Historical Newspapers of South Carolina

Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page. It is also available as plain text as well as XML.

. 3. ?ffipiC S. C, WlDNEMffiJ^^ 1867. NO. 7, n :-? ' - ?.:r i< The Intelligencer Job Office, : Having recently made considerable' additionsto this department, we are^prepated to execute ' ' ! JdDB WjDML (DIP jk&Ji? E.HTO? . I In the. neatest style and on'tho most reasonable ? * terms. Legal Blanks, Bill Hends, Posters,- Cards, .. Handbills. Pamphlets, Labels, and in fact eTcryL - I style of .TTork usually done in a country Printing Office. In all cases, the money-will be. required upon delivery of the work. Orders, accompanied -with the cash, -will receive prompt attention. f>!M?rclv 1B67, and will ?^^^H't-ieicl^b^efibii;;. The. !^s^$^fie^8epond ^-^elitlp^^^^fno'pr-. ? reiterate nrv conviction jjelpon^;^ 0^^^6^s:^^e^?re n^T-mea^g^^'some fc w^r^ict? n^ott ??s. .... ?^intenfr-^?f^tbes? g|S?i*e erfeting. g?y.enl ^^renel, States^ ere .not IgflV^ri^^^L^^nd^ second, to?e-p?ra^, ^at'le^twens?c^ieon , ? /^M^tneXolc^Si^fct;' will ; be ^me^riHBxact?r^batit/is stated' ?mg >]l?w, no'donbt^^qnestion: m c^:?^h?sBlSta^:caaied3n; the^ ^a^^rOOTonal^^governnleJ!lts,',; a the n^u^^a^o^e^^iAs; iiaiood;betook the "jdecl??^ " ^'^it^w^rue, j^espect?, but ___ ? ^^elact^being _ ^^ffie?lbii^?l. act 5fP^^e^^; nil re-: ie paramount authori? ties/' ? i?^l^'^e^ofig^l'ajBt^i ^^iSth^^ilitary; authority 1w ^laWbr aabjects therein: ^to . u.^luow 3eolared,to. have ' *^bjB^aramo?nt :jtO; A ?Jft^i^cbn^iyeany State!fit lmipB6^ .an?yet ^l^eo^t?^:-Over ? H- ^ a^iBb?i?d^ protec t "then), ^^^^e1^^ne;^?|!ii^; s? , ?_avail will ife be' t? any fbneiof glSo^fcern ipeb^l^ben seized by a s, ^^fcinterJferefK?- of Congress in ll?ni|iilie^ to the re^ ?*|p*ie^p^ the es ^^SSi?dBe^t of n^ilitary tribunals for the '^^g^??j?aK olpeace^Tfce, :"^iaT.reader ofcthat message, wijl; itn; |2?iai^ifcciQ.nt&^ tism and.marti3Uaw has _..if?p|Eriet^^.^ominandere to criminal.courts and assume and ^'^^ple^tiami " The act n? w before ?J$^Bolwjes-thafc-'thB intent was *sucb,miHtary also e^eenS^e; ?fidjudicial; 5 ' [^?^M^Wi^^e'Jpneral grant of I ; m the'second section of specifically gives tor e.ac|i ;military ^? ^e power *H?rsnspend"or re duties, and^ge-, exercise of ofii ^^:offij^orjp^?h7.holding ^fessin^ 4? hold" and 1 ^ or cTs^?^T?nier ?njr^ js? t^hrfHert? a$>thei^depj^ F?deralGOTeram?nti^ctin^l frnrjc??jf?j^' b^'iBepanitelj^- have not dared ifo.bxereis&is here ^attempted: to ? be-bbn lierred on a subordinate military -officer. ? i'"Cp^him^ aBra.^militaryv officer of ? the Eede | ral:GbveraroehtitiS given <the power,:. Slip-: i^ried-by^'a sufficient military force;" to ;;rempve every; officer of the State." What in^fe has fth^depo^^ j^eancyby^Ke detail of an bffic pier QfJ&e^ fpE^pm^^ l^: K^j^-m?iteify ^J^ra^"e^^e,wer^ an p?j?i&r^^^^^ |iaibr;p^^ uper^ttSQ.suspehd^ er-words, an bmcerj?r ^^fl^^^S3^^ [ia;th^ I He m^ i\ [jSd^^-^dwbveV'?nfit- lie may deem.hiffi f self for; such * ciyil dtities, h e must obey ?l^eto^er^ 'The officer of the armymust, |.hf"tfe'tmf?^^ 'of theSfate witli !t^9&J^;!l^Mgt:. ?b? nfience~?si rf -Be WereVdetailed- to; go-? upptf j a courtrmartiai!.'' ? The sbldier? 'if - detailed; |:^;^Vas:$-jios^icd,?f.:tbe peace, must ob,ey^; Jr?r^ej?y^al ii^ec were detailed for pick re^iaaty. - ' -: :r>' ?; :~;W.v-'^; j ^WJfetlis^he^ character,bf sucha milita J ty^^.gffice^i'^.O-Ks q:biH.: /deplar es .--it|ia1^ j.he.shall perform the \dufies.>bfltho.?,cMlf office to which he is detailed. . It is blear* I ho.wey^;?at :?o. does not, lose his posir to?g^^ ."is still f'iffj^eclb>;f8pldi^j^bt the ai-my; he .is -still subject to the,.rules^;and; regulations.: I^w.hicti govern it, and must; yield due .de rferenco, respect, and'obedience toward his Isuperior's. .The'clear intent of this sec mpn'is,;;tbat;tb!?pfficer.pf soldier detailed jfbfil^ .execute his du? ties ''According to the laws of. the Stated If he is appointed a Governor of a State; pe is . to execu te the duties.as provided by the 'lawaof that State,. and for 'the time r^^^l^P^I^J?]^^^? is to be sus? pended in hisriew civil;^capacity: ^If He^ is ajippinted a State; treasurer he "must ?tf hpnee- assume, tbe custody -arid disburse I ment of thefunds 'of the-State, ?nd: must pe?birni those duties precisely according to the^laws of theState;. forhe is entrust? ed with iio other official-dhty or other rpfficiaipower.