The Anderson intelligencer. (Anderson Court House, S.C.) 1860-1914, April 01, 1868, Image 1
An Independent Family Journal?Devoted to Politics, Literature and General Intelligence.
! VOL. 3. ANDERSON, S. 0, WEDNESDAY, APRIL 1, 1868. NO. 41.
8tft$ Swityrson $f?w?Rlg Jntylti^nccr,
BY HOYT & WALTERS.
TERMS:
TWO .DOLLARS AND A HALF PEE ANNUM,
IN UNITED STATES C?HKENCY.
RATES OF ADVERTISING.
Advertisements inserted at the rates cf One Dol?
lar per square of twelve lines for the first insertion
and Fifty Cents for each subsequent insertion.
Liberal deductions made to those who advertise by
tho year.
For announcing a candidate, Five Dollars j
in advance. ?
An Admirable Document.
Robert Tyler, Esq.,. one ol' the Editors
of tlie Montgomery (Ala.) Advertiser, has
recently been on a visit to the Xurih, and
on his return addressed an admirable letter
to Gen. J. Lt. Clanton, Chairman of the
Democratic Executive Committee for the
State of Alabama, by whose authority he
TraS authorized to represent that party in
the Nati? nal Executive Committee of the
Democracy at their recent meeting. From
this let ter we make the following extracts,
as-the results ui* close observation by an i
inleiliircut aha discerning gentleman, .0/
the State of public opinion in the North :
For t; considerable period, us }'Oti are
. Uware, a bitter and uncompromising strug?
gle has been going on between the Radi?
cal party, represented by the Congress,
and the Democratic or Conservative
musses, represented, to a greater or less
extent, by the Executive and Judicial de
pari incuts of the Government. TY.e Radi?
cal party is composed ot a minority of the
Northern peopi who have lormcd a po?
litical combination with the negroes and
their lew white allies in the South, and
the Democratic or Conservative part}" is
composed ol a majority of the voters in
the adhering Stales, and the nearly con?
solidated white population of the South
em " section. The parties to the contest
in truth may be legitimately described as
the Republican party (so-culled) on the
one side, and the people of the Cm ted
States Oil the other. The paramount
issue, between the parties is perfectly well
defined. The people of the United Slates
demand the restoration of the political re?
lations of the States, temporarily inter?
rupted by the war, on correct principles.
Thev demand the old Constitution?the
old "Union?the old Laws?the old Flag
??and they demand State and Individual
Liberty as it existed in this country for
three-quarters of a century before the late
civil conflict. On the other hand the
Radical part}' demands fundamental
.changes in the organic structure of the
Government?that many (herisbed prin?
cipled shall bo regarded as having become
obsolete in the progress of the times?
that the Legislative department, holding
a two-thirds voto over the President's
vetot shall be permitted to exercise Auto?
cratic authority?that Slate Independence
Khali be sacrificed to a powerful and un?
checked centralization?and that the flag
of the United Slates shall, in effect, he
substituted by the banners of a semi-mili?
tary system, existing under false and pre?
tended Republican forms.
In the atmosphere of Washington it
w?.s apparent to me that all questions of
commerce, of industry, ol finance, of pub?
lic debt, of revenue, of bonds, of taxation,
of Southern reconstruction, had become
matters of subordinate importance?only
the res gestae it were?the minor facts and
circumstances connected with, and bear- j
iug on, the main issue, as I have just
stated it. But the very point and immi?
nent peril of- the contest upon this issue,
already grave and portentous enough, and
soon most probably to agitate the country
to its very centre, is to be found in the
?anomolous fact that the Radical party
openly, and scriousl3r, claims the right to
rule the nation on thegroundof "loyalty"
in themselves, and for the additional rea?
son that ail who oppose them are either
"rebels/' or the friends of '?rebels," al?
though their opponents undoubtedly cm
brace a large majority of the people. The
ominous significance of* such a pretension
is evident. In England, France. Prussia,
or in any other country where the gov?
ernment rests upon popular sutlragCj-.those
who are responsible for administration
sedulously seek to conciliate the senti?
