Historical Newspapers of South Carolina

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An Independent Family Journal?-Devoted to Politics, Literature and General Intelligence. VOL. 3. ANDERSON, S. C, WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 15, 1868. NO. 30. BY HOYT & WAITERS. TERMS: TWO BOLLABS AND A HALF PES ANNUM, IN UNITED STATES CURRENCY. RATES OF ADVERTISING. Advertisements inserted at the rates of One Dol? lar per square of twelve, lines for tbe first insertion and Fifty Cents for each subsequent insertion. Liberal deductions made to those who advertise by the year For announcing a candidate, Five Dollars in advance. Prom Washington. Washington, January 7. Howard's Stantou report takes the ground that Stanton favored the Reconstruction Acts, while the President evinced a dispo? sition to disregard them, and eveu seize, if j possible, the reins of absolute power. This startling purpose was a part of John? son's purpose, and the real ground ot dif? ference between the President and Stan ton. Stanton had a legal right to refuse Iiis resignation. Circumstances justified Stanton s actions. The report combats all the President's positions, placing the Pre? sident in the light of a false accuser, and closes with a resolution, that the Senate <do not concur iu Stanton's suspension.? The report impeaches the President's ve? racity regarding the New Orleans riots. Tbe cotton question was resumed in the Senate, and alter a long argument and numberless amendments, the bill passed, to the following effect: The tax is sus? pended during 180S on cotton grown du? ring that year. This suspension is not to be construed to prevent the regular levy of the tax after 1868. The duty on raw cotton imported into the United States from April, 1868, to April, 1869, has been has been suspended. The bill goes back to the House for concurrence. Adjourned. In the House, the bill expediting the payment of bounties was resumed, and an amendment referring to the claims of ne? gro soldiers to the Freedmeu's Bureau for examination, was adopted and the bill passed. The Election Committee reported in favor of swearing in Trimble, from Kentucky. The bill preventing the whis? key tax frauds introduced, forbids the withdrawal of spirits from bond under any circumstances until the full tax is paid. The House went into Committee of the Whole, when Carey spoke in favor <ol paying the debt in legal tenders. - Wilson's bill was presented to day, to vacate the offices of Governor, Secretary of State, Treasurer, Comptroller and Sur? veyor-General of Georgia. Washington, January 8. In t he House, the Committee on For? eign Affairs reported a resolution requcst ing'the President to intercede with Queen Victoria for Father McMahon's release. The report maintains the innocence of Mc Mahon, and the committee refused to cou? ple other names with the resolution, as the case was homogenous. The resolution was discussed broadly, some members maintaining that the American view re? garding alienation and naturalization must i?e enforced by arms if neoecsary. Mc Cullum held that the nation that wont strive to protect those who swear allegi? ance to it should be blotted out, and held that the rulings of the English courts re? garding expatriation were monstrous.? Pending the discussion, the morning houi expired,- and the resolution went over. The Senate amendments to the cotton bill was referred to the Ways and Means Committee. The Missouri election ca6e came up and consumed several hours, and Van Home was declared entitled to the seat. Adjourned. In the Senate, amendments to the bank? rupt acts were indefinitely postponed.? The Finance Committee was instructed to inquire as to the expediency of affixing a penalty when Government officers dis? burse money without legal authority. Mr. Couness said the resolution was aimed at those whom the Senate rejected as unfit for positions, but who were afterwards sent on special missions to do nobody knows what, and paid from public funds. The joint resolution to convey into the Treasury the proceeds of captured cotton and other property remaining in the hands of the Treasurer, w&h rennmed and elabo? rately discussed. The gross amount was $34,900,000 of which 24,000,000 remain in tbe hands of the Treasurer as special agent; 10,000,000 have been paid tu own? ers and for expenses. The action of the Treasurer in disbursing the 10,000,000 was seriously questioned and the matter post? poned. A resolution instructing the Ju? diciary Committee to report a bill to va? cate the present illegal and unauthorized governments in the Southern States, and provide good provisional governments un? til reconstruction, was laid over. The President was called on for information, whetheT the bill abolishing " white" iu the District laws and ordinances, was con? sidered as law by the Executive. After executive session, adjourned. Washington, January 9. In tbe Senate, a memorial was presented, asking an appropriation for the relief of freedmen iu the