Historical Newspapers of South Carolina

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An Independent Family Journal?Devoted to Politics, Literature and General Intelligence. VOL. 3. ANDERSON, S. Q, WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 26, 1868. NO. 36. BY HOYT & WALTEES, TERMS: TWO BOLLABS AND A HALF PEE AITOUH, IK" UNITED 8TATES CCBRENCT. BATES OF ADVERTISING. Advertisements inserted at the rates of One Dol? lar persquare of twelve lines for the first insertion and Fifty Cents for each subsequent insertion. Liberal deductions made to those who advertise by the year. For announcing a candidate, Five Dollars In advance. Debate on the Homestead Clause. . The most interesting debate that has yet taken place in the .Reconstruction Convention occurred upon that section of the Constitution providing for a home fttead law. "We make the following ex? tracts from the proceedings of the twenty - ninth and thirtieth days, reported for the Charleston Courier : Section 35th, exempting from expedition or other finalproeoss of any Court issued for the collection of debt, a homestead in the country ot one hundred acres and dwelling and appurtenances thereon, or a homestead in a city, town or village, not exceeding S2,UUU, gave rise to a lively and lengthy discussion. Mr. T. J. Robertson moved to amend by adding that no homestead shall bo ex? empted from levy and sale for any just debt existing prior to tho adoption of this CunsltTttitionV Mr. .Robertson said .he was willing and would insist upon a homestead law for the future, but was opposed to any retrospec? tive law, or anything going back and giv? ing to the men who brought about the war, and staked their all on secession, $2,5??" worth of property, at tho expense ot the loyal men of the country. Lie had made Ids property by colored men, and tre*^ranted to know it he was to give $2,5Uo\wortb of property to disloyal men who had forced others in the Confederate army, and give the colored man nothing? Jr...would be class legislation. He. was. however, in favor of every man retaining a homestead after he pays for it. R. C Delargc advocated the section as it was, even if it was retrospective in its operations. He differed from the mem? ber from Richland (Mr. Robertson.) It was not intended for an}' special class, nor was it the desire of tho Convention to make it a class measure. He desired to see all classes of people relieved by the Act. and hoped the amendment would be voted down. Mr. Craig favored the adoption of the section so far as it was retrospective in its action, without-coming in conflict with the jaws of tne land. L. S. Langley offered an amendment excepting the wages of laborers from the exemption. Mr. C. C. Bowen favored the passage of the section as it was, the creditor having a.lien upon the homestead fbritspurcha.se heilig finally scoured by the mortgage, which i* always taken in business trans .actions-of this character. F. L. Cardoza advocated the section as liaving a tendency to establish a more permanent settled character in our people, who heretofore, in the absence ot such a provision, in the Constitution, had been too much distinguished for their migrato? ry character. '.V.J. Whipper also spoke in favor of 1hc adoption of the section, and against the amendment offered by T. K. Saspor tas. to reduce tho exemption to Sl.UUO. With regard, he said, to the retrospective portion of the section it was so intended by the Committee who framed the sec? tion. He denied that there was any dsns legislation, but the very fact that the col? ored race having now an equal chance in the race ol life, and of becoming owners of land, made tho protection of such a provision in the Constitution all the more necessary.- There are vety man}* colored people in the State already owning prop? erty who desire this protection J. J. Wright also warmly advocated the passage of the section. Mr. Rutland favored the passage of the Homestead Law so far as it was to oper? ate in-tho future, giving to every one fair notice that the homestead hereafter is to be preserved against all debts. But he opposed all retr< spective action, and thought regard should be had for the in? terests of the poor creditors as well as the poor debtors. It was also uncoustitu tional to pass a retrospective law or any law impairing the obligations of cpnti'KCt?. Mr. \). P. Leslio made p. warm appeal in behalf of t'.i? r.rloplton of the section as it s:ooi, Rutland on constitutional law to the contrary notwithstanding. He spoke for the people of Barn well District. They ask, be said, "no other favors of the (Convention than to give them time to pay their debts. Give them, he said, such #u amount of property as will enable them to start to make a crop to pay their debtors. It was their constant fear and trembling J?st ih<e <ep#ditor should seize upon everything that kepf. them from im? proving their places and raising a crop. He would, perhaps, be as large a loser b\* the passage