ments of the people, and habitually shrink
from assuming the arrogant attitude of
coercing their constituents by a claim of
unreasonable powers, and by insulting
and unpopular measures. In lingland,
particularly, no body of men representing
the government in parliament would dare
venture to stand nut persistently on a
line of foreign or domestic policy, much
less on a question ol a change ol institu?
tions against the clearly expressed wishes
? of a large majority of the people ol the
United States as -rebels," oras the friends
of "rebels" and claiming right to rule on
the assumption of their own "loyalty,"
liave apparently determined lo prosecute
the contest they have Inaugurated re?
gardless of consequences, and lliits to defy
the people ami practically to subvert the
government. They nave already taken
fearful .steps towards this end They
Imve endeavored, as you know, by their
revolutionary meas.ivs. lo suppress the)
voices ol six hundred tmvusaiid white
voters in the Southern States?tix-y fiav?
stripped the Executive department o: its
constitutional powers?and they have
finally presumed to summon, on the most
frivolous charges, the President ol the
United Slates to plead at their bar. as a
political malefactor?they have assaulted
the Supremo Court, and plainly intend,
if permitted, to compel that hiliit-rio an
gust tribunal to serve as a mere tool of
their usurped authority?they have en
?acted law*, and then construed these
laws in derogation of the judicial depart?
ment, and executed them in derogation
of tho Execi tivc Department. They
Jiave attempted to seize upon the all fir age
of tho Suites and sought to destroy the
last remnant of State independence?and
it is believed that they are now concert?
ing measures by which they may coerce
and terrorize a majority of the Northern I
and "Western people to submit to their j
power.
You will thus perceive that the leaders
of the Radical party have boldly commit-'
ted themselves to a plan of revolution. If j
they pause and -waver, they are lost. If!
they shall procood further, I boliove that
they will excite thc fury ol' the people,
and bo positively overwhelmed. Wheth?
er they shall determino to advance, or
shall think it more prudent to surrender
at the point they have reached, will bc
indicated by the final vote of thc Se?ale
on thc articles of impeachment. Should
they depose the President, you may rest
assured that they have resolved to carry
out their de.-.i<rns at every hazard.
But I think the Radicals have become,
not only suspicious of General Grant's
supposed popularity, but aro extremely
doubtful whether the rank and file of the
army will consent, in a day of trial, to bc
used against the people. In thc recent
New Hampshire election, General Grant's
name does not appear to have exerted the
slightest preemptible inlluencc upon the
canvass. No doubt it would bo well,
bo Ut for the Radical leaders themselves
and for the country, if they could bc per?
suaded to desist from their violent pro?
ceedings. If the Presidential election were
to take place during this mouth the Rad?
ical part}' would nut receive seventy-five
electorafvotesoutside thcSoulhern States.
When it occurs in November next they
will probably receive still fewer electoral
votes, provided the election be fairlycon
ducted. And should tin* Radical leaders
be mad enough to persist in the revolu?
tionary enterprise ol silencing or coercing
thc ballots of the people, there will be an
uprising in which they will bo Swept
away like cl.tiff in the pul h of the hurri?
cane. The people are perfectly confident
in their strength, and of course desire lo
effect redress (ir grievances if possible, in
tho forms of the Constitution. They
wish, tor every reason to avoid collision
and public violence. Hut they will not
permit an oligarchy of Congressional ty?
rants to oppress them by substituting the
will of ;i party for the Constitution and
laws of the lamd. They will take what?
ever measures that may be necessary to
prevent it, and upon this, it is my opinion
the people of Alabama ma}' rely. For?
tunately, tf?o, an error of judgment in this
respect can do no possible-harm.
Consequently I trust that your commit?
tee will advise our fellow-citizens lo sub?
mit patiently, for a few months, to any
evils they may be forced to bear. Let
them protest against their oppressions
and await a sure deliverance. In order
to vindicate the Constitution the Demo?
cratic or Conservative parly, when in?
stalled in power, must swoop away every
pretended govern ment, set up against the
will of the people by bayonets, under lb ci
present reconstruction laws of Congress.