District; also asking for female suffrage in the District; also from 5,000 hand loom operatives, asking exemp? tion from taxation. The House bill to prevent fraud in whiskey revenue passed, with an amendment Btriking out the words "in bond," making the provisions apply to all whiskey. A petition fr om the Ala? bama Constitutional Convention, praving for the removal of Gov. Patton, for politi? cal disabilities, was presented. Morton called up a resolution instructing the Ju? diciary Committee to report a bill abroga? ting existing State Governments in the rebel Statesand providing proper Govern? ments in lieu thereof. Frelinghuysen moved to amend, so as to make reporting of tbe bill discretionary with the Judicia? ry Committee. Morton desired to test the sense of the Senate directly upon the ques? tion, and said it was high time that Con? gress defined its position in terms not to be misapprehended on this subject; to his mind, the state of affairs now existing in these rebel communities had never been more als.rming; that Congress had, on the 2d of last March, declared the existing Governments in those States as illegal, j and not affording proper security for "lite | and property, and at that time Congress bad provided military supervision, until such time as legal Governments could be established; to-day, the military authority which they had set up -was obstructing the1 proper organ o? the Jaw io some of these States, and upholding the existing illegal and unauthorized Governments. Morton here sent to the desk of the Secretary the Acts of March and July, to be read, and also the original Order No. 1 of General Hancock, in which the civil authorities are declared-supreme. It would be seen by it that General Hancock in this order, not only defied the power of Congress, but actually nullified and refused to execute its laws. As Gen. Hancock has confronted directly the Congress of the United States, it becomes ?a question as to which side will j submit; he recognizes the authority of the civil tribunals organized by the very State Government which Congress has de? clared to be illegal. There was danger that the work of reconstruction would fail by the very military power which they had raised up to forward it. At this crisis it was incumbent on Congress tc be true and constant to itself, and proceed to ab? rogate these Governments. It became Congress to say at once what they in? tended to ?do, although declaring in the Acts referred to, that these State Govern? ments were illegal. Congress had not de? sired, in the exercise of its power, to do away with them abruptly; but in the present juncture, there should not be a moment's hesitation. If the amendment of Frelinghuysen vas adopted, it would mean nothing. He (Mr. M.) wanted a peremptory order to this committee, to bring in a bill immediately,and he desired this Senate to see the order. Mr. Freling? huysen did not intend to oppose any of the experiments which had been advanced by the Senator, but thought it due that some confidence should be reposed in the judg? ment of the committee. The expiration of the morning hour cut off further debate on the resolution, and the House 1 ?ilI to suspend further contraction of the curren? cy was taken up and discussed to execu? tive sesrion. Adjourned. In the House, a resolution asking thc release of Father McMahon and several other Fenians, passed. The bill prevent? ing whiskey frauds, as amended by the Senate came up and was discussed to ad? journment. "Leo,'' the Washington correspondent of thc Charleston Courier, writes as fol? lows : The United States Supreme Court will have before it a number of very important constitutional questions at the present term. There will be three cases involving the constitutionality of the Tenure of Office Law ; two cases involving the con? stitutionality of the Reconstruction Acts, and a case also that will test the validity ot the Pierpont Government of Virginia. All these are to some extent political ques? tions and enter into party controversy, and it is commonly said that the Court will be shy of them. If they should lie over till after the Presidential election they may be judicially settled. They may be argued at the present term and the de? cision withheld till next "December. It is supposed that the Democratic Leg? islatures of New Jersey and Ohio viii, this winter, severally rescind the Acts where? by they had ratified the 14th Article sub? mitted by Congress as an amendment to the Constitution. Jt is the opinion of lawyers that *as the Article has not been adopted by the requsite three-fourths of the States, every State may withdraw its assent to the same. Thus there may be a doubt whether that Article will form a part of the Constitution. The disfranchise? ments of rebels would therefore fail. Some of the Radical leaders still hold out the hope to the Southern whites that after the admission of their representatives in the Senate and House a general amnesty law will be passed, and all classes now ex? cepted be