer ed for giving them effect. But will y permit me to dissent from your plans f the further prosecution of the entcrpris You will see in the report I have tak the liberty of sending you, that I ha before differed from those who believe is for the interest of Cincinnati to expel her money in tho construction of a ro; of her own, scparato from that of Lou ville, after tho two stems shall have bc< united near Danville. 1 contend that tl thing of supreme importance is to havo road completed and in operation ; that tl advantage of separate roads as far as tl Tennessee line, however valuable in son respects, is necessarily inferior to this s promo object. Will you do mc thc fav< carefully to consider the subject in th aspect. When tho two roads reach tl State lino they will both uso thc Kno: ville and Kentucky Road. Why sh:i they not do the same thing from thc poii of junction near Danville with tho L banon extension ? In yourca.se, see wh: would be saved thereby, in both time an money. In point of fact you must of in cessity make usc for some time, of tl: Lebanon Road. This road will doubtlei be in connection with Knoxville, befcr you will have reached tho point of in(e section. You will then usn it, until yon independent road shall bo com ploted. Will it not be equally for your interest t continue to use it, as long as satisfaetor terms can be obtained ? This would ol viatc the necessity of constructing the 2 and 3d sections of }rour road, and spar you thc contemplated outlay ofS3,30U,00( Is it supposed that this would give Loi isvillo too great a power over the trade c Cincinnati? If so, the proper corrcctiv would bc found in tho application of th $3.300,000, not in tho construction of a independent road, on your side of th Knoxville Road,?but in completing, an in securing thc control of tho Blue Ridg Road, which commands thc only practica bio passage to tho Atlantic. The scclioi of this road from Knoxvillo to Ma^-vill being now in process of construction, am to be completed* b3* the 1st of July or Au gust next, there remain onl}r about 15' miles to be built, namel3r, from Maryville Tennessee, to Walhalla, in South Carolina To accomplish this, the sum you propos^ to ox pend on the 2d arid 3d sections o the "Lexington and Danville Road"? namely 83.300,000 would probably b< am ply sufficiont. 1 refer you to tho cor rcspondonco between Governor Orr anc General j. W. Harrison for moro exac information. You will there seo that ? large part of this work has already beor dono. It is also paid for; S3,500,000 tiavc been expended upon it (including the eos! of the road from Anderson to Walhalla' and only about 3230,000 of the mortgage bonds of tho Company been issued. Thu sum, and a few unimportant open ac counts, constitute the entire debt of thc ?company ; about ?250,000. To those whe shall now come in and furnish the neces? sary moans to complete it, thc most im? portant advantages will be conceded r it is even supposed by man3T, that its con? struction is in a military view, so desira? ble; and in view of other advantages ot a nationai character, having relation to the development of the resources of tho coun? try, as t?tender it probable that Congress maj- be willing to contribjuto their aid for its accomplishment. The advantage it affords to the cities of tho Northwest is to bring them nearer to Charleston by 100 miles, than by any other route; and to afford them the shortest railroad con? nection that cnn bo made from any point on tho Mississippi or tho Ohio, lo any point on the Atlantic coast. At Knox? ville, they would also form a connection with extensivo systoms of railroads, that would open up to them tho entire trade of Western Virginia and Western North Carolina, East Tennessee, tho whole in? terior of South Carolina and Georgia, and tho Northern parts of Alabama and Mis nissippi, I commend these suggestions to your consideration, and remain Yours, most respectfully. 1 G. A. TRENHQLM. The South Carolina Constitution. Colonel J. P. Thomas, J. G. Gibbs, Esq., and Colonel L. J. Childs, representing the State Central Executive Committee ol'the Democratic party of South Carolina, havo boen here to present to Congress a re? monstrance on the part of the white peo? ple of South Carolina against the consti? tution lately adopted by the South Caro? lina Reconstruction Convention. On Friday, the 8th of May, tho committee appeared before the Reconstruction Com? mittee of the House. Mr. Stevens re? ceived them with courtesy. Colonel J. P. Thomas, the chairman ot the commit? tee, and representing the State Central Executive Committee of the Democratic party of his State, addressed the. commit? tee. Colonel Thomas remarked that in analyzing the proposed* constitution for South Carolina, thcro were two objections that stood out in bold relief?unqualified negro suffrage and the taxation power. He then went on to say that unlimited negro suffrage meant negro rule, and that would prove disastrous to the black, peo? ple. Tho whiles could, and