Historical Newspapers of South Carolina

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tab .BYE Ott* V'A L T E E S. Aii^a^feBaerit Fam?yJb^aI---D?YotefI to Politics, Literature and General intelligence; .3; , S. C, WEDNESDAY, JULY 31, 1867. NO. 7. The Intelligencer Jo? Office. Having recently made considerable additions to this department, -we areP-prepared to execute In the neatest style and on the most reasonable ? terms. Legal Blanks, Bill Heads, Posters, Cards, Handbills, Pampbleto, Labels, and in fact every style of -work usually done in a country Printing Office. 8?* In all cases, the money will be. required upon delivery of the work. Orders, accompanied J with the cash, -will receive prompt attention. ^' ine?-^n?d: "An pasE?foon-' ^ppssed ^on? "tb? ggfjja^ it my " 'reconstruction. The ^TthWj^^oriHe' 'second States; at^ length my objec-. ?^a^age^oi*^ thatv /measure: "*ly: well" ib^VMrno^ ini content merely to re? nd to reiterate my ("onvi^ round and u^nswer?ble^ some points-;peculiar to this proceed ^atvonce to cpii rfieofion" proposes to declare; r J^I?tejaV'aridj meanrng;'*. la some ?ri?c^?rij^u?^na 'twbprior acts nponthis |p|^^JHrs^vthat; the. existing, gov.e*n ' l^llfe^en: .^beirStates v.wera r^ot: ^^goyeriunentSj''^ and - second, ^.a^^.^^?lgoX6mmentv^ eon-' ^^'^^...0Qn^neU.8t^e^i^a^; c^f?^mij?ary^ cornnmnders. of it'&grh^aot^ rr. yawneoT^th "Jits apparent; meaning, ^^^^ejjt^eat least when sueh con . m;fe fixed the origmal act will be ^i|ctjipmean exactlywhatit% stated V^^^t the decl^ratoiystatuta; |S^^wii^e,;then, from the time.this bill " t '-ijiay become a law, no doubt?no question 4&P "existing. _ iments" in those States, called in the r^^t^'e.proYisi?nal governments," rar^Lihe .'notary authorities. 'Aa. '" jnstsiopd before the declarato ^^ejcpments,'.'" it is 'true, Je^s.rj^eii -to.;absolute military 'ranaany^i^ J;:t^e;hmgnage of the1 act being ^^|^'i^tarjr[antbpijt^" of the; ^S^te^*Wh?r^nafter prescribed.5' li^^t]|f^t1^.^p?-'tEeV original act :'^^^%^M^"?ro..rttade,_ "in all re ffffeSeettlo the ^ra'mount' anthori g^;^n%d States.J' " ' .appears it Cpngresi did--not^ lry the original act,; l^dyt^ Unut 'the military authority to' "V^a^i^lars or subjects- therein"pre:: "L}&3?. hut n^ant?t?-make it universal. ^all%hese' ten- States" this mili ^^^!^?^^1^1a<3wr declared to have ?^^^0/e^t^6in^ It is no longer con-. ||||6^d[IftNfpreservation; of the>*public -; .^ in^^nce -of- elec^bn^', -hut **in . all re r^^^cfc^itiia:asserted to be ^.paramount .to: x^|bj^^trhg:civil governments. ^fe^^M^^?*a^'tP-^?$e*yP state;of ^^ocie^.moreantoierable %^^:3^1th^^hdit4op.tbat twelve millions reduced by the - erairy;f??i^ pie&tiy these ?mericah'?itkehs, the C?n V^^^fi^^6^ ajtid should protect "them, j .^theseiSonthern ^people "when seized by a . 'J^e;Of^laier^,to:a8k for the cause of'ar c^ws^ or lor the production of the warrant ? :^:^^Sai:ayaitto^^>:for ithe privilige of :/f$$j$^Ken-/i&: military custody, which. ^kj^HtS1 no ;sucli;;tbf?g^as-.bail ? , Of what '3. -^ya^^^mXnd^ 'a trial by j ury, process ^'^w^toMisef, a wpj. for the indictment, : ri^ej?miiege- of counsel, or -that greater ? privilege, ^e.^writof AjJeo?. corpus?; ?^i5^.7^^!khe!^^brirfjoM ^ctvo?vthe 2d. y foi^tSfarchwas >:basea'; on "tyro;: distinct '^?^?^cb^Wi^rfere^-. of Congress in ? ''^matters'.' stnctly^^ppertiiMning' to the re ; ; and the es '"_ tablishment of nMlitary tribunals for .the u ^?al"^>f'citizens in times; of. peace.'- The impartial reader of f that message wiU; nn ; V^?a^SH?tf^Iiafcall'it: contains. - with-.' respect to mihltary..despotism and;martialJaw has c^^|6'''tfie*. fearfhi" power ^jpny-the distmct- commanders to -the <ain^al\iCourts and assume ionvto try^and to punish "by mili w c TOards>. -rfiav^btent&lly, the snspen ?'.??^?nvpif '^<^'c?r]^;.was;]nartial '.law and miEtary^despotism; ^ The act now before ; me w^.,)^y-declarea"that--thB intent was '^,i^?^!^9a.'iaiKtary. anthority, but also ?^j^^^o^iited:- .'jniilitaty- authority .ovAsr sM thtfother. conrts,of the State, leg k^p^^^'^^^S judicial. ^ ^ of - : ^^er,'iJppgress,- in the second section of .. the^i?, spccincally gives to each military1 ; J ^mm^det-the ^ower "to suspend or re ^^?^0^B8^cS^P^:?oin ths^erT??nance . ro^ om^l^di^^iand ;the . exercise of 6m.. '^ci?i'i^ewjlany. offic^r/?r'^rs?n holding '?^^'Sa?wds?^- or m^jessing ,to' hold and '.^I^Pae i?y -civil or military office or duty ? Inwi^jf^tncti wider rany^power, "eleotion, : Hpc|E^b&BimM^--.o^-^aw^ia?ftr>5rd?ixvecl from,. "'lO^?ie^'by or ct?mii nirder aay so ,fe;or tie goyecdmen or 'soif m'?a^?l or otbex "division there'oi" 7^pbwer that hitherto. aH ^e^depar^ ;:-;^e^^ im^cbn?ert'?r ?eparatelyi have not dared to exercise is- -'here - attempted: .to be con iferred on a subordinate military officer. To^him;as a military officer of ? the.Fede? ral Government,'is given the power, sup-, jported-by-";* sufficient military force," to .remove every officer of the State.' "What I next ?: .:Tb? division commander who has rthns deposed^ acr.civjl officer.