This mission ol' Democratic conservatism
will be lb restore the old Constitution,
the old Laws,-and the old Liberty, and
to raise over uslhe true Hag of the Coiled
Stares for our protection. And to reaeh
this result the}' must, inevitably trample
out these hideous evidences of Radical
lawlessness. Let us do no act unworthy
of our race or Slate?let us preserve our
manhood, our honor?yield to neither
threats nor bribes??uftbr uncomplaining?
ly what weare compelled to endure?hut
with the fixed determination at the first
opportunity to reassert our constitutional
rights in the Union in all their original
vigor.
Recipe fok Making Radica ls.?The
following receipt, says au exchange, for
making Radicals has been placed in our
hands. For the benefit of all interested,
wc give it a place in our columns :
"Take a large amount of ignorance; a
half-pint of corruption; one ounce of cow?
ardice; one pound of hatred of intelligent
white men ; one pound of negro flattery
or deception. Put them all in the uncon?
stitutional morl ar of contention ? bruise
them well with the pestle of oppression,
or Browhlow's military despotism. Then
put the compound in the kettle of lyidnight
plotters. Add a gallon of the essence^ of
negro social equality. Roil it over the fire
of confiscation, unt il you can perceive a
I scum of falsehood risc to the top. Skim
the scum off with the laflle of traitorism.
Let it stand till it settles; then put it in
the Freedman's Bureau jug. Take two
tablespoons full every night and work it
oil' in the morning with a small dose ol
Revenue officer's oi' Collector's spoils, ll
t he patient be much debilitated (as he will
he very apt to be?if he has any symptoms
of true constitutional government still re?
maining in him) let him take two tea?
spoons full of a dec. 'Ct ion of negro leagues,
sweetened willi a hypocritical prayer, and
he will be as con finned a Radical as ever
polluted the South with his presence."
- .?
Radical- Admissions.?In a recent de?
bute in the IIou.-c of Represen ta lives, two
of the Radical leaders mude admissions
t hal are worthy ol' record.
Mr. Garfield," ol' Ohio, said that "the
men who had lough I against the country
iiiOftt honourably, were generally thc most
reliable, and were entitled lo more confi?
dence than ll.ose who had only given
their spirit, bul not their hotly, to lire re?
bellion."
Mr Farnsworth, o? Illinois, expressed
the opinion thal one ol' the greatest, ca?
lamities lhat ever befell lin' eon lil ry
would he --a black imin's party and a
while man's prut}- in the South.'' Re
said that when it shall coin? lo pass that
"the people are divided into two parties
based on color, thc black man's parly will
go to the dust."
- - -*> -
?A droll story ?m told ol an holiest old
farmer, who in attempting io drive holnc !
a 'null, gol suddenly hoisted over lenee, i
Recovering himself hu saw the animal ott
the other sitie of thc rails sawing thu air'
with his head ami tuck, ami pawiiitr tim
ground. The good old man looked stead?
ily at him a moment, and exclaimed :_
"Durn your appulogies. you needn't stand
there bowin' anti scrapin', you taro el erit- j
ter, you know yon did it a purpose, durn
your ugly pictur," ?
Congress on Jeff. Davis and An-1
drew Johnson?A Public Disgrace, i
At the end of tho year I860, and in !
the early days 18(51, lite air of tho whole j
South vibrated with the preparations for |
war. It was war to bo waged against, j
I the Union?war for the destruction of
the Government of the United States. In
those same days every stone in the Capi?
tol echoed the valedictory eloquence Of
tho Southern leaders, men leaving the
very halls of the National Legislature to
go and head the treasonable movement,
insulting the common sense of the country
with parade of the reasons that impelled
them to strike at the nation's life. Promi?
nent in the number ot these men was Jeff.