ot this as any one in JJarn wcll District. He held a note of S2,25i< against another, but he. wanted to see the man's homestead ?e- ured to him and an opportunity afforded him of paying that debt. Mr. Leslie continued in a strain of evi? dently deep feeling, Raying he wanted to see this Constitution ratified. He wanted to see the white men and tho black men in Barn well District all going to the polls to ratify this Constitution. If this pro? vision for a homestead was adopted, he would assure the member from bairfield (Mr. Rutland) and the member from Richland (Mr. Robertson) that if at that time, on the day "of election, they were traveling that road, unless they expe? dited their movements they would be run over hy the people going to ratify the Constitution. The people would come from everv direction. The people of South Carolina have never had a Consti? tution that took care of the grand masses. If (he said) we assure the peoplo we are looking after their rights and interests the roads on all sides will bo filled, and when the votes are counted on the last night of the election every friend who has at heart the Constitution will hare the pleasure of knowing it is ratified be? yond all kind of donbt. and will have the consolation of knowing we have done our duty. Iam speaking lor my people; I lovo my people. [Here Mr. Leslie became so overcome by bis feelings as to burst into tears, and was compelled to sit down, which lie did amidst intense silence, ovidontly eliciting the warmest sympathies of the members of the Convention.] Mr. Whittomore followed, but was in? terrupted by the hour of half past two having arrived, when the President an? nounced the Convention adjourned. THIRTIKTII DAY. The President announced the unfinished business to be tho consideration of tho 35th section of the second article of tho Constitution, reported by the Legislative Committee (in reference to homesteads.) Mr. B. F. Whittcmore obtained the floor, He wanted the Convention to un? derstand that in no way did ho oppose a homestead law which, in its provisions, was' prospective only. It would be in? consistent, after the position he had taUen upon this floor, to retrace his steps unless he could be convinced that morally he had a right to step between the creditor and the debtor, and to divorce them from their claims and liabilities. lie had no doubt in his mind but that precedents sufficient could or would be brought for? ward upon which the action of this Con? vention might be based in passing an or? dinance retrospective in its character. Yesterday an appeal was made by the member from Burn well, (Mr. Leslie) and a very effective olie, as it would appear from the graphic description of the ever ready pencils at that table, (the repoi ters,) and for which they had given him sufficient credit. He not only appealed to the best sympathies of their hearts, but hedepicted the condition and position of the-people in the State with such feel? ing that it would warrant every person to look kindly on this subject, and neither himself oi-any other member of the Con? vention would give him credit for any? thing else than the most heartfelt sym? pathy with all in distress, But whilst they sympathised with the oppressed on account of their burdens, liabilities, debts and all that makes life miserable?whilst they looked kindly to? wards the debtor- should they divorce dim from all existing claims,or was it not their duly to look in compassion also ;ipon the creditor. Did it follow that .?reditors. were always rich and debtors ilways poor, or ?shoufd they legislate for or debtors only. There might be as many poor creditors as debtors, and, therefore, if tho sympathies of their heart iverc to bo called out, they should be ex? ercised towards all. If they weic to ap? portion out the burdens among the peo? ple, they should make a proper appor? tionment and a proper division, so that they might fall equally upon debtors and creditors. Many a poor family were per? haps then depending upon the claims they have as creditors. The speaker, alluding to the picture drawn by t lie member from Barn well (Mr. Leslie,) ol a vessel stranded on the shore, and the people thrown into the water, almost in the condition in which they came into the world, with nothing saved from the wreck, and the relentless creditors meeting them on the shore de? manding what belonged to him, said it was not the true picture of the people of the State. They might admit the ship? wreck of the Stute, but in the ense of the vessel tho people had no volition of their own. They could not control the winds and waves. Whatever the claims of the poople of the State in their present condition, upon their sympathies, that condition had been brought about, to a great extent, by their awn volition, their own act. They had no one to bhime but. themselves. They went into the war with the understand? ing if they did not succ^d whatsoever property they hrid would be swept away from