admitted to the right of suffrage. This promise is -held up in view of the in? creasing opposition of the Nothern people to African supremacy. If they do not recognize the white people of the South before the Presidential election they will fail practically to carry a majority ot Northern electoral votes and if they do thus restore to the whites the right of suf? frage they will lose the Southern electoral votes In this quandary they would gladly ttrike a compromise with thc south ; and give amnesty for political support. That is ?they will say to the Southern white people, if you support the Republican party you shall have the same rights with the Northern Republicans The political friends of Chief Justice Chase, in and ont of Congress, arc disposed to favor this scheme of compromise. The majority of the Radical leaders are undoubtedly determined to risk the fate of the party upon the nomination of Gen? eral Grant, and the platform of negro suf? frage and rebel disfranchisement. That they are beginning todoitbtthe entire and easy success ot their policy, which they heretofore expected, is apparent, and their exertions hereafter will bc redoubled.? Senator Wilson, of Massachusetts, who aspires to the Vice Presidency, on the Grant ticket, has issued a sort of manifest o to the party, through the New York In? dependent, setting forth thc necessity of adopting General Grant as their candidate, and of thus obtaining reinforcements from the ranks of "advanced Democrats.'' The Radicals rely for success upon an alliance with thc negro element and with the war Democrats. SweAhixo.?Swearing ?6 thc fit expres? sion of human rage, and thc most exact interpreter of its real meaning. He who utters the fearful word of damnation against his fellow man, is giving vent to a feeling which, had he the power, would ?really consign him to hell. Anger is thus not only murder, but murder of the worst kind ; it would not only kill the body, but would cast both soul and body into hell. Swtarer, see what your oath means ! An 1 g ry men, see what your anger means I An Interesting Reminiscence. ? "The West Florida Commercial, edited by Hon. S. R. Mallory, who was a mem? ber of Mr. Davis' Cabinet, publishes the following interesting account of the last official interview between Mr. Davis and Gens. Beauregurd and Johnston : The views of Generals Johnston and Beauregard ofthe military situation of the Confederacy on the 15th of April have already been referred to. At Greensboro Johnston fully and frankly expressed to a member of the Cabinet, an old personal friend, his conviction that all lurther re? sistance to the Federal forces East of tho Mississippi would but augment the flutter? ing and desolation ofthe country, with? out the slightest prospect of achieving independence, sustaining his opinions by reference to the relative positions, power and resources ofthe belligerents. "What, in your judgment," said his friend, "do the best interests of our people require of the Government?" "We must stop fighting at once," said he, "and secure peace upon the best terms we can obtain." "Can we secure terms ?'* ! "I think we can," he replied; "at all events, wo should make t he effort at once, for we are at the end of the row." "Gen. Johnston," said his friend, "your position as chief of this arm}' and as the military commander of this department demands from you a frank statement of your views to the President. You believe that our cause is hopeless, and that further resist? ance, with the means at our command, would not only bo useless, but unjustifia? ble, and that we should lay down our arms and secure the best terms we can get for our people. I will, if yon please, state all this to the President, but 1 think you had better do so at once, and explic? itly." "Gen. Beau regard and 1 have been requested to meet the President this cvon ing," he replied, "and I will give him my opinions very explicitly. You will not find me.reticent upon them." At eight o'clock that evening the Cabi not, with the exception of Mr. Treu holm, whose illness prevented his attendance, joined the President at his room. It was a small apartment, some twelve by sixteen feet, containing a bed, a few chairs, and a table, with writing materials, on the sec? ond floor of the small dwelling of Mrs. John Taylor Wood; and a few minutes after eight the two Generals entered. The uniform habit of President Davis, in Cabinet meetings, was to consume some little time in general conversation before entering upon the business of the occasion, not unfrequently introducing some anecdote or interesting episode, generally some reminiscence of the early life of himself or others in the army, the Mexican war, or his Washington experi? ences; arid his manner of relatii g aud his application to them were at all times very happy and pleasing. Few men seized more readily upon the sprightly aspects of any transaction, or turned them to better account; and his powers of mimicry, whenever he conde? scended to exercise them, were