Historical Newspapers of South Carolina

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An Independent Family Journal?Devoted to Politics, Literature and General Intelligence. VOL. 3. ANDERSON, S. 0., WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 20, 1867. NO. 23. BT H?YT & WAITERS. TEE M S: %W0 DOLL ABS AND A F^t/F PEE AHTSTTM, . - W " CaiTKD ST?TJES CUKBEXCT. . BATES OF ADVERTISlistS. Advertisements inserted at tho rates of One Dol? lar per square of twelve lines for tho first insertion ind Fifty Ccnte-for each subsequent insertion. Liberal deductions made to those iVho advertise by - the year. . |tQ^ ;For ojmouncing a.candidate, Five Dollars $n-advance. , $e}>aie in the Conservative Con? vention. The Charleston News contains a full rc ?V port '?f the debate in the lato Conserva? tive Convention, and which was partici ? 'p'atcd in by many of the leading men present, and lasted more than five hours. '. The e-loqistent and forcible speech of Hon. ioax A. Inolis clearly comprises the honest statement of-facts, and we have ? thought that our readers would be pleased to peruse his remarks unabridged. As . 'chairman of the committee which report? ed the address, Judge Inglis felt con? strained to defend its utterances, and this -he did in the following manner: Ma. President : I. cannot even think >b?u't-this subject without feeling my '.heart beat more rapidly; and it is of such transcendant importance, and tho occasion on which we have assembled is so solemn in character, that I shair endeavor neither by word; tone or manner to quicken the pulses of any-membcr of this Convention. ? i propose to say but little; as the Cbair C?an of the Business Committee-, it does h?t become ine to permit the vote to be jtaken without one word. ' The question has beert made .whether it is wise lor this Convention to act at all. If this be the prevailing opinion, it is fu tile-to discuss any particular form of ac -lion. Ienter-upon the consideration of t-hi& point with tbe most profound depres? sion 1 ever fett in my life. The discovery that here, in a body composed ot repro-. rsenUitives from the various Districts of South Caroliua, there exists such exten? sive and powerful opposition to any action '".at allv. is of itself, a Teason that there . Bltould.be action. It has been well said that; unless the action of this Convention can be unanimous?unless the preconceiv ' ed impressions and prejudices of individu "ats can,be yielded to the general senti? ment of the body, it is better to go home. Speak with one voice, or.be silent. At .such a crisis as this, let us speak tiot with trouble tongue in South Carolina. Mr.Ptesident, it is not enough that this -.Convention should do something that will do no harm: We came here for a posi? tive purpose. We are not here to issue .Were idle thoughts to the Northern car. Ought the State of South Carolina?1 shall always call her a State?stand with her hands hanging and her tongue dumb. In the presence of what Fact docs she staud? ~" A fact-without a parellel in the . hiatxwy of tbe world. For scarcely before the ink with which it is recorded is dry, the Covern meat of South Carolina will pass into tie hands of the negro race. 1 Will not insult your intelligence by asking if you take in the till) import of that Fact. 3Ir. President, it is within ten years of "a century since South Carolina assumed lo..herself, as a political community, the -crown of sovereignty. During that time the Anglo Saxon has ruled her destinies, shaped her fate, made her honorable, and clothed her with majesty. .Xow that race is to be as effectually blotted out as if ever}- individual whose skin is white was murdered and hid from view-. Sir, is there a corporate town in South Carolina in which the negro will not have it in his power to elect a municipal government? the Intendent and Wardens'( How many ' Districts are there in the State in which eveVy officer of the District Police?the Slieritfs, Clerks, and Tax Ooilectors-^riray not be negroes? That is not all. In twenty-four out of thirty-one Districts, the Legislature will bo in tho bands of the black race. They can elect their own /men, and will they not do it? What people ever had power aridd id not use it ? What iollows? They will make your laws, or transform those already existing to suit thejr interests or their whims. Nor is ihat all. The Legislature ot South Carolina is a great electoral body. It chooses your Judges; and will a negro legislator choose a'white Judge if ho can find a black one to answer bis purpose? Will be choose wbite Senators and mem? bers pf COhgr^Ss ? Will ho choose a white Governor and Lieutenant-Govemor? . I am stating the fact in the presence of which w.e^stand?the fact that the voters are two t?