-.is : tO;jBli. the l^acancy by the detail, of an .officer or [solf ; dier oCthe army, or by the. appointment !o"f;'^?.omft.(p^er.peraon.,,.,. ^^Tj^-.miljLtery. appoint^ whether, an ^ffiwr, a soldier^ or."some other person". ;is t?'pe^oVin the duties of such officer or person so .suspended or removed.! In, otH \ er-yvotds".an. officer or soldier of the' army iaftiiu^ a civil officer. He'may be a governor, a legislator, or a judgsf "However unfit he may deem him? self for such civil duties, he must obey j^S'?rd?rf The officer of the army must, .if "detailed," g? upon the supreme' bench of the State 'with/the- same" prompt obe? dienceasi if He were detailed to go- upon a court martial. The soldierj if- detailed "to act as a justice of the peace, must obey as~qi?e.kly as if "he were detailed for pick 'efc .daty.. - : ->'? C> ? 'yy^&t'i&riheQiiar&cteTof euch.a- milita? ryicSviirpfficerT^This bill declares tKat ;vbe?!iail perform the duties of the ..civil office to which be is detailed. . It is clear, how?vefiithat he does not lose his posi jtebn. in*'tne^'mffitary.*er^ce. He is still an'officer pr^soldier,ofthe army; he is still subject to the rules... and regulations which govern it, and must yield due de? ference, respect and obedience toward bis superiors. . The clear intent of this sec? tion is, that .theofficer or soldier detailed to fill a civil office, must execute his du? ties according to the laws of the State. If he 13 appointed a Governor of a State, He is.to execute the duties as provided by the laws of that State, and for the time being^his military character is to be sus? pended in his new civil capacity.: If bo IB-appointed a State treasurer he "must at once-assume the custody and disburse? ment of the funds of the State, and must perform those duties precisely according to tha laws of the State;. for he is entrust? ed with no other official duty or other pfficiaLpower. Holding the.office of treas: urer and entrusted with funds, it happens that he is requirod by the State . laws to5 .enter into bond with security and to take an oath ?f office, yet from the beginning of the bill to the, end there is no provision for any bond or oath of office or for any .single, .qualification.;required under the State law, such as residence, citizenship, or anything else. The only oath is that provided for in'the ninth section, by.the terms fof which every one' detailed" "to 'take and to subscribe the -oath of office prescribed by law for officers of the Uni? ted States/' Thus an officer of the army of the United States, detailed to fill a civ? il'office in one of these States,, gives no official bond and takes <no official/oath for 'the' performance of' his new duties as a civil officer of the State; be. only takes the same oath which he had already taken as a military officer of the United States. .He is, at least, a military officer performing civil duties, and the authority under which he acts is Federal authority only, and the inevitable result is that tbe Federal Gov? ernment, by the ^agency of its own offi? cers, in effect,. assumes the civil govern? ment of the.States. , A singular contradiction is apparent here. .* Congress declares these local Stato governments to be illegal,governments, arjd then provides that these illegal gov? ernments shall bo carried on'by Federal officers, who are to perform the very du? ties imposed on its own officers by this illegal Slate authority. It certainly would be a movelspectaplo if Congress should at? tempt to carry on ? legal State govern? ment by.the agency of its own officers. It is yet more strange that^Congress at-/ tempts to sustain and carry on an illegal State government by the same Federal agency. In this connection I must call attention to the 10th and llth sections of the bill, which provide that none of the officers or appointees of these military commanders, "shall be bound in his action by any opin? ion of any civil officer of the United States," aud that all the provisions of the act "shall be continued literally, to the end, that all the intents thereof may be fully and perfectly carried put." It seems Congress supposed that this bill might require-construction, and tboy fix, therefore, the rule to be applied. But where is the construction to come from ? Certainly no one can be more in. want of instruction than a soldier or an officer of the army detailed for a civil service, with the duties of which, perhaps the most im? portant in a State, is altogether