irresistible. Upon this occasion, at a time when the cause of the Confederacy was hopeless, when its soldiers were throwing away their arms and flying to their homes, when its Government, stripped of nearly all power, could not hope to exist beyond a lew days more, and when the enemy, more powerful and exultant than ever, was advancing upon all sides, true to his habit, he introduced several subjects of conversation, unconnected with tho con? ditio of the country, and discussed them as ife . some pleasant ordinary meeting. Aft? ? a brief time thus spent, turning to General Johnston, ho said, in his usual quiet, grave way, when entering upon matters of business, ''I have requested you and General B^auregurd, General Johnston, to join us this evening, that we might have the benefit of your views upon the situation of the country. ?I course we feel the magnitude of the mo? ment. Our late disasters are terrible ; but I do not think we should regard them as fatal. I think we can whip the enemy yet if our people will turn out. We must look at matters calmly, however, and see what is left for us to do. Whatever can be done must be done at onco. We have not a day to lose.'' A pause ensued, General Johnston not seeming to deem himself expected to speak, when the Pres? ident said, "Wo should like to hear your views, General Johnston." Upon this the General, without preface or introdue tion?his words translating the expres? sion which his face had worn since he en? tered the room?said, in his terse, concise, demonstrative way, as if seeking to con? dense thoughts that were crowding for utterance, "My views are, sir, that our people are tired of the war, feel them? selves whipped, and will not fight. Our country is overrun, its military resources greatly diminished, while tho enemy's military power and resources were never greater, and ma}' be Increased to any de? sirable extent. We cannot place another largo army in the field ; and, cut off as we are from foreign intercourse, 1 do not bcc how we could maintain it in fighting condition if we had it. My men are dai? ly deserting in large numbers, and are taking my artillery teams to aid their es capo to their homes. Since Lee's defeat they regard the war as at an end. If I march out of North Carolina her people will all leave my ranks. It will be the same as I proceed South through South Carolina and Georgia, and I shall expect to retain no man beyond the by-road or cowpath that leads to his home. My small force is melting away like snow be? foro the sun, and I am hopeless of re? cruiting it. We may, perhaps, obtain i terms which we ought to accept." The tone and manner, almost spitcfu-l, i in which the General jerked out these j brief, decisive sentences, pausing at every paragraph, left no doubt as to hid ( convictions. When he ceased speak whatever was thought of his stuteme and their importance was fully un< stood, thej' elicited neither comment inquiry. The President who, during tl delivery, had sat with his eyes fixed u] a scrap of paper which he was fold and re-folding abstractedly, and who 1 listened without a change of position expression, broke the silence by sayi in a low, even tone : "What do you s General Beauregard ?" "I concur in General Johnston has said," he repli Another silence, more eloquent of the I appreciation of thc condition of the co try than words could have been, suece ed, during which the President's mani was unchanged. Alter a brief pause he said, withonl variation ot tone or expression, and wi out raising his eyes from the slip of pa] between his fingers : "Well, Gene Johnston, what do you propose? Y speak of obtaining terms. You know, course, that the enemy refuses to tn with us. How do you propose to obt; terms?" "I think thc opposing Generals in t field may arrange them." "Bo you think Sherman will treat wi you ?" "I have no reason to think othcrwi Such a course would be in accordan with military usage, and legitimate." "We can easily try it, sir. If we c accomplish any good for the counti Heaven knows I am not particular as forms. How will }-ou reach Sherman? "I would address him a brief note, pi posing an interview to arrange terms surrender and peace, embracing, of cour< a cessation of hostilities during the ue? tiations " '?Well, sir, yon can adopt this conn though I confess I am not sanguine as ultimate results." Tho member of the Cabinet, before 1 frrred to as conversing with Gen. Joh ston, and who was anxious that his vie\ should be promptly carried out, immci a tc ly seated himself at the writing tabl and, talcing up a pen, offered to act as tl General's amanuensis. At the request the latter, however, thc President diet ted the letter to Gen. Sherman, whu was written at once upon a half sheet letter folded as note paper, and signed I Geri. Johnston, who took it and said 1 would send it to Gen. Sherman early i the morning; and in a few minutes tl conference broke up. This note, whit was :i brief proposition for a suspensiv ol hostilities, and a conference with view