^?ue, and that the whole power of the Government, executive, Jegislativc and judicial, will, in two or three months, pass into the hands of the negro race. This is the fact which confronts us. We have como together for Conference and consultation, and, in tho presence of the appalling fact, of that repulsive fact, at which all that is white in the skin, manlj and pure in blood recoils, shall we do nothing? After a ecntury of glory,after a century of fame, when tho name of South Carolina has become a synonym of honor in tho ear of the world, she stands in the presence of this fact?Degradation ! And shall she not lift up her voice in pro? test against the mighty wrong? [Great applause.] Does not an individual assert i his manhood by protesting against wrong? And if it is becoming to the self-respect of,the man, is it not equally duo to the self-respect of tho Stato '( If it is the nat? ural utterance, the outpouring of one's manhood, the very thing is good. It cannot be otherwise than good. When, thorefore, you lift up your voice will it do no moral good? Will it do no practical good ? Yes, it will do justice to your past history, and it will do justice to thoso kings of men to whom tho State gave birth I "There is a tide in the affairs of men which, taken at its flood, loads on to for? tune." Is there no tide setting in now ? Is the passion excited by war subsiding ? Are the enormities of which tho [Radical party have hsen guilty, boginning to be realized ? Are tho people coming to their sober second thought, and starting back at the reality which their imagination had be/ore only pictured ? II these things be, is there no iltide in the affaire of men ?" Is it no time to step in with A calm and patient address to reason and understand? ing? Is it no time to say, "let us, who witness the facts, testily of the condition to which our country h:ts been reduced? for wo speak of what we have seen and do know." Think you, they are not in a condition of mind to listen to that? Why is it?can you explain it?that in everj' State in which elections have taken place, the evidence is overwhelming that I the people are returning to reason, sense, fraternal feeling and affection. Even Vermont: Vermont! Vermont!!! in her election this Fall showed, manifestly, that the domination of the Radical party was shaken ! How is it with New Jer? sey, Massachusetts, Kansas, Minnesota and Montana?thoso children of the West, where one would think the tide of fanat? icism had flowed out ? Are not men com? ing to their senses ? Is Ibid no tide in the affairs of men to be taken at its flood ? Is it not r.rue, then, that this statement of facts will do us good? If we raise our voice in wisdom, moderation and truth, it will assist those who aro our friends, and put arguments into their mouths; for wo testify of things among us, as the neces? sary result of the policy which has been pursued. Therefore, this protest will do moral good, and practical good. It will do justice to ourselves, and render aid to those who are our friends. Having settled that something must be done, I remark rh*st that that paper was submitted to a committee of twenty. By that committee it was carefully, slowly and distinctly read. It was referred to a sub-committee of seven, which this morn? ing spent two hours in considering the address in detail, sentence by sentence, and in changing ever}7 phrase that seemed to imply a threut, for tamer words suited to these times "WhtU tuen must speak with bated breath," until they believed every man North and South, or anywhere in the world, could accept it. It there is in it a word of threat? of compromise, or acquiescence, it is there by mistake. If there is an enunciation ot wrong followed by a dec? laration of acquiescence, it escaped atten? tion. It is true! And that is always of? fensive to somehody or other. It is man I3-. There is nothing cowardly about it. And what is its structure? The particular fact with which it has to deal is, that the State is about to be sub? jected to negro domination, and thisisset forth in a clear and forcible manner. But it has been observed, "You must say noth? ing controversial." Then why speak ? Nothing can be said here that will not give rise to controvers)*. Remain silent; your silence will bo perverted, and while our friends elsewhere are describing in burning words the wrongs we gutter j they will be met with a reply like this : "If it is such a monstrous wrong, why is it that the people affected by it have noth? ing to say ? They appear to like it. We hear r.o clamor, no voice of expostulation, nor do they testify to the truth of your representations." What answer shall we make ? I said that the people dealt with the fact of negro domination. We are told these arguments have been repeated over and over again. I beg leave to differ with this statement. There is not an ar? gument in it ever made before, for the simple reason that the argument is in the facts. It is further said that these things are all well known: But this is not true. The merchants of New York may have become acquainted with them through their contact