unfamil? iar. This bill says he shall not be bound in his action by the opinion of any civil offi? cer of' the United States. The'duties of the office are altogether civil; but when he asks for an opinion he can only ask the opinion of another Imilitary officer, who, perhaps, understands as little ?f bis duties as he does himself; and as to his "action," he is answerable to the military authority alone; Strictly no opinion of any civil officer, other than a Judge, has a binding force. But these military appointees would not be bound even by a judicial opinion. ^They might very well say, e ven when their action is in conflict with the Supreme Court of the United States, "that Conrt is composed of civil officers of the f United States, and wo are not bound to conform our action, to any opinion of any such authority." -The bill and the acts to which it is sup? plementary are all founded upon the as? sumption that the ten communities are not States, and that their existing govern? ments are not legal. Throughout the legislation upon this subject they are called "rebel States," aud in tbiB particu? lar bill they are denominated ?'s?-called States," and the voice of illegality is de? clared to pervade all-of them. The obli fations ot consistency bind the legislative ody as well as the.individuals. who com? pose it. It is now. too late to say that these, ten political, communities, are not Statos. of this Union. .'.Declarations to the contrary, made in these their acts, are contradicted again and again by the repeated acts of legisla? tion enacted by Congress from the vear .1861 to the year 1867. . During that period, while those States were in active I rebellion, and after that rebellion was . brought to a close, they have been again and again rocogUized as States of the Union; 'Representation has been appor? tioned to them as States. They have been divided into judicial districts for the holding of district and circuit courts of i the United StateB, as States of the-JJnion J can only be:distributed. . | ? Tho last act on this subject was passed July 23,;:1866,: by which every. one of; these ten States was arranged into dis? tricts and circuits. They havo becn called upon :by Congress to act through their Legislatures..upon ,at least, .two, amend-, ments.to the Constitution of the. United States. As States they havo.ratified one amendment, ,w.hich required the vote. of twenty-seven States of the thirty-six then composing the. Union. When .the requi? site.twenty:seven votes were given in fa? vor of that amendment-Haeven of which votes were given by seven of these States ?it was proclaimed to be a part of the Constitution of the United States, and slavery was declared sot longer to exist in the United States or any place subject to their jurisdiction. If these seven States were not legal States of the Union, it fol? lows as* the inevitable consequence that in some of the States slavery yet exists. It does not exist in these seven States, for they have abolished it also in their own State Constitution's; but Kentucky not having done so, it would still remain in that State. But, in truth, if this as? sumption that these State Governments be true, then the abolition of slavery by these illegal governments binds no one, for Congress now denies to these States the power to abolish slavery by denying to them the power to elect a legal State .Legislature, or to frame a constitution for any purpose,, even for such a purpose as the abolition of slavery. As to tho other constitutional amend? ment having reference to suffrage, it hap? pens that these States have not accepted it The consequence is that it has never proclaimed or understood, even by Con? gress, to be a part of the Constitution of tho; United Statos. The 'Senate of the United States has repeatedly given its sanction to the. appointment of judges, district attorneys and marshals for every one of these States; and yet if they are not legal States no one of these judges is authorized to hold a court. So, too, both Houses of Congress have passed appro? priation bills to pay all these judges, at torneys and officers of the United States for. exorcising their functions in these States. Again, in, the machinery of tho internal revenue laws all of these States are districted not as "Territories'' but as "States." So much for continuous legislative re? cognition. The instances cited, however, fall short of all that might be enumerated. Executive recognition, as is well known, has boon frequent and unwavering. The sanio may be said as to tho judicial recog? nition through the Supreme Court of the United States. That august tribunal, from first to last in the administration of its duties in banc and upon tho circuit has .never failed to recognize