to agreeing upon terms of pcac lias been published with other lettei which passed between thc two General On or about the 10th of April the Pre ?dent, his staff and Cabinet, left Green boro' to proceed still further South, wit plans unformed, clinging to the hope th: Johnston and Sherman would seem peace and the quiet ot the country, bu >till all doubt ful ot the result, and sti more doubtful as lo consequences of fai ure. -0? Milita ky Laws in the Skcovd Dis tri ct.?Gen. Cunby has not been timi? in exercising thu authority given him b; tho.se so-slyled reconstruction acts, whiel have con verted the whole South into ; military satrapy j and, dangerous as it i and must be to vest in one man the pow er of determining thc manner in whiel the lives and properties of thc people of : State of the Union are to be cared for o protected,it mujt be admitted that,in sonv of his actions, Gen. Can by has shown ; liberal and comprehensive spirit, which i worth}' of imitation in those district where power is used only for thc purposi of tyranny and oppression. It has for }-ears been a subject of com plaint that Charleston, the metropolis o South Carolina, has had to bear tar mon than her just proportion of the taxatioi of the State. This arose from thu fae that in tho city real estate was taxed ai about it? value, while in tho country tin bare land was taxed at a nominal rate while the improvements upon it, howevet valuable, were in no way included. Ir the State Legislature the country repre? sentation was so powerful that this unjust condition of things could not be changed, But thc pen of the military commander has been more potent than thc voice ol the representatives of Charleston, and in thc tax bill arranged by Gen. Can by for thc coming year, every acre and foot of land, with the improvements upon it, will be taxed according to its marketable val? ue. This section of thc military tax or? der has given general satisfaction in thc State, and that satisfaction has been in? creased by the fact that the rates of taxa? tion generally have been lowered in such a manner as to encourage trade and fos? ter the growth of commercial business. Gen. Ca ii by has also done well in decreas? ing tho tax upon the gross receipts of newspapers in the State; and there is ev? ery indication that it is his determination not to attempt to crush by taxation those organs of public opinion which arc work? ing for the maintenance of peace in the South, and which, at tho best, .return to their conductors but a meagre return for the incessant care and attention which they require.?Nexo York Sunday News. ? Wendell Phillips is pained at tho general imbecility of tho Republicans, and at the manifest fate which threatens thc party. The Republican ship he says, ?b drifting before the wind, without cargo or destination, only waiting for the storm to clear away to discover what Hag it is safest to run up. Dropping metaphor, he repre? sents the party as anxiously questioning how it can secure most cheaply the stren? gth necessary in order to keep hold of office, and as ready to serve under any flag for thc sake of victory. A verypiratical party, manifestly I?Richmond Whig. A Few Words About Ariel. For some time past, tins pamphlet has engaged the attention of our exchanges by its novel and startling theories of the status of the negro in the scale of crea? tion. We have heretofore abstained from any reference to it, because we supposed that the world would regard it as we have inclined to do, as an ingenius hoax. That, in this day of light and knowledge, much sinned against, it is true, any one could be found, so bold and so blind, as to chal? lenge the right to a place in the scale uf humanity, of so large a portiou of the in 1 habitants of each, however degraded by centuries of barbarism in the worst cli? mates of the globe, did not enter serious? ly into our imagination. We regarded this essay as a quaint and curious satire upon the theories of those who haw claimed for these children of Ham, a superiority over Shem and Japhetb, in utter violation of the truth as found in the holy scrip? tures, and verified by the world's history from the days of Noah. But whatever may be the real opinions of this writer, it is manifest that he has been conceived to be in earnest by large numbers of his readers, and has been c msidered no un worthy antagonist of certain learned Di? vines, who with much zeal, if not discre? tion, have done him the honor to attempt a refutation. This proceeding has at once dignified the subject and invested the pamphlet with a certain strength which it would not otherwise have possessed; when anything is said or written,' revolt? ing to the religious sense of Christians, as I well as shocking to our ideas of humanity (which happily, incline us to elevate all creatures rather than to degrade them) it is always a mistake to invest the subject with importance by making it the theme of controversy, because however cunning? ly devised, it will sink beneath its own in? trinsic