Davis, lie, with his confederates, played
this part of the drama with impudent de?
fiance, lie went away denouncing the
Constitution, and boasting what should
be done to destroy it,?boasting in the
way in which he would return. Cataline
to the very letter. None stepped forward
to impede his path. Nay, he went with
tho approbation and encouragement of
the men who becamo the great leaders of
the Republican purl)-. He went with the
applause of Horace Greelcy, the restless,
vituperative, and inconsequent agitator
of the Radical press; of Mr. Stanton, the
oily-tongued plotter of power. All these
men argued for tho right of Jeff. Duvis to
go ami do what he might for the'destruc
tion of the Government, as covered by
''the sacred right of revolution' against
tyranny," claiming that to prevent or op?
pose him would be inconsistent with the
doctrines of tho Declaration of Indepen?
dence.
Davis, thus applauded,thus stimulated,
thus encouraged to believe that ho was
heading a movement as noble as that
which made the colonies free, went out to
organize and conduct the internal work.
Davis went out thus, and every Southern
man of political note went with him, save
one. One man alone of the representa?
tives of Southern constituencies "in the
United Slates Congress did not sympa?
thize with the purpose of the slaveholders
to establish ttn aristocracy on the ruins of
our freedom. One Southern man promi?
nent in the wo: Id of politics adhered
earnestly, unfalteringly, with all the in?
tense fervor ol a positive nature, to the
Cause of the Union; and this man was
Andrew Johnson, one of the Senators
from Tennessee. He denounced the whole
treasonable attempt froili the first blow.
No whisper of tolerance for it ever passed
his lips. From the United States Senate
he went to Tennessee?nearer to t ho rage
of battle. He was made military gov?
ernor, and ruled the Stale with uncon?
querable will and unchangeable fidelity
to the cause the nation had at heart. He
was thus participating in the dangers and
savage turmoil of tho struggle, while the
Radical leaders were making plans at
Niagara Fails lorsurrender to the enemy,
plundering - the nation in the issue of
ruinous contracts to political adherents,
and breaking down the barriers that
guarded popular rights by arbitrary ar?
rests of inoffensive persons. Such were
the relative positions of men through the
terrible lour years, until the soldiers and
sailors?the men of the nation?making
their own generals and admirals, ended
the war; and the attempt that Davis had
led, that. Chase. Greeley, Stanton, and
Gerrit Smith had encouraged?an attempt
that came nearer success than overdid
such a revolt before?ended in failure,
thanks to the people, to the man of the
apple tree, and to the "hero in thushrouds.''
Peace came, and the country breathed
free in tho anticipation of returning hap?
piness and prosperity. Over the whole
land men had tho sumo hope, indulged
tho same rejoicing that tho trouble was
over. Wisely generous, the people would
have shaken hands with the South at.once,
and taken it without reserve into full fel?
lowship, conscious that tho men who had
felt the war in their homos, ami the bit?
terness of the failure in tlieir hearts,
needed only their own memories to keep
them Itoui renewing the great attempt
l>:it as there are over righteous men. so
there arc men who have more than the
normal quantity of patriotic spirit; and
both classes ate very nico on particulars.
It turned out there were.a number ol' su?
perabundantly patriotic men to be heard
when it came to settling terms. They
were the men who had helped Davis to
inako the war?the extravagant aboli?
tionists who couhi yet so sympathise with
slaver}' as to justify its revolt on texts
Irom the Declaration of independence.
These men had not been the absolute and
earnest enemies of the Southern effort till
it ' had failed beyond redemption, and
then their enmity blazed out all the
fiercer for being so new and coining so
late. These men wou ld not hear ol pence
on the terms the people declared for.
They made difficulties, insisted on condi?
tions, and mado the nigger tho basis of
all propositions; ami thus they have kept
up, till now we have a reign of anarchy.
tint even yet they will not consent to
the punishment of the greatest criminal
of tho age, and Jell'. Davis is now at large
with I he names ol Horace Greelcy and
Gerrit Smith?the types und symbols of
Radicalism?on his bail bond; yet these
men seem to recognize the natural neces?
sity that some man should suffer, that
some great trial and punishment should
signalize the close of the war. On whom
should the blow fall? Strangest piece of
satanic irony, 1 hey have chosen fur the j
I victim thai one faithful Southern Senator.