or correspondence with tho Southern planter or business man, but the muss of testimony which the mass of the Northern people posses", 13, as is well known, tho testimony reeeived from oth? ers, not from us. And the facts on which reliance is placed by that people are false! Now, what are you going to do ? Let me carry you to an incorporated town where the election is just over. A negro ! who, perhaps, the other day was your slave, is the Mayor. A few other negroes are the wardens; thej' have just gotten their newly acquired power. You know how it is with white people who have power. There is pleasure at first in the mere exercise of authority. The streets, perhaps, are to bo worked upon, and tho white man, the gentleman, the proud chivalry of South Carolina, with a negro marshal near him, whip in hand) is driven to the task. What will be tho result? Somebody will begin, "Behold* what a great fire a little matter kindleth." What will be tho end ? It must not come if we can prevent it. Let us, if possible, arrest theso evils beforo they reach the thresh* Id. With gi eat deference to your judgment, Mr. President, and that of others, it seems to mo that it may be done. Let us, in any event, solemnly protest against this great wrong. At the same time, I come back to tho point I started with : Unless what we do is of one voice and one ac? cord, we had better cover our laces with our hands, and return to our constituen? cies in grief and shame. [Applause.] ? An exchange says: "Suppose a man and a girl were married?the man thirty five years old, and the girl five years; this makes the man seven times as old as the girl; they live together until the girl is ten years old; this makes him forty years old, and four times as old as the girl; they live they live together until she is fifteen, the man beiug forty-five ; this makes tho man three times as old; they still live until she is thirty years old; this makes the man sixty, and only twice as old, and so on. .NowShow long would they have to live to make' the girl as old as (he s^q ?" "Old Ben. Wade." After a protracted silenco "Mack," the racy correspondent of tho Cincinnati Com? mercial, reappears under date of 3d inst., and gives the substance of a conversation with acting Vicc-President Ben. Wade, on the political situation. As tho expres? sions of one of the most positive and least J hypocritical Radical leaders, his views I will prove of general interest: THE DEFEAT?ITS CAUSE AND RESULT. I saluted the old gentleman, in the lan? guage ofArtcmus Ward, "How do you like it as far as you've got?" '-It'sthe fate of war," said he, "we're d?d badly whip? ped, but it can't be helped. We must get ready for another round at 'em." "The nigger whipped us," said Mr. Wade. "We went in on principle, and got whipped. Wo should have carried the State by a good majority if it hadn't been for the suffrage issue. Still, I am not sorry we made the issue. If it was to do over again I'd be for putting it again, and I'll bo for keeping it up until we do win, for, by the eternal God, they can't beat us all the timo on a question like that. I had no idea that - there was so many Republicans in Ohio who were willing to see negro suffrage in the South, but wouldn't let.the few niggers of Ohio vote. That's what got me. They all scorned to be in favor of it as a measure of reconstruction, just as much as I was. I didn't dream they'd be mean enough to vote against it here.'' In answer to a question as to whether ho thought the greenback issue had any? thing to do with the defeat, Mr. Wade said he didn't think it had. It was noth? ing but the nigger. The greenback issue was not fairly before the people, for when you come to sift the matter the Demo? cratic speakers made very little of an is? sue on the greenbacks. The nigger was the only strong point they had, and they beat us on that, fair and square; but they'll have to keep on beating us, for wo'll give them no peace till wo beat them. "Now," said Mr. Wade, "because we've been whipped on the first trial, I suppose some of the weak-kneed brothers will be for backing out on that question. But I won't back a d?d inch. I'm for it now as strong as I was before the election, and stronger, too, because there is more need of being strong lor it, to conquer a mean prejudice. But you'll see men trying to hush the thing up, and to smother it and to dodge it in every wuy they can, and men who tall themselves Radicals, loo. Hell's full of such Radicals as we'll have now. I'm for it because 1 think it's right, and I know it's right; and, if a thing is right, the only way is to keep at it till it wins, for it's sure to win sometime or another. There is not a great reform in the history of the world that wasn't un? popular at first. And not one of them was ever carried by dropping it., and run? ning liko scared hounds from it, after it was beaten once. No, sir, we arc com? mitted to tho doctrine of universal