Lbcin. They might pity them, but when they came to pass upon the right of a debtor to pny a creditor, they had to look at the morality of the question as well as the legal points involved, whether the}' had a moral right to step between first, second or third parties and wrest} from the one to give to the other. But there was a difference between a homostead and a retrospective law. If the}' paBscd an Act to protect the home? steads of citizens in tho future, after the adoption of tho Constitution, it could do no harm to any individual. If, after the passage of a law like that, a man obtains assistance with the knowledge of the world that so much property called home? steads is exempt, then no one is deceived in losing money. lie alluded yesterday to the assistance rendered by Northern capitalists. He admitted it was furnished with the expec? tation of receiving compensation. But he was yet to find men so disinterested in the loaning of funds, as not to require some compensation for them. But he claimed that when these gentlemen came forward, forgetting the bitterness of the past, and were willing to assist their brethren in distress, it was wrong tor the Convention to say they should not col? lect their debts. The speaker then proceeded to show i how a man might, under the proposed ! law, cover up a plantation of ten thou? sand acres by building little log cabins on different parts and dividing it among his j children or relatives. This was another reason why they should be careful how they extend that privilege. He under? stood that about 1850 a law was enacted in tho State providing homesteads. It did not work well, and at a subsequent ses? sion of the Legislature tho law was ro poaled. W. J. Whipper said there seemed to bo some doubt as to what was the intention of the Committee in the drafting of the 35th section rolative to homestead*. As a member of* tbat Committee he wo nay h?3 object was to protect tbe boi stead against everything possible to j" tect it against. The member from Ri land (Mr. Robertson) had sttid it wo proteet it against mortgages and jin ments. Ile wished thc view was om and hoped the Courts, if they could c< sistcntly, would so bold, but be knew tl would not. It was his desire to prot the homestead against any claims oxc< where tbe rights have been already vest such as judgments already entered una judgments." The opposition claim tl ?bis was wronging thc creditor, and t member who had just sat down, h worked about three-quarters of an he to show they were working injustice the creditor" It was not the intention the advocates of the measure or its f mers, it was not their desire lo intcrft at all with the collection of debts. T section docs not prohibit men from c leeting their debts. It was only askt and intended to protect tho poor un ft t?nate debtor. The question is not whet er Le shall pay or not. lt was desir they should pay. The)' did not propo to repudiate debts, but to place the nnf< lunate debtor in a position that he ct pay his debts. Take the case of a man owning a tho sand or ten thousand acres of land, wil a comparatively small indebtedness. 1 force the sale of that land for indebte noss, may sweep from him his last loot it. If he owes an)- great amount, he ma bc left still in debt. It was lor thc? reasons they ashed this provision, that man may be lett the means ot subsistenc the means to recover and to obtain moue to pay his debt. The member from Darlington (M Wbittcmore) had spoken of ad vanees < money made within the last two or tint years. Ile desired that every dollar i it should bc paid. What were the ci; ea matan ces under which the money wu advanced ? Was it done with any ex pei talion, any idea, or any desire to swee away from a man owning land every foe he possessed ? Not at all. lt was don with an expectation that tailed, and the; are as unfortunate as the mar. that boi rowed the money. The hitler has pail all he can, and wc propose to allow hin the privilege, if he possesses the land, o reducing it down in payment ol his debt to one hundred acres. We do not des ir the creditor shall have tho privilege o taking the last hundred acres of land am turning Ibo debtor's family upolu the colt charities of the world. Il they had am humanity in this matter they would ni a ki the exception by protecting the last rem nant ol' land, leaving the debtor hope foi the tullir?, hopo that he may be aldo l< obtain provisions to feed his little ones and not bo cast upon tho world will nothing on earth to help him. If the) cared anything for the prosperity of tin Stale, they should do this. The ?peakel contended that to sell thc land would only allow parties, foreigners lo the State to come in ?nd render it poorer than it is. In icferenee to a man covering up ton thousand acres of land by dividing it in the manner alluded to by the member, in the first place he would have to have a pretty numerous family. In the second ?date and at the same timo ho would say the gentleman had