-- Holding the office of treas? urer and entrusted with funds, it happens j that he is reqnirod by the. State . laws to! .eiteri^^ security and to . take an; oath of office^yet from the - beginning, rpf jfhe bill to jtbe, end.tberejis no provision; J^o^any^pnd.o for any, Isipgle/ .quaUfic?tidn7re'qrnred nnder the r^tateTlaw;v8ucTi;a8 residence, citizenship, fbr'M^)ijng;el8a- ^be only oath is that; Iprb.videdfprin .the 'ninth section, by '.the fterriw-Tof;which bvery one" detailed'* "to j take'arid to subscribe the -'oath' Of office j prescribed by law-for officers of the'TJni ted States "' / Thus;an officerbf the. army: Rjf 'the "Urdted States, detailed to fill 'a'ciy?; pu^pfiice in 'one of these. States,, gives* no. official bond, and takes-nb official-' oath for i'the' performance ofhis new duties. aS''a? [ civil officer of the State; be: only takes j the same cath which he had-already taken1 as a military officer of the "United States. Lfieis, afcieast, a military officer performing civil dutios, and the authority under which I he acts is. "Federal authority only, and the I meyi.table result is. that the federal Gov ..ernment, by .the ^-agency of its own offi? cers", in effect, assumes the civil govern Iment;of tn.p.States. |%-A~singular contradiction is apparent. here.; Congress declaros.these local State J^pvernlinehts to, be illegal , govern merits, j.#od,:thenprovides that.'.'tbcse. illegal gpy-; jbrnments;shall be carried on* "by Federal rpfifcers, whoare fb "perform the very d? liieil Jmppsed on'its own officers by this Hlfegal &ateJauthority. It certainly would be a'iioybT spectacle Jf" Congress should at temp't'to^ carry on a legal State govern-; r meht'by.the agency of its own oflScera. |;.It3is yot more strange that "Congress at-; j tempts to sustain and carry on an illegal State government by the samer;Federal agency. j- In. this connection I must call attention to the 10th arid llth sections of the bill,, which provide that none of the.officers.or ?appointees of these, military commandera, J "shall be bound-in his action by any opin lion of , any civil officer of the United [ States/' "and that all-the provisions of the J act "shall ""be cohtifrued literally^to. the end, that all the intents thereof may be I fully, and perfectly carried put." .-? r.-'-l Jt seems Congress supposed. that this |:bUi mightreojuire;construction, and thby rfix, therefore, the rule to be applied: But where is the .construction to come from.-??! Certainly no one can be more in. want pf instruction than a soldier, or an officer of the army detailed for a civil service, with thiei'duties of which, perhaps "the most im-:.' jpprtant in arState^ is altogether 'unfamil? iar.'. "' ' ". ''.; "- Tbis bill says he shall not be bound in | bis action by the opinion bf any civil offi? cer ^^^mSi^r80^^^?^!l^i oi l the office are-altogether civil j but .when Ke asktf for an'opinion he can only ask.;the { "opinion - of -another military officer, who, perhaps, understands as little of his. duties as be doeB himself;'and as to his "aoti?n^ he is answerable to themilitary authority alone-. Strictly no "opinion' of ariy -civil officer, other than a Judge,' has a binding j force, yBut<. these 'military appointees would, npt be bound eyen by: a judicial opinion:. ;Tbey might very wellsay, even when their action is in conflict,with ' the Supreme Court of,the United States^ I'that Court is composed of civil officers of the United States, and wo are not bound to j conform our action, to any opinion of any I such authority" \ The bill and the acts to which it is sup iplementary a^e. allibu sumption that the -ten communities . are not. States^ and. that thjeir existing govern? ments are not. legal. Throughout the* legistetipn . upon this .subject they \ are called . '?rebel States," and in this particu? lar bill th ey are denominated ?'s?-oall?d Statos," and tho voice of illegality is de? clared to .pervade all .of th em, ? The obli fatibns.ot .consistency bind theJegisla'tive; . pdy-as:well as^^^the.indiyiduals^vvhp com-, ?pose it.' It is now. too lato , to say that these,,- ten political; .communities, are not Statos, of this-U^ion. .' Declarations ' to the con trary, made in these their acts, are contradicted again and again' by the repeated acts of iegisla-. tioh enacted.by "Congress from the.vear. ; 1861 to the year 1867... During that' period, .While' those Stites were in active rebellion,"and-after that rebellion was ; brought to a close, they have been again and- again recognized "as States of the Union; Representation has been appor? tioned to. them as States.; -They have been divided into judicial districts-for the holding of--district and circuit'courts of ; the United States, as States of the#hion . can only.betdistributed. -^jao.last^act on^this subject was passed .July/ 23,:4866/ by which /every; one of .these ten States was arranged. into rdis tricta and circuits;. .They hayo;beon called npon ;by Congress, to act through , their Legislatures, upon ..at least,., two/amend? ments,to. Uie Constitution States.