suf? frage, and no man is a Republican who would desert it now. But, although that's my belief, mark my word, there'll be the damndest craw-fishing you ever saw from this time lorward. Well, let them go. Wo can win without them, and wo will win, too, just as sure as tho Almighty is just and Heaven above us. It will be? come harder every year for the Copper? heads to beat us on that issue, and they won't beat us very often, either, if we only make a bold front, and go at 'em with fixed lionets overy time."' IMPEACUMENT-WIIY IT FAILED LAST WINTER On this subject of impeachment, Mr. Wade said he wished to be distinctly un? derstood as expressing no opinion so far as Mr. Johnson's guilt or innocence was concerned, lie would, however, answer my question as to whether the late elec? tions would have any effect upon that matter. He thought the}* would. "You see," said he, "these weak-kneed brothers are taking the buck track ahead)'. Well now, what the devil has an election in Ohio got to do with the matter? If Andy Johnson is guilty, put him out; if not, acquit him; that's the way to do it. They ought to have pressed the investigation right along after they started it. And so they would have done last winter, if thero hadn't been so many men in the Senate and House who wanted to keep on good terms with the Whito House. There were too many men from Ohio and other States, who wanted their brothers and friends appointed to office, and knew that Andy was bidding high for votes. It was was one of the most shameful spectacles in the history of this or any other coun? try, to see men selling themselves and their constituents for office last winter. You pitched into a few of them, in the Commercial, but you only told a hundredth part of the truth. I wish the papers would take up every devil of 'em and go after'em. That thing will ruin the coun? try yet if the people ain't careful. Some of them denied having made any effort to get these appointments, but I know how it was. 1 know that Andy was mighty particular to mako his appointments to the best advantage, and he didn't give an office where it wouldn't count. If It hadn't been for that infernal thing of office get tin*', tho impeachment would have been sealed last winter, as it ought to have been. I don't know whether Johnson would have been turned out or not, but tho thing would havo been determined, one way or the other. SUMNEIt's SUFFRAGE RILL?STATE BIGHTS. He believed that under the last clause of the thirteenth amendment, giving Con? gress power to enforce tho abolition of Slavery by appropriate legislation, there was ample authority for tho passago of the bill, for no man was realty free in this ' corn-try npJcfJH jjo JjRtf tbo VlM to rote. But he was a believer in State rights in a proper and legitimate way, and did not know but that this bill was in violation of the right of each Slate to regulate suf? frage. Some of his party, he said, were; in favor of what they called consolidation, but be never was. He believed it was necessary to the proper administration of the affairs of the Government, that tho State should havo certain rights, and he did not believe that the State rights should exist ordy for the purpose of representa? tion in the Senate, and be a nullity for all other purposes. general grant. Referring to Presidential matters, Mr. Wade said it had looked to him for ayear past as if the Republican party would take Grant up for President, and run him with a hurrah. He was sorry to sec that dis? position, and believed no good would come of it. "The trouble with Grant is," said he, "you don't know where he stands. It seems very singular that a man could have lived through this terrible war without identifying himself with any party, and that men pietending to be Republicans should try to rush him into the White House without asking him a single ques? tion as to where he stands on the great issues now before the country. Still, I have felt it in my hones that they would do that very thing." I asked Mr. Wade if he had ever con? versed with Gen. Grant on political topics. "I have tried to do it," said he, "but I never could bring him out. When I saw the popular current appearing to run in his favor I thought 1 would like to know how he stood on the great questions be? fore us?whether he was for Johnson or Congress, or who the devil he was for; but I never couldgetanythingoutof him. As quick as I'd talk politics he'd talk horses, and he could talk for hours on that without getting tired. Well, horses are very good, but in these times a man may be all right on horses and all wrong on polities. Grant may bo all right for what I know, but then again he may be all wrong. If ho wants to be President by my voice, and the voice of the men I act with, he must not only be right, but he must prove that he is." I inquired of Mr. Wade what proof he would require from General Grant before supporting him a sa presidential