would, soon resume their just influence. Rut unlim? ited suffrage would make the blacks ar? rogant and the whites bitter. The conse? quence would be antagonism of races, in which the negro, as the weaker tribe, would go to the wall. This was tho ar? rangement of God, and no human decree could avert the logical result. Further? more, under negro mle no capital would flow South, and that was what was need? ed above all things at the South. Under negro "rule there could bc no material prosperity, no security for property. Tho negro needs the nerve necessary to good government, and as to thc powers of taxa? tion conferred in the negro constitution, they were fearful and'outrageous. Thc constitution establishes taxation without representation in its most offensive form. Those who have no property are to tax those who own all thc property. ? Our forefathers, said Colonel Thomas, fought against that principle, and would the Reconstruction Committee now en? shrine tho odious principle in a constitu? tion for South Carolina?an ancient Com? monwealth, and ono of the old thirteen ? On this point Colonel T. further argued how this taxation under tho negro con? stitution would injure both races. As soon as the black man should acquire property, ho became liable to this unre? strained sy?lem of taxation, just like the whites. Colonel T. stated that under tho negro constitution $2,000.000 might he raised in the way of taxes, Sl,00U.O00 of which was to go to educational purposes, and yet those educational advantages would be enjoyed by blacks alone, as white children could not be expected to attend mixed schools, such as the negro consti? tution establishes. In conclusion, Col. Thomas stated to tho committee that he felt it his dulj* to say to them ?in all candor, but deep earn? estness, that whilst tho whites are, most of them, prepared to concede to thc ne? gro all that he may be entitled to, yet tho white race Will never?no, never?quietly yield to negro rulo. Tho blood that warmed'aliko his own veins and those of tho committee before him flowed faster at that thought. You may make us pass under that yoke, 6aid Colonel T., but by every means God and you havo left us under the Constitution and laws, wo will resist tho yoke of an inferior race. Ry peaceful means, by political efforts, by material agencies we will cany on .this contest until wo regain the political con? trol which belongs to the purer thought and magic of mind every where, over since the world began. "Nor," said Colonel T., "can you have prosperity South under your reconstruc? tion scheme. But give the South a lair showing; restore her to the Union ona fair and just basis, and again will our people return with willing hearts to the Union of old; and tho samo energy, the samo valor, the samo self-sacrifice that they gave to t-ho 'lost cause' will they give now to tlib Union, provided you meet thom in a spirit of just magnanimity, and accord to them tho rights and the show? ing to which the3r are entitled." We may remark that whoo Colonel Thomas exhibited the extent to which the negroes might carry their taxation of thc whites, Mr. Stevens suggested to him that it might bo well to letthosoouly who had property vote on the question of property taxation. Colonel T. replied that ho saw much wisdom in thc suggestion, and hoped that tho committee would so amend tho proposed constitution for South Carolina. ?National Intelligencer A Ci?tld Carnied Away ny an Eagle ?Tho Quincy (Illinois^ Herald says : "Ono of tho most startling events that has disturbed tho ca hu ness of our citizens occurred on April 10. A lady with her babo had been walking near tho river, and for somo caiisc tho child was left alone for a few momonts, in which timo an eagle, which had boen observed, but not dreamed of as dangerous, screeching, boro away tho babe. Tho mother rushed toward the child. but too lalo to prevent the eagle from carrying it off. The anx? ious crowd watched its courso till it was lost to sight. Two men immediately start? ed in a skiff across thc river in tho direc? tion of its track, but of course thej- were unable to follow itany distance,and noth? ing has sinco been heard of tho infant thus taken away in tho morning of life, and its fato is enshrouded in mystery. Wo were unable to learn tho name of tho mother or her history, but her mental condition can bo imagined. Thoso who saw tho eagle say it was of the gray spe? cies." -?-? _We ought either to be silent or to speak things that are better than silence. ?Pythagoras^ The Death of Lord Broughai The death of Lord Brougham, the eran English statesman, is announcei our cable despatches. We give belo' sketch of his life, as published in the . tional Intelligencer in April, 1867 : Of that veteran anomaly in the He of Lords, now completing his eigl ninth year, tall, gaunt, bizarre, gracel rough in person, rude in speech,awkw in manner, possessing neither the addi of society, nor the dignity of station, the gravity of years, and yet who achieved more brilliant success and g? ed higher honors than any member of British forum the last two hundred ye; it is next to impossible to say anyth fitly and wise. Henry, Lord Brough] was born in Edinburgh, in Septem! 