* As States.they -havo,ratified.one amendment, ^bjch .required. the} vote, of twenty-seven States of the thirty-six. then composing the Union., . When .the jeqoi site twenty-seven votes were given in fa^. vor of that am'end'meht-^seyen of which votes were given by seven of these States ?it-was proclaimed .to be a part of' the Constitution of the'United States, and slavery was declared sot longer to exist in the United States or any place subject to their jurisdiction. If these seven States were not legal States of the Union, it fol? lows as1 the inevitable consequence that in some .of the Statos slavery yet exists. It does not exist in these seven States, for they have abolished italso in their own State Constitution's-; but 'Kentucky riot haying done so, it would-still remain in that .State. 'But, in. truth, if this as? sumption that these State Governments be true, then the abolition of slavery by -these .illegal governments binds no one. for Congress now denies to.these States the power to abolish slavery, by denying to them the power to elect a legal State Legislature, or. to frame a constitution for any. purpose,, oven for such a purpose as the abolition of slavery. " As.to the '"other constitutional amend? ment having reference to suffrage, it hap? pens, thatthese States have not accepted it. The consequence is'that it has never proclaimed or understood, even by Con-, gross,'to be/a part of the Constitution of tho^ United Statos; The" Senate of the 'United States has repeatedly'given its sanction to the . 'appointment of judges, district attorneys and * marshalsfor every oUebf these-States; and yet if they are not legal States no one of these judges is authorized to hold a court. -So; too, both Houses of . Congress have passed' appro? priation bills to pay-all these judges,-at torneys and officers, of - the United' States fbr. .exorcising their - functions in these States.,. Again,-.ia. the machinet-y of tho internal revenue laws.all of those. Spates' are districted not as "Territories'' but as ."States.". . . So much , for continuous legislative re? cognition. The instances cited, however, f?ll short of all that might be enumerated. Executive recognition, as is woll known, .has boon-frequent and unwavering. . The same may be said as to the judicial recog hition' through the Supreme Court of the United States; That august^tribunal, from first to last in the administration of its duties in banc arid upon the circuit has .never failed to 'recognize these ten com? munities-as legal States of the Union. The cases depending in that court upon appeal and writ of error from these States, when the rebellion began, have hot been dismissed upon any idea of the cessation pf jurisdiction; - They *vero carefully con? tinued from term to term until the rebel? lion was, entirely, subdued and peace re? established, and they, were called lor argument and consideration as if no insurrection had intervened. New-cases, occurring since the rebellion, have come from these States before that court by writ of error ;ancl appeal, and . even by original suit, where only-a State can bring, such a.suit These cases are enter? tained by .that tribnnal in the exercise of its acknowledged jurisdiction, which could . not attach to them if they had come "from any political body other than a State of tbe-'Unibn. Finally, in the allotment of their circuits, mado by the Judges at the. December term, 1865,.every one of these States is put on the same footing of le? gality with all the other Statos of the Union. / Virginia, and North Carolina,' being a part of the Fourth Circuit^ are al? lotted to the Chief Justico. South Caro? lina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi and Florida, constituted tho Fifth Circuit, and was allotted to the late Mr. Justice Wayne. Louisiana, Arkansas and Texas, are allotted-'.o tho Sixth Judicial Circuit, as to which there is a vacancy on the bench. ? The'Chief Justice, in the exercise of his circuit duties', has-recently held a circuit Courtin tho State of North- Carolina. If ?North Carolina is not a State of .this Union,-'the .Chief Justice bad no authority tohold a court there, and every order, judgment and decree, rendered by .him in tbatcourt \7erecora?n.nonjudice. Another-ground on which those recon? struction acts-arc-attempted to be sus .tained is .this;.