candidate. Would a letter endorsing the Radical policy do? "No, it won't. We must have his word backed by somo official act showing him to be in somo sympathy with us, and in favor of the doctrines we advocate. Wo won't take any man's word after what we've gone through. Grant must come out and show his hand as a pronounced Republican or ho can't get my support. I don't know that my support amounts to much, but what little there is of it will go in the right direction." SHOULDER STRArS won't do "Men vote on principles hero, and if anybody thinks that a mere military re? cord is going to win on the Reservo he's mistaken. The best Republicans in the Slate will stay at home. They don't care for shoulder straps, but they do care for straight Republican principles, and the}' won't have any other. General Grant, without a platform and without a pledge, can't more than cany tho Reserve. A pronounced Republican will get fifty thou? sand majority; that's just the difference between availability and principle in this coining fight, and men who purpose to cram a no-party candidate, or a no-prin? ciple candidate, down our throats, may its well make a note of it. And I think it is a great mistake to suppose that a mero military reputation can win anywhere in the next election. Recent elections show that that cry won't avail any longer. In Ohio they came very near beating one of the best soldiers of thcStato with a peace Copperhead for Governor; in Connecticut, last Spring, they beat a splendid soldier with Mr. English ; in New York last year, the Republicans beat soldiers running on the Democratic ticket, and soon. The people want to fight political battles on [ principle. It Grant wants tho Presiden? cy let him come out like a man and say which side he is on, and if ho's strong enough on our side we'll elect him. But it is neither wiso nor necessary for us to run an availibility candidate. We will have the Southern States reorganized by that time, and they will vote right. Then we can rely on enough Northern States to insure tho election of our man, whoever he may be." CtlA.SE ?a EBM18NICENCE of 1860. "Tho idea has got out some how or other," said he, "that I have been dis? posed to fight Mr. Chase. I have never been any thing of tho kind. In 18G0, be? fore tho Chicago Convention,Chase wrote me a letter asking mo to sound the mem? bers of the two houses and sec what his prospects were. I did bo. I took the Republican Senators one by one into tho lobby and asked them what were Chase's prospects-in their States. I found only one man?Bingham, of Michigan?who was in favor of Chase in the Senate, and only a few id the House. I wroto to Chaso that the thing looked a little blue, but that perhaps ho had better come on and satisfy himself. Soon after this Dick Parsohs, of Cleveland, came to Washing? ton and did a little of prospecting. Ho found it no bettor than I had told him. When tho convention was about to meet Chase wanted mo to decline, but how the devil could I do that? I hudn't boon nominated, and I didn't know that any? body would bo fool enough to present my name, and it would havo looked very inv pudeiit for mo to decline under such cir? cumstances. Ever sinco that convention Chase and his friends had an idea that I was opposod to him and trying to defeat him in ono way or another, Not a word of truth in h. If Chase can be notoinatod neat year, weil and good. CONFISCATION. Mr. Wade characterized Thad. Stevens' pending confiscation bill as d?d foolery. The time for confiscation billsj be said, was during the war, when they could be of use in preventing men from going into rebellion, but co think of pressing such a measure now, was sheer folly and non? sense If the negroes of the south wanted laud, let them work for it. From "Washington; "Leo," the Washington correspondent ot tho Charleston Courier, writes as fol? lows : Washington, Nov. 8. The rout of the radicals is complete in N. York and in New Jersey. The issue in Mas? sachusetts was local, in appliction to that State, but still of a general character, so far as it was, upon a Radical attempt to subject citizens to unconstitutional re? straints. The prohibitory laws were the chief and vital issue, and upon this both parties exercised their efforts. The re? sult is that the anti-prohibitionists carried two-thirds of each branch ot the Legisla? ture. Negro suffrage was defeated whenever it was brought into the canvass, except in Michigan. Kansas was permanently an abolition State. It was enacted by the anti-slave? ry interest. It was the field of the great battles for negro supremacy. It was al? ways tho most fanatical community in the country, and it gave birth to the John Brown raid. But, lo ! Kansas has rejec? ted negro suffrage ! Minnesota lias also scouted and defeated tho proposition co embrace negro equality at the polls. Prominent Democratic leaders tele? graph to us that the triumph is due not to the old Democratic party