these ten com? munities as legal States of the Union. The cases depending in that court upon appeal and writ of error from these States, when the rebellion began, have not been dismissed upon any idea of tho cessation of jurisdiction. They were carefully con? tinued from term to term until the rebel? lion was . entirely subdued and peace re? established, and they were called lor argument and consideration as if no insurrection had intervened. New cases, occurring since the rebellion, have come from these States before that court by writ of error and appeal, and even by original suit, where only a State can bring such a suit These cases aro enter? tained by that tribnnal in the exercise of its acknowledged jurisdiction, which could not attach to them if they had corae from any political body other than a State of the Union. Finally, in the allotment of their circuits, mado by the Judges at the December term, 1865, every ono of these States is put on the same footing of le? gality with air the other Statos of the Union. Virginia aud North Carolina, being a part of the Fourth Circuit, are al? lotted to tho Chief Justice. South Caro? lina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi and Florida, constituted tho Fifth Circuit, and was allotted to the late Mr. Justice Wayne. Louisiana, Arkansas and Texas, are allotted '.o tho Sixth Judicial Circuit, as to which there is a vacancy on tho bench. ? The Chief Justice, in the exercise of his circuit duties, has recently held a cirouit Court in the State of North Carolina. If North Carolina is not a State of this Union,-the .Chief Justice had no authority to hold a court there, and every order, judgment and decree rendered by him in j that court were coram nonjudice* j Another ground on which these recon? struction acts-are attempted to be sus? tained is this: That theso ten States are conquered territory; that the constitu? tional relation in which they stood as StateB towards the Federal Government prior to the rebellion has given place to a new relation; that this territory iB a con? quered country, and their citizens a con? quered people; and that in this new rela tion Congross can govern them by railitary power. A title by conquest stands on clear ground. It is a new title acquired.by war. It applies only to territory, ior goods or moveablo: things regnlarly cajj tured in war. are called "booty," or if taken by individual soldiers "plunder." There is not a foot of land in any one of these, ten. States which the United States holds by conquest, save only such land as did not belong to either of these States or to any individual owner. I mean such lands ?s did belong to the pretended Government called the Confed? erate States. These, lands wo may claim to hold by conquest. As to all other land or torritory, whether belonging to the State or to individuals, the Federal Gov? ernment has now no more title or right to it than it had before the rebellion. Over our forts, arsenals, navy yards, cus? tom houses and other Federal property situate in these States we now hold, not by the title of conquest, but by our old title, acquired by purchase or condemna? tion for public use with compensation to former owners. Wo have not conquered these places, but have simply "repossess? ed" them. If we require more sites for forts, custom houses or other public use, we must acquire the title to them by purchase or appropriation in the reguter mode. At this moment the United States, in the acquisition of sites for national cemeteries in those States, acquires title in the same way. The Federal courts sit in court houses owned or leased by tbe United States, not in tbe court houses of the States. The United States pays each of these States for the use of its jails. Finally, the United States levies its direct taxes and its internal revenue upon the property in those States, including the productions of the lands within their territorial limits?not by way of levy and contribution in the char? acter of a conquerer, but in the regular way of taxation, under the same laws which apply to alt other States of the Union. -From first to last, during the rebellion and since, the title of each of these States to the lands and public buildings, owned by them. has never been disturbed, and not a foot of it has ever been acquired by the United States even under a title by confiscation, and not a foot of it has ever been taxed under Federal law. In conclusion I must respectfully ask ' the attention of Congress to the conside? ration of one more question arising under this bill. It vests in the military com? mander, subject only to the approval of the General of tho army of the United States, an unlimited power to remove from office any civil or military officer