The one man who adhered to the Union
when all tho Southern Senators beside
went out with tho encouragement of Rad-1
ical leaders?the man who stood up stout-j
I'y for the cause when those same leaders
were compromised in corrupt plots of
every sort?that man is now tried as an
j enemy to the nation, while thoso same j
1 Radical leaders stand between Jeff. Davis
and justice. Did Mcphistophelos ever]
fool his poor victim to such a startling
result? Will not this story forever damn
the justice of tho Republic as the synonym
of,all that is most pitiable and contempti?
ble in human remembrance? Is it not
diabolical, atrocious, past all patience to
contemplate, that these impudently cor?
rupt wretches can pervert justice to this
degree, and so foul the name and fair re?
pute of a great party ? and that, worse
than the rest, if possible, they dare
threaten that they will make chaos at the
capital if their attempt against the Presi?
dent shall fail 1?Ncw York Herald.
-e
A Glowing Tribute to the South.
Tho name of Father RYA2C, author of
the "Conquered Banner," is familiar to
the cars of a people in whose hearts that
beautiful song awakened a responsive
echo. This gentleman has recently re"
moved to Augusta, Geo., and has become
the editor of a new paper entitled The
Banner of the South. The following ex?
tracts from an editorial in the first number
glow with tho fire of patriotism, eloquence
and principle, and will bo read with an
absorbing interest by all with whom the
Lost Cause was dear and its memories
arc kept sacred :
i;By birth and sentiment we are of the
South. Dearer than all other interests, ot
this world, to us, are those of our own
land. Over these interests wo shall watch.
Firmly and faithfully we shall defend
them, and more so now than ever when
th?sls interests are in such sore need of
bravo defence and true defenders. Believ?
ing, as we do, that the South had right,
and reason, and principle on her side in
the late war, we feel that we should not
let the traditions and memories and glo?
ries of the struggle pass into oblivion.?
Wo must keep them alive and aglow?we
must, pass them down?we must make our
children proud ot them. There is not a
day nor a deed of the struggle of which
we may leel ashamed. Wo owo it to tho
past to preserve the story of our struggle,
and the future will not forgive us it wo
fail to record it. And in recording wo
must not use the words of apology, as
though we doubled of the righteousness
of our cause; but, plainly and fearlessly,
true to ourselves, to our cause, to our
country?true to I ho dust of the dead at
our feet?true to the spirits of those who
were so true to us?true to the living and
their terrible loss?true to the Future
which is coining down to ask of us the
vindication ol our course and the story ol
our past?we must declare, and still de?
clare, and never cease declaring, in words
as brave as our warriors were, lliat in the
dread struggle in which our Flag went
down with not a stain of dishonor on the
virgin purity of its folds, Justice stood on
the side of the men who wore the Grey,
And Justice has not changed sides because
we have been defeated. Unconqucred
und unconquerable, Justice is slid with
tho conquered. The success of our cause
has been lost?not its right, lor failure
can never make right wrong; nor can
success transform the iniquity of wrong
into the sacrudness of right. Brute fore*
goes down into battlefields not to test tho
right fulness .. of causes, but to try the
strength of combatants. The success ot
the sword is no argument in favor ol the
cause for which it has been unsheathed.
Tho surrender of the sword is no argu?
ment against the cause which drew it
from tho scabbard. Shot and shell do not
reason?the}" slaughter?and slaughter,
be it more or less, is only slaughter?it is
no argument for or against tho rights ol
those who kill or tire killed. Bullets may
mangle flesh?spill blood?slay men?but
they can never reach tho vital principles
for which men contend. These principles
aro beyond the range of musket and can?
non. Battle fields may be the burial
places of men, never of rights. Above
the smoke and storm and shock of battles,
unaffected by victory or defeat, calm and
immovable, Justice sits on her eternal
throne, and in her eyes right, is right for?
ever?wrong is eternally wrong?and
trampled right is grander than trium?