alone, but to tho cordial co-operation of Old Line Whigs and of conservative Republicans. The President, as I am well assured, comprehends the now situation. He re? cognizes the Conservatives, both ot Re? publicans and Democrats, as having long? ed for the safety of the country. His counsels will bo shaped in accor? dance with that idea. lie may now look, with a confidence formerly felt, biit then derided, for an entire redemption of the country from the thraldom of Radicalism. He was not more sagacious than others, and his precision woidd hardly have been made real, had not the Radical run so mad a career, that the people were oblig? ed to check them. General Grant appears to be managing his two offices very well. He goes for economy in his branch of the service. He will, as I learn, not only disarm and disband negro military organizations in this vicinity, but in all places where they aro not authorized by law. People came to pump him to-day.? " General," they said, " what do you think of the elections ?" There are two subjects," he replied; "that I never talk about?cne is elections." Washington, Ndv. iO. It is a grave and important question whether the South has gained anything practically by the recent Northern elec? tions. But there is one idea that is rather favorable to the South, and that is unc of a compromise of extreme opinions between Conservatives and Radicals upon the reconstruction question. The very first favorable sign lur the oppressed South comes to me from the Administra? tion circles; I know, to-day, that the President and his Cabinet would gladly avail themselves of an opportunity to fa? vor n compromise between conflicting sectional and party interests and views. Nothing is more certain than the fact that, if neither section nor parly yield something of extreme opinion, the South and the whole country will bo agitated to tho great detriment of all sections. In the Cabinet, then, it has been sug? gested that the President's plan of recon? struction should be so modified as to em? brace enough of concession to the equal rights party as to satisfy the conserva? tive of its members. The proposition will be to concede the principle of equal rights, but to defer its practical applica? tion and enforcement till the froedmcn shall bo prepared for political enfran? chisement. It is suggested iri the Cabinet that the Federal Government may pi-oposc to the ten Southern States that, by a constitu? tional or other agreement, the blacks of tho Southern States should be admitted to the suffrage as soon as properly fitted for it by education and Industry and properly. Those frecdmen who are now freeholders, or tax payers, or who can read and write aro to he immediately re? cognized as voters. The States arc to be required to constitute, at once, systems for tho education of the blacks, in com? mon schools, so that the voting class will be gradually increased, in proportion to the increaso of the numbers, industry, and Intelligence of the blacks. Some believo that Congress, after a while, will be willing thus to modify tho Reconstruction laws; Congress will do this when they see that tho people of the North demand it. If it could bo fairly and full)' brought to tho Northern mind, I would not doubt its favorable consider? ation and acceptance; If the President, in his annual messago, should venture to throw himself, with all his force, upon that measure, as a compromise, he will find a hearty support in the North. The conservative mind of tho North is pre? pared for somo new project of reconstruc? tion. But the tirno has not yet come when tho North will embrace the original plan of President Johnson for tho imme? diate restoration of tho Southern States. Washington, Nov. 11. Nothing has arrested public attention moro strongly of late, than tho Radical ?ondition of tho South,?a condition that The Intelligencer Job Office Having recently made considerable additions to this department, we are prepared to execute JJ?!8 (DJ A&jt. KIOTS In the neatest style and on the hiost reasonable terms. Legal Blanks, Bill Heads, Posters, Cards, Handbills. Pamphlets, Labels, and in fact every style of work usually done in a country Printing Office. UST" In all cases, the money will he required upon delivery of the work. Orders, accompanied with the cash, will receive prompt attention. has been forced upon it by Radical vio* leoee and fraud. All good men, in tho South, of whatever party, deprecate the threatened difficulties between races in l the South. Many Republicans declare .that they did uot, in voting for the Re? construction Acts, supposo that they were thus creating a negro-supremacy, which would ultimately, bo troublesome to them? selves. Wo learn from Richmond and from Montgomery, that the negro power, al roady created and upheld by the Federal Government, will be aggressive and vio? lent, and will, necessarily, invite resis tancc from the whites. It is idle for