mistaken hi.s vocation by wearing the clerical coat and robbed the legal profession of a valuable assis tant, if he could show whereby thc)'could clo anything nf the kind. Ile appealed to every legal gentleman on the floor, oven to the gentleman from Fairfield, whether or not anything of the kind can bc done. The gentleman said that the piclM.ro drawn by the member fruin liam well, ol persons distressed by shipwreck, was not analogous., fur thc reason that they had no conlrol over the winds that brought on the distress, and that the cause of the dis? tress upon the people of this Stale is the result of their own action. This was very far from heir.g the case. There arc comparatively few ot the peo? ple of this State responsible for the pre? sent condition of affairs. Is it states? manship, is it wise, is it just, is it mag? nanimous in ns here now to allow the State to perish, to dwindle and struggle through years for the want td'confidence, simply because the people may have erred at some time? Tho facts aro that the masses are not responsible for these acts. W. J. McKinlay followed, and opoo-td tho retrospective feature of the section. B. F. Randolph was the next speaker, and supported the passing of thc section, r.s one of thc most efficient means ot re? lief which tho Convention could afford for tho people of South Carolina. Mr. Co ri ey was the next speaker, and supported tho section, although, he said, it would strike at his own interest. Mr. F. J. Moses, Jr., followed in sup? port of tho measure, as an act of justice to tho poor people of th? State. Tho State of South Carolina heretofore, he said, had been ruled by t'.ie rich for tho rich, while thc rights of the poor man, personally, as well a? his rights of estate, had been trampled upon by tho aristocratic ele? ment. As much reverence as he had for the Constitution of the United States, il it was necessary in order to carry this measure, with tho knowledge that Con? gress would confirm their action, ho was Willing to gt) outside the Constitution of the United States. He wa? followed by Mr. Rutland, who opposed tho passage of thc soetion, on thc ground of its unconstitutionality, and that tho Courts would not recognize it is valid. R. B. Elliott, at the conclusion of Mr. Rutland's remarks, moved tho previous question, which was sustained. Tho various amendments ? ere thon put. and with the exception of a verbal amend j mont, offered by R. B. Elliott, wero all 1 los*. 1 The main question was then put, upon which Mr. Dill called for the ayes and navs, which was sustained. Mr. B. P. Whittemore asked leave to explain his vote, which was granted. Mr. Whittemore said he voted "no'' because the section is proclaimed to be retrospective, and because I cannot sup? port any. project that would commit a violation of the Constitution of my coun? try, but I am in favor of a just Home? stead Act. W. F. McKinlay said he would have voted no, but he understood that it would be left for the courts to decide whether the law was retrospective or not. He therefore voted aye. C. M. Wilder said he wanted it under? stood he did not oppose a homestead, lie believed it to be the means of identifying tho people with the State. But howas opposed to any homestead or stay law that would rob one portion of the people to satisfy tho other. He therefore would vote no. The President announced the result of of tho votes?Ayes 102. Nays 4. Tho hays were Joseph D. Jenks, Y. J. P. Ow? ens, B. F. Whittemore, Chas. M. Wilder. Absent?F. Arnim, L. Boozer, i). H. Chamberlain, John A. Chesnut, B. J. Donaldson, R. Humbird, J. K. Gibson, Samuel Johnson, George Jackson, Dr. J. C. Ncnale, William Perry, II. L. Shrews berry, Francis F. Wilder, George Lee, Henry Jones. The 35th Section then passed lo its third reading, und the President an? nounced the Convention adjoin tied. South Carolina Reconstruction. The Convention now sitting in Charles? ton for the purpose of reconstructing the State of South Carolina according to the Radical programme is, in every sense, ar. outrage on propriety. Aside from the manner in which the delegates were chosen, and the negro ascendancy which exists in the body, the whole thing is a shameful arid costly farce, which deserves thi severest rebuke and reprobation. For example, Dr. Mackcy, the Collector of the Port, is the President of the Convention. Apart from the indelicacy of a pnblic of? ficer occupying such a position at all, we should like to know whether he is piiid six thousand dollars a year for neglecting the duties ol his office and devoting him? self to this political business. The people are taxed to pay large salaries like his, and receive no return whatever. We notice, as figuring among the dele? gates lo this Convention, E. W. M. Mackcy, a son cf the Collector, and one of the assessors of the internal revenue. So, not satisfied with being well paid by the Government lor doing nothing, he gets elected upon a sham residence from a country district, and