-:. That theso . ten States are conquered- territory ; that the constitu? tional relation in <which i they stood as States .towards the Federal .Government prior to the rebellion has:given place to a ne w relation; that this, territory is a con? quered country, and their .citizens a con? quered people; and that in this new rela? tion Congress can govorn th<?m by military power. A title'by conquest stands "on" clear ground. It is a new title -acquired. by. ;war. It applies only to. territory, lor goods or moveable? things regularly, cap? tured in war rare;. called, "booty," or if taken by-individual soldiers "plunder." There is not a foot of land in any one of these j ten, jStates which the -United States holds" by ? conquest, save only such land as did not belong to either of. "these ?States or to any individual owner. .... ' I mean such lands ?s did belong .to the pretended Government called the. Confed? erate States. These lands we may claim ito hold by conquest. ?s to all other land or, territory, whether belonging to the State or "to individuals, the Federal Gov? ernment has now no more title or right to it than it had before the rebellion. Over our forts, arsenals, navy yards, cus? tom houses and other Federal property situate in these States we now hold, not I by the title of conquest, but by our oldr title, acquired by- purchase or condemna? tion for public use with compensation to former owners. Wb have not cohquered these places, but have simply "repossess? ed" them. If -we require more sites for forts, custom -houses or other public use, "we -must acquire the title to them by purchase or appropriation in the regular mode.. At this moment the United States, in ? tbcacquisition, of sites for national cemeteries in those States, acquires title in the same. way. Tho Federal courts sit in court houses owned or leased by the United States, hot in the court houses of the States. The United States pays each of these- States for the use of its jails. Finally, the United States .levies its direct taxes" and its internal revenue upon the property in those States, including the productions of the lands within their territorial limits?not by way of levy and contribution in the char? acter of a conquer.er, but in the regular way of taxation, under the same laws whioh apply to alt other States of the Union. -From first to last, during the rebellion and since, the title of'each of-these States to the lands and -public buildings owned by tbem. has..never- been - disturbed, and not a foot of it has ever been acquired by the United States even under a title by confiscation, and not a foot of it has ever been taxed under Federal law. In conclusion I must respectfully ask the attention of Congress to the conside? ration, of one more question arising under ? this bill. It vests in the military com? mander, subject only to the approval of the General of the army of the United Statesman unlimited power to remove from oflice'any civil or military officer in each of these ten States, and the further pow? er, subject to the same approval, to detail or appoint any military officer or soldier of the United States to perform duties of the^officer so removed, and to fill all the vacancies occasioned in those States by death, resignation or otherwise. The military appointee thus required to perform the duties of a civil officer ac? cording to the laws of the State, and as such required to take an oath, is, for.the time, being, a civil officer. What-is his character? Is he a civil officer of the State- or a civil officer ,of the United States ?. .If ho is a civil officer of the State, where is the Federal power, under our Constitution, which authorizes his appointment by any Federal officer? If, however, ho is to bo considered a civil officer of the United- States, as his ap? pointment and oath would seem to indi? cate, where is the authority for "his ap? pointment vested by the Constitution ? The power of appointment of all officers of the United Statoa, civil or military, where not provided