defects and fallacies. Certainly, to answer any grave error without elaborate thought, is of all things to be deprecated. We fear this has been done in this case, for the answers of the theologians have "hot been as well considered and as conclu? sive as their friends could have desired, for they generally felt better satisfied of the absurdity of the argument before this attempt to demonstrate it. Ariel has re? sponded in two letters characterised by greater learning and ability than the ori? ginal argument, and the present attitude of the question is not so triumphant for the cause of truth as we should desire. We do not propose to discuss this pamph? let further than to indicate the present as? pect of the discussion, and as far as we are concerned, to declare moBt emphatically, our abhorrence for the cofd blooded as? sumption that the negro is a beast, or at best a man without a soul. It is their misfortune that they have been thrown by their pretended friends, in antagonism to the great body of the | whitcs,"North and South, and in propor? tion to the extent of their delusion, are they entitled to the forbearance of their only true friends, the gentlemen of the South who have seen their best qualities, and know their impressibility to religious and moral ideas, and have always regard? ed them as faithful, though humble friends, whose title to a place in the economy of the great plan of salvation was as well es? tablished as that of any portion of the race of Adam. There may be a sort of pleas? ure in thus flying in the face of opinions long received and cherished by the world, but surely it must be a malignant spirit i^vhich could derive satisfaction in demon? strating that this unfortunate people are no longer to be regarded as anything bet? ter than a higher order of monkey, orang ou-tang or gorilla. We repeat, we regret that this wild and cruel theory has been dignified by discussion, and would not have referred to it:, but for the notice it! has received at the hands of reverend and learned divines, which has made it one of the topics of the day.?Camden Journal. -0 About Advertising.?It is not often that we find anything in the editorial col? umns of the New York Tribune which we can approve, but the following extract from a late article in that paper, under the above heading, strikes us as not only sensible and truthful hut as peculiarly ap? plicable to the business men of this city and in the South. The truth is, our mer? chants, as a class, have never realized the importance of liberal and judicious adver? tising as a means of securing success in any and all the different branches of busi? ness. At the North this thing is better understood?nay it has almost been brought to the perfection of an exact science, and hence it is we find so many instances of remarkable success, and im? mense fortunes made in a few months or years mainly through the benefits of judi? cious advertising : In the meantime, how arc business men to keep afloat? Prudence and economy, of course, are the two great lessons to be learned ; but there is ono part of these lessons which in dull times is especially apt to be forgotten. Bo sure of one thing: whatever you have to sell, there are many people ready to buy. even in tbe most de? pressed seasons. Find them out; show them your wares ; persuade them to buy of you rather t han another. When buy ers are reluctant sellers SRist be active. It is neither cheap nor sensible to sit still behind your counter and wait for the bustle of trade to revive. When business is dull that is the \ery time to advertise In the first place, that is when you most need to advertiso; and in the second, that ] is when people devote most time to read j ing tho newspapers, and when 3*our ad | vertisement consequently is most gener? ally seen. A few dollars invested in the columns of tho Tribune will do more to revive a sluggish business than anything j else in the world. The Intelligencer Job Office. Having recently made considerable additions to this department, we are prepared to execute m% TOES ?IF AUKa JOKES In the neatest style and on the most reasonable terms. Legal Blanks, Bill Heads, Posters, Cards, Handbills. Pamphlets, Labels, and in fact every style of work usually done in a country Printing Office. In all cases, the money will be required upon delivery of the work. Orders, accompanied j with the cash, will receive prompt attention. Behold! If Mr. Seward's penchant for real estate has brought within the folds of the flag of an immense amount of earthquake and hurricane, disturbing the national equili? brium and annoying Mr. Greeley; it Ve? suvius is on the rampage, and the Fenians on a general burPt; if everywhere and everybody, including Congress and the Cretans, exhibit the one fell purpose of keeping up a fuss, then there is no peace, and a malignant star seems to have flashed its lurid light on the age in which we live, and doomed the world to a season of com? motion and thundering disturbances. Na? ture plays her part