draws pay from the Convention. Dr. Mackcy a family seems to find Radicalism a good pigeon to pluck. Then there is another person from the Charleston Custom house? one J. Wood? ruff, an inspector <?f customs?who offi? ciates as reporter to the body, ami who was formerly one of the most notorious rebels in that community. lie, too, has large pay from both offices. If the Federal officers at Charleston have nothing to do, as would appear by such facts as these, we hope their places ma)' be abolished. The attention ot the pretended reformers in Congress is now culled to this glaring abuse. It would also ho well for the Secretury of the Treasnry to examine tho serious chnrires which have been publicly made against Dr. Mackcy, the Collector in question, and U? "rdcr an inquiry into his appoint ments, which arc controlled by the influ? ence of a secret sociely. The fact is un? doubted that several of the most offensive rebels, who held positions under Col well before the war, have been reapnointed by the present incumbent, notwithstanding his convenient "loyalty," which is noth? ing else than a means of pensioning him? self and family on the Government. No one ever heard of him as a Union man before or during tho war, but after peace was proclaimed and ollices were to be given, then he was very loud in shouting his own praise, and successful in humbug ?ring others in accepting them.?Rational Intelligencer. --o> A "Black Lecorapto?." The py.vlced convention of Lecompton was the beginning of the political tricke? ry that, was intended to defeat the popu? lar will; and the scheme devised in that convention to bring Kansas as a State under a constitution which had not been submitted to the people for ratification was intended to be its consummation Congress refused to admit Kansas with the Lecompton constitution, because the people of Kansas had been denied the op? portunity to pass upon it. The entire Re? publican voto in Congress at that time was cast against the admission for that roason. Tho whole liepublicun party at that time stood arrayed against it on the same ground. The document wont back to Kansas, and was submitted, after a fashion, to the popular voto. By dint of stuffing ballot boxes with the names ol pretended voters taken from a Cincinnati director)', the re? sult was declared to be in its favor. But Congress and tho Republican party again refused to admit Kansas with the Le? compton constitution, on the ground that, tho election had been carried by unfair means, and that, in truth, tho popular voico in Kansas was against that consti? tution. It is important that tho history of that political contest should be remembered at this juncture. It is important that all men who havo acted, from conscientious motives, with tho dominant political par ty, should revive their recollection of the attitude which their party then assumed, i For the Lcoomption question is about i to be revived. It was Drought before tl? United States Se?ale on Wednesday b Mr. Sherman, ol Obi??, in a bill io recoj nizc the validity ol the blaek-and tu t h i ?i ir, called a constitution, in Alabann lt is not pretended, as the ?* border rii flans " pretended in the case of Kansai that the black-and-tan thing called a coi Btitutioh has received the popular a| proval in Alabama, It is not prelcndei even, that it has been approved by a rh: joi itv of the so-called " lojul '' inhabitant of Alabama. It is known an?! concede? that it has not been. It is known am conceded that an enormous majority c ? the people of Alabama are against it j and that a majority ol the regisiere? voters are, upon every presumption ?j logic ami law. against it. Senator Sin I man's bill is predicated only on the ut sumption that the thing called a constitu? tion "has been ratified by u majority ?>l th? qualified persons voting on tin-question. The very language employed by the Sen ator is a declaration that it has not heel " ratified at all." It l.a< been roted fi: only ny a majority of the minority of li? groes that voted at all; which, as Con gress and the Radical party held in tb case of Lecompton. was no ratification The bill ol Senator Sherman is a prop? sition that the party which opposed au? defeated the "Lecompton infamy" sha! now adopt that infam}* in its pol?tica creed, that the thing called u constitution concocted by a packed convention ol' ig nora nco and brutality at Montgomery and repudiated ny a majority of --loyal 1 inhabitants, and hy more than throe fourths of all tho inhabitants of Alabama shall be recognized as valid; and tba Alabama sh.ill be admitted under it bs the party which was brought forth, ant nourished, and elevated to strength .ant power upon thc very violence of its ??ut cries against the perp?tr?t?0(1 of a like in famy, attempted by a faction of desperate politicians twelve years agol Human records furnish no more re? markable instance nf history repealing it? self. Bu' it ina}* be, in the inscrutable plan of Providence, proper