for in the Constitu? tion, is vested in the President by and with the advice and consent of the Sen ato, with this exception?that Congress may by law vest the appointment of such inferior officers as they think proper in the President alono, in the courts of law, or in the heads of Departments. But this bill, if these aro to be considered in? ferior officers within the meaning of the Constitution, doos not provide for their appointment by the President alono, or the courts of law, or by the heads of de? partments, but vests the appointment in one. subordinate executive officer. So that if we put this question and fix the character of the military appointee either way, this provision of . the hill is equally opposed to the Constitution. - Take the case of a soldier or officer ap? pointed to perform the office of Judge in one of these States, and as such to ad? minister the proper laws of tho State. Where is tho authority to be found in the Constitution for vesting in a military or an execu'tivo officer strict judicial func? tions to be exercised under State law? It has boon again- and again decided by the Supreme Court of the United States that acts of Congross which have attempt? ed to vest executive powers in tho judi? cial courts, or judges of the United States, are not warranted by the Constitution. If Congress cannot clothe a judge with merely executive duties, how oan they clothe an officer or soldier of the ar? my with judicial duties over citizens of the United States who are not in the military or naval service ? So too, it has been re? peatedly decided that Congress cannot re? quire a State officer, executive or judicial, to perfoim any duty enjoined upon him by. a law of the United States. How, .then, can Congress confer power upon an exoutiye officer of the. United States to perfoim .such duties in. a State ? If Con? gress could hot vest in a judge of one of J these States any judicial authority under .the United States, by direct enactment, how can it accomplish the same thmgindi reotly, by removing the State Judge, " and putting an officer of the United* States in his place ?. ; ; - ' To me these^ considerations are conclu? sive of-the u'npdnsii^ part of the hill how before m?f and I earnest? ly commend their consideration to the do liberate judgment .of Congress.. . Within a period less. than, a year the. legislation of Congress Jaas attempted , to strip, the' Executive" Department of the Government of some Of its essential pow? ers. The Constitution, and the oath pro? vided in it devolve npoh^the.^^sidentthe power and the duty to see that the laws are faithfully executed.. The Constitution, in order to carry out this power, givesthe choice of the agents, and makes them sub? ject to his control and. supervision. But in the execution of these laws the consti? tutional obligation hpon the President, re? mains, but the power to exercise that con? stitutional duty is effectually taken away. The military commander is, as-to the pow? er of appointment, made to take the place of the President, and the General of the army the place of the Senate, and any, at? tempt on the,part of the President to as? sert his own constitutional power may, un? der pretence of law, be met by official insub-' brdmation.- It is to be feared that these military officerSj looking to the authority given by these laws, rather , than- to the ietter of the Constitution, will recognize no authority but the commander of the district and the General of the.army. If there were no other objection than this to this proposed legislation, it would be sufficient. While I hold the chief ex? ecutive authority of the United States, while the obligation rests'upon me to see that all the laws are - faithfully executed, I can never willingly surrender that trust, or the power given for its execution. I can never give my assent to be made responsible for the faithful execution of laws and at the same?ime surrender that trust and the powers whioh accompany it to any other executive officer, high or low, or to any number ofexecutive officers. If this Executive trusty vested by the .Constitution in the President, is to be tac? ken from him and vested, in a .subordinate officer,':the responsibility willbe with Con-" gress in^clothing.the subordinate with un? constitutional power,-and with the officer who .assumes its exercise. This interfer? ence with the constitutional authority of the Executive department is an evil. that will