right merrily in the merciless sirocco and disM-uetive tempest, in belching forth her hidden fires through volcanic peaks, and in given this wicked globe a grand old shake from centre lo circumference, and in other signs and. wonders, vastly increasing the business and profits of dealers in ascension robes, and even effecting Wall-street to the ex? tent of a slight tumble in gold. But amidst it all, Congress is unmoved, un? relenting, unterritied, undeterred from car? rying out its programme and purpose, and hence there is no peace. In the financial world there is almost a panic. Commerce droops its wings. The productive and in? dustrial energies of the country are brought to a deadlock. Thousands of laborers in one section starving because they can get no work. Thousauds of laborers in anoth? er section starving because they won't work. Men of splendid education, but * feeble frame, reduced to manual toil Men . of no education, but abundant muscle, di? verted from the plough to politics, and sit? ting in Conventions to legislate for States. And this is statesmanship, and wise gov? ernment, and unassailable political econo? my 1 It stops the machinery of the north? ern manufacturers; it turns to sterile plains the rich plantations of the South ; it clouds the brow of the merchant in both sections; it fearfully multiplies paupers and felons all over the land; it substitutes famine for plenty, and fear for confidence and peace. And this is statesmanship and wise government, and unassailable politi? cal economy ! " By their fruits ye shall know them." It is a fair test. It is the Gospel mode of trial, resulting in a ver? dict which no human iugenuity can suc? cessfully attack. And the vast array of damning proof of misrule, of mischievous and malicious legislation, which every day is heaping up against the party in power, will insure a verdict of condemnation from the awakened judgment of the American people, and from the impartial future chron? icler of our times. Reaffirming the Constitution? A correspondent of the New York Ex? press says that he well remembers being present, as an invited guest, at a compli? mentary dinner given to Hon. Daniel Web? ster, in the Musical Hall, in the city of Philadelphia, on the 2d of December, 1845, when he delivered one of his elaborate discourses on the political state of the country. The writer was placed on the platform, next to Mr. WTebster, and in the course of conversation with him before be made his addresss, took occasion to refer to the alleged violation of the constitution by their political opponents, but reminded him that though Magna Charta had been violated over and over again, it was as of? ten reaffirmed after such violations, until its provisions became the established fun? damental law ol England. Mr. Webster, in the course of his subsequent address, burst out in the following paragraph, which seems to have been suggested by the conversation, and which may be found in the report of his speech : ' M It may have happened?I think it has happened?that instances have occurred in which the spirit of this instrument has been departed from, in which, in effect, violations of that spirit have taken place. What of that? Are we to abandon it on that account? Why, I shonld as soon think of abandoning my own father when ruffians attacked him 1 (Loud and long continued applause.) No ! we are to rally round it, with all our power, and all our force, determined to stand by it or fall with it. Whas was the conduct of the great lovers of liberty in the early periods of English history ? They wrested from a reluctant monarch, King John, a magna charta. The crown, afterwards, violated that charta. What did they do ? They remonstrated, they resisted, they re-en? forced it, and that is what we are to do, gentlemen." (Tremendous applause.) Reaffirming the constitution is what Andrew Johnson is trying to do now, and which is considered by his enemies a crime deserving impeachment. It is what the people also have done in late elections, and what they must continue to do, if the constitution is to be preserved.?Bait. Sun. ? As Charles Lamb and a friend were passing through the lower purlieus of Lon? don, they saw two women violently scol? ding each other from the upper windows of their respective tenements, which hap? pened to be on opposite sides of a very narrow street in London, ''Why, these wo? men can never agree," remarked Lamb? "they are arguing from opposite premi? ses." ? Don't live in hope with your arms folded. Fortune emiles on those who roll up their sleeves and put their shoulders to the wheel that propels them on to wealth and happiness. Cut thin out and carry it in your vest pocket, ye who are idle in the barroom aud on the streets. Keeping Him in* the Family.?A Ken tuckian, who had, after a protracted eonrt ! ship, made up his mind to propose to a I young lady, carried his resolution into ef i feet. The lady, with some hesitation, re? plied : "lam partially engaged, but inoth j er wanti to marry,"