that the dy? nasty of Jacobinism in America should tall by the same crime which gave it rise; that the politicians who vaulted t<> power upon the cry ol popular freedom anil righi should sink into historical i n iii in v for themselves perpetrating the identical crimes they pretended to denounce and abhor ? C/? ica jo Tim es. The Complete Letter-Writer. The habit of a soldier is obedience; General tirant disobeys. The meru of a soldier is his valour: General tirant proves himself a craver]. Thc honour ol a soldier is his faithfulness ; General Grant practices a triple treachery. The President places this man in a posi tion which he is to hold against an adver snry, and tit which end his orders are ol the strictest nature, lie makes au uneondi tiona] surrender ol it to that adversary be? fore it is even demanded. If a privat?? disregarded in so flagrant a manner the order of a superior, he would bc shot upon his own collin. In General G'lint's letter to the Picsident, bearing date upon the 30th ol January, and a part of the corres? pondence arising from his desertion of his post., he gives notice that ho is going to fight it out upon this line. A true soldier is subordinate ; he is insubordinate.? A true soldier is respect fid ; General Grant is insolent. Were the Pi csident actuated by one atom of personal or parti? san feeling, or willing in any way to coin plicate on his own part the present state of affairs, this inferior of his in the command ot the armies of the nil td States would be at this moment under arrest in his own guardhouse. General Grant had but one thing to do ? obey orders. Not he, but his superior, held the responsibility. lind he obeyed, Mr. Stanton must have carried his claims to the courts; the constitution.-! lit y of the Ten? ure of Ofh'ce bill would have been decided ; the country would have been # relieved of a tremendous imbroglio and an imminent danger of revolution. Hrre, to a mau that hued his country and forgot himself, ?as a priceless occasion ; circumstances, oppor? tunities, urged him forward towards the gap ; General Grant was no Curtius; he v. as a coward. In General Grant's lotter of the 3rd of February, he has the impertinence to an? swer the President that he entered tho Cabinet morely to counteract a great prill ciple on which the government has been conducted from its foundation, and which allows the President advisers adhering to his declared policy, lie entered the Cabi? net, then, by a treachery : he abandoned his iilaco in it by more perfidious treachery yet: it is only by corresponding tieachery that those letters were to be found in Mr. Stanton's hands at all. The Re| ublican party are loud in their outcry against traitors; will they promote a spy to the highest place in their power? Manipulated by tricksters and politicians, self-stripped of all title to veracity, General Grant ap? pears neither a soldier not a man : he has pricked the bubble of his own reputation ; he goes before the people nothing but au empty epaulet. Ile who does nor know how to obey does not know how to rule, is a time hon? oured maxim; and, as it has already been said m an able literary journal he whore- I fuses to yield his power tn the hand that confers it, may one day refuse to yield it to the people thenwives Hut tor this, we might well wi-h that General Grant should in due time be president himself, j simply that he might cease to he General. But with the sapper?* and minors of Chase beneath him ; with Butler, who, whatever else mav be said of bim, never forgot a friend nor forgave a fne,on his roar: with his own hands weaving his shroud in such ,i tissue of brow beating falsehood ami abashed infamy na his correspou?onc? un- ? The Intelligencer Job Office. Having recently made considerable additions to this department, we are prepared to execute In the neatest style and on the most reasonable terms. Legal Blanks, Bill Heads, Posters. Cards, Handbills. Pamphlets, Labels, and in fact every style of work usually done in a country Printing Office. BSy* In all cases, the money will be required upon delivery of the work. Orders, accompanied i with the cash, will receive prompt attention. folds?what hupe have we of being rd , lieved of the life long incubus? From such an opponent in the field An ? drew Johnson ha* nothing to fear. An j drew Johnson, who, tlainiing that our lib j erties are secured to us, only by the con? stitution, while petty men" go" down on petty issues, declares its mighty principles rJone, looms lik?