in each of these ten States, and the further pow? er, subject to the same approval, to detail or appoint any military officer or soldier of- the United States to perform duties of the officer so removed, and to fill all the vacancies occasioned in those States by death, resignation or otherwise. The military appointee thus required to perform the duties of a civil officer ac? cording to tho laws of the State, and as such required to take an oath, is, for the time being, a civil officer. What is his character ? Is he a civil officer of the State- or a civil officer of the United States? If ho is a civil officer of the State, where is the Federal power, under our Constitution, which authorizes his appointment by any Federal officer ? If, however, ho is to bo considered a civil officer of tho United States, as his ap? pointment and oath would seem to indi? cate, where is tho authority for'his ap? pointment vested by the Constitution ? Tho power of appointment of all officers of the United Statos, civil or military, whore not provided for in the Constitu? tion, is vested in tho President by and with the advice and consent of tho Sen? ate, with this exception?that Congress may by law vest tho appointment of such inferior officers as tboy think proper in tho President alone, in the courts of law, or in the heads of Departments. But this bill, if these are to be considered in? ferior officers within tho meaning of the Constitution, doos not provide for their appointment by tho President alono, or the courts of law, or by tho heads of de? partments, but vests the appointment in ono subordinate executive officer. So that if we put this question and fix the character of the military appointoo either way, this provision of the bill is equally opposed to tho Constitution. Take the case of a soldier or officer ap? pointed to perform the office of Judge in one of these Statos, and as such toad minister the proper laws of tho Stato. Where is tho authority to be found in the Constitution for vesting in a military or an executivo officer strict judicial func? tions to bo oxei'cised under State law ? It has been again and again decided by the Supreme Court of tho United States that acts of Congross which have attempt? ed to vest exocntive powors in tho judi? cial courts, or judges of tho United States, are not warranted by tbe Constitution. If Congress cannot clothe a jndgo with merely executive duties, how can they clothe an officer or soldier of the ar? my with judicial duties over citizens of the United States who are not in the military or naval service ? So too, it has been re? peatedly decided that Congress cannot re? quire a State officer, executive or judicial, to perform any duty enjoined upon him by a law of the United States. How, then, can Congress confer power upon an exeutive officer of the United States to perform such duties in a State ? If Con? gress could not vest in a judge of one of these States any judicial authority under the United States, by direct enactment, how can it accomplish the same thingindi reotly, by removing the State Judge, and putting an officer of the United States in his place ? To me these considerations are conclu? sive of the unconstitutionality of this part of the bill now before me, and I" earnest? ly commend their consideration to the de liberate judgment of Congress. Within a period less than, a year the. legislation of" Congress has attempted to strip, the Executive Department of the Government of some Of its essential pow? ers. The Constitution and the oath pro? vided in it devolve upon the President the power and the duty to see that the laws are faithfully executed The Constitution, in order to carry but this power, gives the choice of the agents, and makes them sub? ject to his control and supervision. But in the execution of these laws the consti? tutional obligation upon the President re? mains, but the power to exercise that con? stitutional duty is effectually taken away. The military commander is, as.to the pow? er of appointment, made to take the place of the President, and the General of the army the place of the Senate, and any at? tempt on the.part of the President to as? sert his own constitutional power may, un? der pretence of law, be met by official insub? ordination. It is to he feared that these military officers, looking to the authority given by these laws, rather than to the letter of the Constitution, will recognize no authority bat the commander of the district and the General of the army. If there were no other objection than this to this proposed legislation, it would be sufficient. While I hold the chief ex? ecutive authority of the United States, while the obligation rests upon me to see that all the laws are faithfully