inevitably sap thefoundations of our federal system, but it is not the worst evil of this legislation. It is > great public wrong to take from the president powers conferred upon him alone by the Constitu? tion, but the wrong is more flagrant and more dangerous when-tWpbwers so taken j from the President are conierred upon sub? ordinate executive officers,, and especially upon military Officers, j^ver nearly one tnird of the States of the Union military power, regulated by no^v fixed law, rules supreme. Each one of those five district comman? ders, though not chosen by the people or responsible to them; exercise at this hour more executive power military and civil, than the people nave ever been willingto confer upon wie head of the Executivede? partment, though chosen by and responsi? ble to themselves. The remedy must come from the people themselves. They know what it iff, and how .it is to be applied. At the present time they cannot, according to the constitution, repeal these laws; they cannot remove or control this despotism. The remedy, neverless, js in their hands; it is to be found in the ballot, and is a sure one, if. not controlled ..by fraud, overawed by arbitrary power, or from apathy on their part too long delayed. With abiding confidence in their patriotism, wisdom ana integrity, I am still hopeful of the future, and that in the end the rod of depotism ?will be broken, the armed rule of power be lifted from the necks of the people, and the principles of a violated. Constitution preserved. ANDREW JOHNSON. Washington, D. C., #uly I9,-186V. Cut this Out.?The ''Mercantile Tran? script gives the following seasonable rides for young, men commencing business: The world estimateS^mcn by their suc? cess in life?and by general consent, suc? cess is evidence of superiority. Never under any circumstances, assume a responsibility you can avoid consistently with your duty to yourself. Base all your actions upon a principle of right; preserve your integrity of charac? ter, and in doing this, never reckon the cost. Remember that self-interest is more likely'to warp your judgment than all cir? cumstances combined; therefore, look" to your duty when your interest is con? cerned. Never make money at the expense of your reputation. Be neither lavish nor niggardly; of the two, avoid the latter. A mean man is uni? versally despised, but public favor is a stepping stone to preferment?therefore generous feelings should be cultivated. Say but little?think much?and do more. - Let your expense be such as to leave a balance in your pocket. Ready money is ,a friend.in.need.. Keep clear of the law, for even if you gain your. ?ase,,you are generally a loser ofmoney. Avoid borrowing and lending. Wine drinking and segar smoking are bad habits. They impair .the mind and pocket, and lead to a .waste of time. ,--0??-?- . , Sweeter than^Hokey;?For the bene? fit of our lady readers,, "we note a state? ment that two pounds of pure white sugar, dissolved in as much hot water as is nec .essary to reduce it to a syrup, and mixed with a pound of strained, clean honey, and added warm to the melted sugar, will make a honey more palatable than the genuine article. . ; :-r??m i ? When your wife is ?ilent, hold the baby for her; Perhaps it is as much as" fsbe can do to hold 'her tongue. So says a contemporary. -Crom "Washington. ?n?e?eS5 corre8P^dent of the Baltic more.oun says : At'the serenades here last night to Con-" -gressmen, Mr. Colfax said that'Congress had desired to avoid a. midsummer ses Itsion, but that the President having, ve ' toed his vetoes by the promulgation of a decision of;his;.Attorneys-General, that, under the reconstruction laws the.milita? ry commanders, were merely policemen, subordinate to the provisional govern? ments, the army was but ? posse comita-. tus to enforce the decrees ,of the rebel" governors and mayors in the; S??th, the. people again appealed to Congress, and :hence the recent legislation.. He thought that throughout CongresB had struck the golden mean,, and that its legislation was. ': firm, prudent and wise. He could not but admire the last bold and defiant veto mes? sage of the President, but he thought Mr. Johnson arraigned himself in it more than , he did Congress, for all agree,that he. spoke- correctly in his North Carolina; proclamation of May, 1565, when he declar? ed that all the civil, governments of the" South had been destroyed by the rebel-; ? lion. "The President," he said, "appeals' to the ballot-box, and .so'do we, and by' - its decision are willing to stand or fall." . In conclusion, he spoke very confidently .