phant wrung. From tho decisions given
against us in the court of battle, we there?
fore appeal; and these decisions we carry
up to tho high tribunal of Justice, for re?
versal. This, and this alone was settled
by battle?that wo were tho weaker par?
ty. We had less brute force on our side,
and wo were obliged to yield to the su?
perior strength ot our assailants. The
armies and government of the Confedera?
cy were but tho mortal flesh and blood of
an immortal cause. They aro gone?it is
living. Nor steel, nor lead, could touch
its life or take if away, li is living in the
loves of Southern hearts?it is living in
the memories ol the Southern dead?it is
living in the stories which Southern moth
I era are telling their little children?it is
living in the sorrows of our widows and
orphans. And we shall keep it alive.
The right ol our cause did not fall with
Richmond. Jt exists to-day as clearly as
it did when the. first boom of our guns
sounded across tho Carolina waters, and
when tho Palmetto flag?mid the ringing
of bells, and the rapture of gladdened
hearts, and the sounding of cheers which
I ho shore sent over the sea?waved in
triumph over Samt er. And on that April
day when Loo gave up his sword, bright
and unblemished as when he first girded
it ott, he yielded merely, and only, tho
policy of further resistance?not the prin?
ciple which bad lifted that resistance?
not tho principle which had lilted that re?
sistance into a right ami sanetiliod it as a
duly. Right began our struggle ; right
justified and ennobled iL; right, animated
our soldiers; right made them strong to
suffer, strong to endure ; right made them
brave to dare, and, bravest of all. to die;
right marohed with them, step by step,
into every gory .field; right flashed i
sheen o? their swords, and. thunder
the boom of their cannons in every
right wreathed a glory around their
ners wherever their banners were b<
right consecrated their victories, an(
soled them in their defeats; right!
j their liearta thc Hames rn" that bei
; which blazed out into deathless di
j right nerved them to every sacrifice
! made, to every hardship they endt
right lit beacon-lires of glory on
plains of Manassas, on tho heigh
Fredericksburg. in. the swamps o
Chickahominy, in tho trenches ar
Richmond, on the mountain pea!
Ten nessee, in tho battle places ol
tuck}*, on the soil ot Georgia, on tb*
board of the Carolinas, in the wild:
youd the Mississippi ; and, iiqw, :
stands amid our ruins and graves,
pointing to thc glories of our cause,
waiting in hepo for the terrible ret
tion of thc future, lilt towards tho 1
ens the manacled hands, which, thei
least, have never pleaded in vain, ant
emnly protest against tho oppressio
victorious wrong; and we, lor one.
now and always in the protest. Wes
by the Past pt our country and cause
wo accept no Future which will not
cept that Past. There are men who !
their principles belore tho bayonet. T
are mon who desert the altars of !
Cause round which they once stood
the blood in their hearts panting for
tion, and who kneel to offer honing
tho allais of successful wrong. T
are men base enough to lill up t
hands against thc very rights for w
they once uplifted swords. We aro
such. For us. principle is principle.r
is right?yesterday?lo day?to-morn
forever. ?Submission to might is nut
render of right. Wo yield to the ot
but shall never yield up to tho other.
-o
Andrew Johnson.
The following article is copied fro
recent number of thc Chronicle and S
nd, and clearly expresses thc sen ti nu
of the Southern people :
We are not the apologists of And
Johnson, neither do wc intend to ass
thc position of a defender of his adm
tration. On principle we could do neil
In reviewing his career since he assn
the Executive Chair made vacant bv
assassination of Mr. Lincoln, we find m
more to condemn than wo can over
prove. If we examine his course w
the war was in progress, we inn to
. cover a single act or sentiment don?
spoken by him which docs not prove
to have been a bitter partisan and de;
enemy to everything which wo of
South considered necessary for the ]
tection of our honor or the security of
interests.