executed, I can never willingly surrender that trust, or the power given for its execution. I can never give my assent to be made responsible for the faithful execution of laws and at the sameiimo surrender that trust and the powers whioh accompany it to any other executive officer, high or low, or to any number of. executive officers. If this Executive trust, vested by the Constitution in the President, is to be ta? ken from him and vested in a subordinate officer, the responsibility will be with Con? gress in clothing the subordinate with un? constitutional power, and with the officer who assumes its exercise. This interfer? ence with the constitutional authority of the Executive department is an evil that j will inevitably sap the foundations of our federal system, but it is not the worst evil of this legislation. It is a great public wrong to take from the'^'resident powers conferred upon him alone by the Constitu? tion, but the wrong is more flagrant and more dangerous when the powers so taken from the President are conferred upon sub? ordinate executive oflicers,.and especially upon military officers, ." .pver nearly one third of the States of the Union military power, regulated by no-fixed law, rules supreme. . Each one of those five district comman? ders, though not chosen by the people or responsible to them, exercise at this hour more executive power military aud civil, than the people have ever been willingto confer upon the head of the Executive De Eartment, though chosen by and responsi le to themselves. The remedy must come from the people themselves. They know what it is, and how it is to be applied At the present time they cannot, according to the constitution, repeal these laws; they cannot remove or control this despotism. The remedy, neverless, ja in theirhands;it is to be found in the ballot, and is a sure one, if not controlled by fraud, overawed by arbitrary power, or from apathy on their part too long delayed. With abiding confidence in their patriotism, wisdom ana integrity, I am still hopeful of the future, and that in the end the rod of depotism will he broken, the armed rule of power be lifted from the necks of the people, and the principles of a violated Constitution preserved ANDREW JOHNSON. Washington, D. C, July 19,1867. -O-!-:? Cut Tins Out.?The Mercantile Tran? script gives the following seasonable rules for young men commencing business: The world estimate??BQieii by their suc? cess in life?and by general consent, suc? cess is evidence of superiority. Never under any circumstances, assume a responsibility you can avoid consistently with your duty to yourself. Base all your actions upon a principle of right; preserve your integrity of charac? ter, and in doing this, never reckon tho cost. Remember that self-interest is more likely'to warp your judgment than all cir? cumstances combined; therefore, look to your duty when your interest is con? cerned. Never make money at the expense of your reputation. Be neither lavish nor niggardly; of the two, avoid the latter. A mean man is uni? versally despised, but public favor is a stepping stone to preferment?therefore generous feelings should be cultivated Say but little?think much?and do more. Let your expense be such as to leave a balance iu your pocket. Ready money is a friend in need. Keep clear of the law, for even if yon gain your case, you are generally a loser of money. Avoid borrowing and lending. Wine drinking and segar smoking are bad habits. They impair the mind and pocket, and lead to a waste of time. -*?? Sweeter than Honey.?For the bene? fit of our lady readers, we note a state? ment that two pounds of pure white sugar, dissolved in as much hot water as is nec .essary to reduce it to a syrup, and mixed with a pound of strained clean honey, and added warm to the melted sugar, will make a honey more palatable than the genuine article. ' -'? ? When your wife Is silent, hold the baby for her. Perhaps it is as much as she can do to hold her tongue. So says a Contemporary. From "Washington. n,n^eZelaIC0rre8pondenfc ?f the Balti more oun says : At the serenades here last night to Con? gressmen Mr. Colfia said that Congress had desired to avoid a midsummer ses? sion, bat that the President having ve? toed his vetoes by the promulgation of a decision of. his Attorney-General, that under the reconstruction laws the milita? ry commanders were merely policemen, subordinate to the provisional govern? ments, the army was but a posse comita tus to enforce the decrees. of the rebel" governors and mayors in the South, tho people again appealed to Congress, and hence the recent legislation.. He thought that throughout Congress had struck tho folden mean, and that its legislation was . rm, prudent and