1778. In carly lifo he was tho comp ion of Jeffrey, Murray, Scott, and Wila and one of the founders of the Edinbui Review. When that work had been p lished five years, he wrote to Mr. Com ble for a thousand pounds, promising repay it by writing, in making wb good ho actually wrote all excepting t articles in one of tho numbers of Volu xvii. As a lawyer ho has managed mi important cases than all the rest of i bar. He was tire leading counsel for ] dy Elizabeth Ker, when she claimed 1 dukedom of Roxburgh ; of the Engl merchants who resisted tho Orders Council - of Queon Caroline, when, 1820, she sued for her right in the Brit Crown; ot Ambrose Williams, when 1 Church brought against him an action libel for an article on the refusal tot the bells on the death of tho Queen ; a of thc Dorchester laborers, when they 6isted thc act of transportation. He 1 been fifty-seven years in Parliament. ! acted on the ?slavery question with Cia; son, Wilberforce, and Grenville Sharp. j opposed the dragooning policy pursu by ministers towards the thousands hungry men and women who protest against the corn laws ; he has attack the hierarchy with tho bitterest irony a most cutting gibes, and has fearless pleaded the cause ot freedom in tho eas of Smith of Demorara, tho Catholics Ireland, and the victims of thc Holy 1 liance. His power of invective has nev been equalled. He accused Canning 1 thc most monstrous truckling for offi that tho whole history ol* political tergi crsation could present," and while indi nantly alluding to thc Duke of Wclliti ton's declaration against reform, he e claimed, pointing to Sir Robert Pe ?'Him wo scorn not?it is you wo scorn you, bis mean,-base, fawning parasite His history is the history of law, gover mont, literature, science, morals, and i form in Great Britain the last half cent ry. His activity bardi}-seems moderati by age. On every question of interest 1 still addresses the lords, and though h j voice has the melancholy crack of ag his reasoning is as cogent as in otbi days. During the vacations of Parli ment he resides at his chateau in Cairne in the South of Franco, unvisited h ?troops of friends, for he is p re-em i nen tl unsocial, but engaged as earnestly i study as sixty yours ago. In the year 1800, a^somc lime botwee the hours of twelve and four of almo: any day during the session of Pariiamen there might have been seen, by one wh patiently watched, walking through th Westminster Hall, where William Ruft held his first court in 1099, whose timbe framed roof is the finest existing cxampl in the world of scientific construction i carpentry, and which for more than sevc centuries has been the hall of justice fe all England, eight men, each past threi score years and ten, and each notable t having been at some former time, in hi way,.tho first man in tho United Kin? dom. Of those, Brougham and Sfct. Leot ards alone survive. Lyndhurst, Lam downe, Groy, Dundonald Campbell an Ellenborough havo passed away. Lor Palmerston might be added to the nun ber; but to the world, less even than t himself, with hrs alacrity and o'ptimisrr and modern dress, Lord Palmerston, eve when past his seventy-fifth year, did no scorn an old man. They wore the giant in intellect whom thc eighteenth cen tur; gave England, unsurpassed yet by th men who havo succeeded them. Georgia.?A special dispatch from Al lanta to thc Jicw York Tribune state 4-1,000 whites voted thc Republican ticke at tho lalo election in Georgia. In tin samo dispatch it is conceded that som 15,000 negroes voted with thc Democrats Kow, the majority for Bullock is bc tween six abd eight thousand. Tho reg istration list shows that ibero are mort whito thtin colored votors in tho State If, therefore, thc Republican ticket rc coived over 44,000 white votes, it follow; necessarily that nearly 40,000 negroei cast Domocratic votes. This is decidedly a sorry showing foi thc Radicals, whoso programme was lait down upon tho assumption that they had a sure thing with tho freedmen. Nearly 40,000 whito men in Georgia were dis? franchised by the reconstruction acts, and did not vote'at tho recent election. But henceforth ibero will be no restriction upon them in this regard, and it may be reasonably presumed that all, or nearly all of them will vote with thc Democrats. This will give tho State to the Domocratic party by from thirty to forty thousand. Should Geoagia bc admitted into tho Union under this reconstructed constitu? tion, wo venturo tho prediction that the Democratic majority in that State at the ensuing Presidential election will be greater than the Republican majority.? Montgomery Advertiser. ??.--o ? Caledon, the latest fashion in colors, is described as a mixture of pea-green aud orange?something like the tint of a' kit,, ten's eye in a coal cellar. rt . ? - . 1