When General Johnson surrenderee
General Sherman in April. 1SG?,
Johnsen had il in his power then to h
secured the neeoplance.jSfld ratilicatioi
the terms of the Convention enlercd i
between those distinguished officers. 'J
whole country. North ami South, w
li red of war and strife, and yearned
peace. Tho North in that Convent
secured all that, up to that time, I
been claimed by them as thc object
which tho war was waged?the pres
va tion ot tho Union. Tho question
slavery they would willingly, nay, glac
have left to bo decided under the pvo\
ions of thc Constitution of the Unit
States as it then stood. Peaco and a
stored Union?tho renewal of the aile
ance ol' the Southern people to tho Fi
, eral Government was fully secured
that Convention, and if thu puoplo oft
North had been permitted to act direel
upon the Hillsborough Convention won
with great unanimity, haved ratified a
approved it.
President Johnson felt a personal h
teri)ess arid hatred toward the respectab
intelligent and more wealthy citizens
the South. Kc determined to gratify tl
feelings of resentment which he bore t
ward us. lie opposed the rehabilit.ltii
of the Southern States and the rostorath
of their ancient relations to the Govor
meut unless upon terms fixed hy h i msc
Ho undertook, without warrant or a
thorily of law, to set ii j ? Provisional Go
ernmenlsin thc seceded Statesand claii
ed, that as Executive ot the Nation, 1
had the right to compel the States t
accept such terms as ho might dictate.
The results which have (lowed froi
this illegal conduct of the President ar
plaiulj* marked in" the exclusive and r<
vengeful legislation of the Federal Go\
eminent toward tho South for thc pas
three years. When the President sa^
that Congress, emboldened by his ow
injudicious and illegal conduct: was dis
posed to go a step in advance bf his owi
programme of exclusion, he began lo lak
the alarm, and desired to arrest thei
revolutionary legislation. Congress rc
fused to bo controlled by tho views of tin
President and a rupture followed.
When the several excluded State
formed their new governments, und. mulei
thc demand of Mr. Johnson, ratified th?
Constitutional Amendment, abolishing
slaven*?repudiated (heir debts created
(luring the war, ami passed necessary
! laws For tho protection ol' thc person and
j properly of their late slaves.Mr. Johnson
j demanded that they should bo restored
I m their former relations to tho Federal
1 Government. Congress then took a step
in advance, and refused tu recognize tho
validity of those acts done by the exclu?
ded States which might benefit their con?
dition, and admitted the validity of those
acts alone, which worein accord aneo with
tho Radical programme.
Since the summer of 1SGG Mr. Johnson
has been, in our judgment, earnestly de?
sirous for the admission of Southern rep?
resentativos in the National Councils, and
The Intelligencer Job Office.
Having recently made considerable addition* to
this department, we arc prepared to execute
sm weis m mi khhids
In the neatest style and on "the most reasonable
terms. Legal Blanks, 13111 Heads, rosters, Cards,
Handbills. Pamphlets, Labels, and in fact every
style of work usually done in a country Printing
Office.
In all case.?, the money will be required
upon delivery of the work. Orders, accompanied
with the cash, will receive prompt attention.
has labored to procure their recognition
and admittance.
While, therefore, Mr. Johnson cannot
and ought not to expect the South to ap
provo all his acta since he has been in the
Executive chair, ho has a right to claim
their thank's and gratitude lor the firm
and manly stand which ho has taken
against Congress in regard to the milita?
ry governments which tho latter, in defi?
ance of bin veto and the Constitution of
the United Slates, have set up in eur'
midst, and for his bold and decided oppo?
sition to their scheme for negro suprema?
cy,'which they were intended to establish.
The South can afford to overlook, for the
present at least, his opposition to us dur?
ing tho war, and his subsequent refusal
to recognize.us as component parts cf tho
Union, uuless we would accede to his
terms aud conditions, while he is strug?
gling with the Radicals upon issues grow?
ing out of the refusal of Congress to re?
cognize us as States, and their attempt to
degrade the white race and set up through
! out the South so-called governments
! formed by and in tho interest of the nc
jgroes.