wise. He could not but admire the last bold and defiant veto mes? sage of the President, but he thought Mr. Johnson arraigned himself in it more than he did Congress, for all agree that he spoke correctly in his North Carolina proclamation of May, 1865, when he declar? ed that all the civil governments of the South had been destroyed by the rebel? lion. "The President," he said, "appeals to the ballot-box, and .so do we, and by its decision are willing to stand or fall." In conclusion, he spoke very confidently. of victory before the people in 1868, and declared that it would be swelled by the . vote of the reconstructed Souths Sena-, tor Yates said that the South having ac? cepted the situation, the Republican par? ty had now to accept the situation, which, he said, was that no rebel shall, occupy a place in the administration of our nation? al affairs. The speaker did not hesitate to say that a greater rebel, than Jeff. Da? vis or Beauregard is to-day sheltered in the walls of the White House. Being a Senator, he could not say the President ought to be impeached, but would say ? that there was sufficient evidence in pos? session of the House Judiciary Commit-: tee to justify impeachment. The Eepublican party must accept the situation in another respect. There has been a war in Mexico. Maximilian has been executed, and the Democratic party is expressing its disapprobation of tho act. The Republicans should stand by Juarez and the Liberal Government. It is the duty of our Government to declare . that no foreign prince or potentate shall establish a government on American soil. If necessary, let war be declared against any country that attempts to supplant liberty in America. The Republican party has declared that equal suffrage shall exist in the District of Columbia and the Southern States. Now they must do for tho North as they have done for the South, and impose suffrage upon every State. ?:-;-* Southern Geneeals.?We take, the following from the New York Tmes: We feel impelled to say a word in behalf of the military skill, the valor and ability of certain of the rebel generals whom the Southern papers are now denouncing for ' incompetence and imbecility in the field. Since Jeff. Thompson, Chalmers, Hind rnan and especially Longstreet, have come out in favor of reconstruction under the military bill, we find that their services to the rebellion are spoken-of with utter con tempt, and Longstreet is. said to have proved himself a "failure" and a "nobody" throughout tho entire war. Now, we are quite certain that Longstreet, at least, was not rated in this way by any of our Generals or by our soldiers who fought him. It was conceded by them all that, with the exception of Stonewall Jackson, Lee had no subordinate, and the Confed? eracy no upholder, who tendered more ef? ficient and signal military service than Longstreet. Wo need not recall the long list of terrible battles in which he and his, corps figured, nor the hundred times in which he put to test the genius of bur* greatest commanders. We are sure that neither Grant, Hancock, Sheridan nor Warren would speak of Longstreet. as -a soldier, in any such way as he is now spoken of by his unreconstructed fellow citizens of the South. But in daring to exercise his own judgment upon politics, he could expect nothing better than he is receiving at the hands of the Southern "bomb-proofs." -*-r Secret op Happiness.?An Italian Bishop, who had struggled through many difficulties without repining, and been much opposed Without manifesting impa? tience, being asked by a friend to commu? nicate the secret of his always being so happy, replied: "It consists "in a single thing, and that is, making a right use of: my eyes." His friend in surprise, begged him to explain the meaning. "Most wil? lingly," replied the Bishop. "In whatso? ever state I am, I first look up to Heaven, and remember that my great business is to - get there. I then look down upon earth, and call to mind how small a place I shall soon fill in it. I then look abroad in tho world, and see what multitudes are, in all respects, less happy than myself. And thus I Ieam where true happiness is placed; where all my cares must end, and how lit? tle reason I ever had to murmur, or to be otherwise than thankful. And to live in this spirit is to be always happy - Cai^hilnT^^ says: "If you doubt whether to kiss^a pretty girl, give her the benefit of the doubt."-_^_ First? Josh Billings says: If you trade with a Yankee, steal his jack knife first; for if he gets to whittling, you are gone, . in spite of thunder. -~? By looking into physical causes .our - minds are opened and enlarged-rand, in this pursuit, whether we take or whether we lose the game, the chase is certainly of service.