- a ;Jant as he Mauds with j his back to the wall, sinfflehanded, against ? a horde, beatiigofi anarchy and monarchy, and with his courage conquering success. \Wasti. Cor, A\ Y. World, - A Serious Falling Out. Probably the last two persons in the world a man would expect to hear of as ! quarrelling are the [Ion. Charles Sumnef and a ?vspectable coloured man from Bos? ton. If I were asked to name any where in this bleak world of ours "two souls with but a single thought,*' 1 should name iu the first place the Hon. Charles, and in'he second place the respectable coloured i gentleman from almost anywhere, but es? pecially from Brston, But .Scripture atid poetry warn us of the instability ol human friendship, and though histoiy gives us a few exceptions in favor of men lovely and pleasant in life, and not divided in death, I regtet to say that Mr. Sumner and the respectable coloured gentleman from Bos? ton cannot be included among them. Till j within a week they might; now they cannot. How it came that the umbilical cord which bound the Hon. Charles to the respectable coloured gentleman from ai.y where, but especially from Bo>ton, was broken, never again to be united, it is the object ol this paragraph to relate: The office of chief journal clerk of the Senate was vacated a couple of weeks since, by a power which disregards the Tenure of Office act, and makes removals without 'the advice and consent of the Senate." It has lonir been one of the written laws of that great body to allow Senators, in regular rotation, the privilege of naming candidates for clerical vacancies under the Secretary. This time it was Mr. Sumner a turn to i ame the individual who should fill the gap which death had created. There was joy among the respectable coloured gentlemen of Boston diffused among sever? al for awhile, but finally concentrating into intense and ecstatic rapture upon one, who w as assured by Mr. Sunnier that he should he chief journal clerk of the Senate. "News of the intended select ion reached the capital very soon. Senators remonstfa ted w ith the Honourable Charles, whose re? spectable coloured gentleman was, to their eyes, nothing but a nigger. And a nigger must not be chief journal clerk of the Sen? ate! The backbone of the Honourable Charles stood stiffly up fur the respectable coloured gentleman awhile and the respec? table coloured gentleman came all the way from Boston to Washington in full expec? tation of being installed in the promised office. Senatorial remonstrances increased in vehemence, and multiplied in number, until it was solemnly asseverated that no '?nigger' should be clerk of the Senate, a:ul Forney, with all bis ?'fierce devotion" to the coloured loyalists, had to yield to a ic.piest under no circumstancs to appoint Mr. Stunner's respectable coloured gentle? man Iroin Boston to the vacant clerkship, i ere wa a dilemma. The respectable coloured gentleman from Boston was here, with Stunner's written promise in his pocket, and yet he couldn't get the place because he wa* a ?-nigger.'" Mr. Sumner finally yielded to the press? ure and named a white man for the p'ace. The respectable coloured gentleman went home to Boston, perhaps a wiser, certainly not a happier man, swearing vengeance against the Hon. Charles for not making more of a tight in his behalf, and more than doubting the sincerity of that great man's attachment to him personally, and to his race collectively. Ilviicefortli no more forever will that respectable coloured gen? tleman from Boston sound the praises of Stunner as the champion of equal rights. Gone is his ad niration for t'^e Hon. Charles, whose sempiternal orations on universal brotherhood will fall upon his chagrined and disappointed ear as tinkling cymbals, full of sound ant' fury, signifying nothing; or, as the respectable coloured gentleman from Boston, who wears spec? tacles, and hath classic air (for I w??? birr, with mine own eyes), will doubtless put it, vox ft prat- rca nihil. Oh, Charles, who'd have thought it ?? Washington <.or. Cincin nnati Commercial. --<y First Love.?Ask any young lady what she thinks of -'lir.-t love,'* and she will tell you that it is the quintessence of all that is ecstatic, compared with which any so-called love that may come after it must be as skyblue skimmed milk to clotted cream. Put the same question to an enamored young gentleman of eight i-en, and he will vow that it is the Cliqnot champagne of human existence, to which all subsequent emotions, dignified with tho name ol love, tire mere Jersey cider But the mature ot both sexes, in nine cases out ot ten, can tell a different story. Boy-and trirl love is but a taint shadow of the in? tense pa sion which often overcomes and enthralls the middle-aged. The capacity for loving is not fully developed in the young miss who has just cast aside her dolls, nor in 1 he youth whose chin w but newly acquainted with tho razor. The ci.tniinasm of these novices in the tender passion is generally evanescent Of course there are exceptional cases, but as a* gen? eral rule. b>*e docs not take firm root in the heart before the age ot twenty five. Profession'' "'?dying devotion from young men of nineteen and t wenty an not to he trusted. The question which :? lady who "receives an oiler of marriage ?diould I'otisiiK r is nut merely 'whether she has won lue aileclions of her adtnii < r. Iui! also ??'.<?)ht'i\ if won. she can }-u- :? \'o have and to hold arc trwy