The South can never forget those mas?
terly productions of his pen, the creation
of his great intellect, in which he declared
that the Sherman-Shellabarger Bill and
all its supplements and amendments were
"unjust, oppressive, illegal and unconstitu?
tional. The South must also hold in
grateful rememberanco his efforts to so?
on re as dictators over us the best men
which the material at his command would
afford; and, lastly, the South must and
does heartily sjrmpathiso with and cor?
dially endorse and support him in the
trying situation in which he is placed by
the Jacobins in Congress, growing out of
his attempt to displace the infamous dog
Stan ton.
Wo.believe that the people of the South,
with almost complete unanimity, approve
and justify his action for the last ten days.
They believe that while it may liavc been
better to have removed Stanton several
months, or as for that, years ago, yet they
fail to perceive that his failure to do what
they think they ought to have done
months ago, makes his action now ill
timed and inconsiderate.
-^
Organize.
If one half the effort were made to save
[ South Carolina from radical rule that was
made to carry her out of tho Union, our
State would be redeemed. Surely our
. statesmen, oavpatriots, have not abandon
' ed the ship because we seem to bo hopc
[ Iessly in the breakers! Where are the
men that once counselled and guided the
, masses? Where are our leaders? Are
they, now that wc need the force of their
counsels and influence, hiding away from
the storm that sweeps over us ? It is well
enough to talk of dignity, and hide behind
the trenches of stoical, dignified endurance
of wrong, if we were really disarmed and
powerless, but while our oppressors allow1
. us a single weapon with which to fight
and while there is the remotest chance ot
success, ought we not to use that one*
weapon, act upon that remote chanco?
To supinely rest upon our backs,, is to al?
low our chains to be riveted upon us; if,
after resistance they arc riveted there, wo
shall feel as the soldier overpowered Irr
battle, and not like the one who surren
. ders at sight of a powerful foe. Surely wo
of South Carolina, will not succumb with?
out a struggle to the radical host now
threatening us. Wo should organize as
a conservative party. We can and ought
to defeat a party which has imported yan
tteos to rule Carolinians. The intelligent
negro?Carolina negro?would blush to
see his Slate loo poor in men of intelli?
gence to afford a Carolina Governor. The"
radical yankec is making a tool of the ig?
norant black man, to cut and carve his
own fortune. Many of them will see this,
and instead ol selling their State toayan
kee Bureau General, would vole for a
. Carolinian forGovernor. Who would not
?white or black?rather sec Rainoy, of
Georgetown, Congressman, than Whitle
more. a Northern political parson, in that
position ? li the black man has not sworn
aicay Id's newfound liberty cud become the
iM/v of party leaders, if he be truly free to
cote as he pleases, he will, in many instan?
ces, as a true Carolinian with State pride
in his heart, refuse to elevate himself and
his fellows, men who would not bo hero
to-day if l hoy did not hope to make mon?
ey out of the negro, by political ledgerde
inain.
Wo need a conservative party into
I whose ranks may be gathered Carolinians,
white and black, to defeat these yankees
and galvaninized Southern men, who
could not hold a fifth rale office and could
not do it here, but by mounting the bent
backs of the ignorant African, and making
him carry them up to honor and money.
Let the question of constitution or no
constitution alone for the present. Vo
lQV}t?eonserative voters may voto lor that
instrument. Some?perhaps many will;
hut. whether we vole for or against it, let
us vole for Carolina men and measures.
J.et us organize and sustain our Stale;
aud have it said that Carolinians rule
Carolin.1. Let every man who loves his
Stale awake to his true interest: and let
us have the Constitution discussed that
men may vote understandingly, and let
us have a conservative ticket in every
District of the State.?Marion Crescent.
The following letter is a perfect modol
in its way. Wo certainly hope it is a
unique specimen: "Dear Brother?I've
got one of tho handsomest farms in the
State, and have it nearly paid for. Crops
are good?prices never were better. We
have had a glorious revival of religion in
our church, and both of our children (the
Lord bo praised) are converted. Father
got 10 be rather an i neu m bra nee. and last,
week I took him to the poor house. Your
affectionate brothor."