* of victory before the' people in 1868, and:? declared that it would be swelled by the . vote of the reconstructed South. Sena? tor Yates said that the South having ac? cepted the situation, the Republican par? ty had how to accept the situation^which, he said, was that no rebel shalUpccupy a place in the administration of. our. nation? al affairs. The speaker did not hesitate to say that a greater rebeltban Jeff.. Da? vis or Beanregard is to-day sheltered in the walls oftheWhite House. Being: a Senator,-he could not say the" President ought to be impeached, but would say - that there was sufficient evidence in pos? session of the House Judiciary Commit-" tee to justify impeachment. The Republican party must, accept the situation in another respect: There has been a war in Mexico. Maximilian has been executed, and the Democratic party is expressing its disapprobation of the act. ' The Republicans should stand by I Juarez and the Liberal Government. It is the duty of our Government to declare . that n? foreign prince or potentate shall establish a government on American soil. If necessary, let war be declared against any country " that attempts to supplant liberty, in America. The Republican party has declared that equal suffrage shall exist in the District of .Columbia and the Southern .State's.- "Now they must-do ior the North as they have done for the South, and impose suffrage upon every State. ? ".?-:-?-? Southern Generals.-?We lake: the following from the New York Times :. - We feel impelled to say a word in behalf of the military skill, the valor and ability of certain of the rebel generals:whom the Southern papers are now denouncing for ' incompetence and imbecility in the field. Since Jeff. Thompson, Chalmers, Hind man and especially-Longstreet, have come out in favor of reconstruction under the military bill, we find that their services to the rebellion are spoken of with utter con? tempt, and Longstreet i& said to have proved himself a "failure'? and a "nobody" throughout the entire war. Now, we are quite certain that Longstreet, at least, was not rated in this way by any of our Generals or Jby our soldiers who fought him. It was conceded by them all that, with the exception of StoneWall Jackson, Lee had no subordinate, and the Confed? eracy no upholder, who tendered more ef? ficient and signal military service than Longstreet. We need not recall the long . list of terrible battles in which he and his . corps figured, nor the hundred times inr: which he put to test the genius, of our' greatest commanders. We are sure that neither Grant, Hancock, Sheridan nor Warren would speak of Longstreet. as a soldier, in any such way as-he-is now spoken of by his unreconstructed.fellow citizens of the South. But in daring to. exercise his own judgmer.it' upon politics, he could expect nothing better ^than he ia^ receiving at the hands of the Southern "bomb-proofs." ? ?:-*-? Secret op Hatpiness,?An Italian Bishop, who had struggled through many difiiculties without repining, and been much opposed Without manifesting imp?- - tience, being asked by a friend to commu? nicate the secret of his always being so happy; replied : "It consists in a single*" thing, and that is, making a . right use . ?f. my eyes." "* His friend in surprise, begged ' him to explain the meaning. "Most wil-: lingly," replied the Bishop. "In whatso? ever state I am, I first look up to Heaven,; and remember that my great business is to? get there. I then look down upon earth, and call to mind how small a place I shall soon fill in it.' I then look abroad in the."* world, and.see what multitudes are, in all respects, less happy than myself. And thus I learn where true happiness is placed; where all my cares must end, and how lit? tle reason I ever had to murmur, or to be otherwise than thankful. And to live in this spirit is to be always happy. - Carlyle^in his advice to young men, says: "If you doubt whether to kiss.a. pretty girl, give her the benefit of the doubt.-'-_^_ First ? Josh BilHngs says V If you ti&jte with a Yankee, steal his jack knife first; forof -he gets to whittling, you are? gone,. . infspite of thunder. By looking into physical causes', our minds.are opened and ? ehiarged-rand. m this putsuit, whether we take or whether we lose the garae. the chase is certainly of service.