the Anurican public to overlook the dangers arising from this source. They cannot blind their eyes.to it. Congress, at the coining session, will) no doubt, employ the whole power of the country in the one great party object of securing the negro-radical ascendancy in the South. They must resort to all avail? able means for the perpetuation of their power. They intend to bring to the res* cue of the Radical rulers, now condemned by Northern people, the entire political force of the ten Southern States. They boast that they will have here, within six months, twenty Senators and fifty Representatives, in the House, from the absented Southern States, and that then they may defy all Northern Conservatism-. It is but a small und indifferent qucs tion with the Radicals who shall be the next President if the}'' shall be allowed to reinforce tho Radical power in Congress with twenty Senators and fifty Represent tatives. They will thus maintain Radical power at least for four 3-ears, through Southern votes in Congress. The Reconstruction Acts cannot be re? pealed or modified at the coming session, for the Radicals depend upon their en? forcement for tho continuance ot their" party power. Wo cannot oxpect their repeal or modification hereafter if the Southern negro clement be established in Congress: The cblintry is in peril on this account. If the Radical-negro State legislation prove to be as arbitrary and unjust as is expected and threatened, the whites must . resist. That prospect gives much concern to thoughtful men of the North. We cannot rely upon tho wisdom, humanity, prudence, or patriotism of Congress to avert a war of races in the South, and a social war in the North, under the appre? hended contingencies. If we have any hope, it is from the sa? gacity and statesmanship Of tho Presi* dent, and the really sound views and pa* triotie disposition of Conservatives of the North; I If the President shall take the wise and J bold course that has been suggested for him, and which is. in fact, attributed to him, as his well considered intention, we may yet have some hope that Congress will yield. The Paper D?n't Say. A few evenings ago, farmerSlocum was" reading ah account ot a dreadfid accident Which had occurred at a factory in the next town, aud- which the village editor had described in a great many hard words. "I declare, wife, that was a terrible acci? dent over tew the millsj said Mn S." "What was it about, Mr. Slocum ?' "Fll read the'count, wife, and then you'll know all about it." Slocum began to read: "Horrible and Fatal Accident.?It becomes our painful duty to record the particulars of an accident that occurred at the lower mill of this village yesterday evening, by which a human being in the prime of life was hurried to that bourne, which, as the immortal Shakspeare has said 'no traveler returns.'" ['Do tell!'ex? claimed Mr- S.] "Mr. John Smith, a workman w'ho has but few superiors this side of the great city of New York, was engaged in adjusting a belt upon one of the large drums, ['I wonder if 'twas a ba?8 drum, such as hasE PluribusUnum paint? ed on't,' said Mrs. Slocum] when he be? came entangled. His arm was drawn around the drum and finally his entire body was whirled over the shaft at a fear? ful rate. When his situation was diseov- . ered, he had been revolved with immense velocity about fifteen minutes, his head and limbs striking a large beam a distinct blow at eacli revolution." ['Poor creeter! how it must have 'urt him !'] "When the machinery had been stopded, it was found that Mr. Smith's arms and legs were mac? erated to a jelly;" ['wonder if it killed him,' said Mrs. S.,'] "his skull was fractur? ed ; his spine dislocated." ['Well, did it kill him T asked Mrs. S., with increased interest.'] "Portions of the dura matter cerebrum, cerebellum, in confused masses were scattered about the floor?in short, the gates ot eternity had opened upon him." . 'Was the man killed ?' said Mrs; S.- 'I don't know?haven't come to that yet? you'll know when I've finished the p'icceV And Mr. Slocum continued reading. "It was evident, when the shapeless form was taken down, that it was nd longer tenanted by an immortal spirit? that the vital spark was extinct." ['Was the man killed? that is what I want to come at,' said Mrs. S.] 'Do have a little patience, old 'oman," said Mr. Slocum, 'I presume we shall come upon it right awav.' "This tataleasualty has cast a gloom over our village, and we trust that it will be a warniinMo persons who are called to reg? ulate nntchinerv in our mills." 'Now,' said Mrs. Slocum, 'I would like' to know whether the man was killed or not?' Mr. Slocum looked puzzled.- He' scratched his head, scrutinized the article, ho had been reading, and took a general survey of the paper: *I declare, wife,' said he, 'it's rather ctm'is; but raaly, the paper don't say.' -? .. ?? ? One murder, ono stabbing, and'fouir fights iu New York ou election day.