Historical Newspapers of South Carolina

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An Independent Family Journal?Devoted to Politics, Literature and General Intelligence. VOL. 2. ANDERSON, S. C, WEDNESDAY, JUNE 5, 1867. NO. 51. ? BY HOYI & WALTEfiS. TE,RMS: TWO DOLLAES ABU A HALF FEE ASKOH, ? IS UNITED. STATES CtTCtEENCT. , BATES OP ADVERTISING. Advertisements inserled at the rates of One Doi lar'per square of twelve lines for thb first insertion and; Fifty Cents for each subsequent insertion, fcib'jrat deductions made to those who advertise by the year. ~ ' . ggjF?- For-announcing a candidate, Five Dollars in advance. An Effective Speech. -The Montgomerg Mail reports the fol? lowing as the substance of an effective - Breech, delivered by Gen. James H. Clan . ton-of Montgomery, Ada., in reply to Sen? ator Wilson,-who challenged any South? ern man ttrreply to him. The speech Tvas delivered without preparation, but speaks out plain facts: . i -Friend and-FeUow-Citizens: I returned from the country a few minutes since, and toaadnformed that some colored men had called at my office, to invite me to attend - this meeting. I appreciate this act of kindness, confidence and friendship on their part. My colored friends, we are Southern men, born upon the same soil, live in the same country, and will sleep in - ihe same grave-yard when life's troubles are over ; and our destiny is the same. If, you prosper, the white race of the South will prosper; and if the white race prosper, you must prosper; and whatever misfortune is visited upon the South, must be borne alike by both races. It is alike your duty and interest to cultivate friend * Jy relations witlryour neighbors and your former owners,.who are to-day, and ever have been, your best friends. For one, I ^can proudly say that no one in this as-J sembly can assert that I ever oppressed | . him when he was^a slave. On one occa? sion I fought , for one of j you in these f streets. On another, when a white man had been wayiayed and murdered, .and his neighbors had assembled, and taken the law in their hands with the avowed inurposeof.ex^catin^.the two leaders, who " <vere colored men, i interposed,' with oth? ers, and~succeeded in havlbg them placed in jail, and a fair trial given them. One .' was^tjonvrcted and bung, the other ac? quitted., and still lives. ? ' The Senator from MassachusettSj who "Bas just-addressed you, and who liveasev erai thousand miles distant, has explained to you the object of his political pilgrim? age-South. "He has challerigSd any one present-to meet him in discussion to-nigbt; '. and has offered to divide time with any one .who would accept I was born and - raised in the South, and hope to be buried [ in 'herjsoil. .1 have met the brave men the North on many fields; they out? numbered und overcame, .us; and I cer? tainly-have no fear of'their politicians. . ^But-for my family, life would have bat few charms for mq. Neither the fear of the gallows, the gibbet,, or tho bayonet will eyer cause'me to desert my "people, forsake "this bright Southern land which -g?ve me birth, or' deter me from tho cx " pre'ssion of my honest sentiments under any circumstances. Some young South? ern .Radicals, who have recently address-1 ed-you, say that the Sherman bill which they are advocating, would disfranchise them, and hence their efforts were purely ' unselfish, whilst at the time their npplica- j tiqns to be relieved from tho disabilities - of that measure are pending at Washing Jton, and they are doubtless-expecting to ^ call on you. fbr your votes at the next election for. this Stale. ~; " Twill here state my own position brief? ly oh this point I believe that bill is unconstitutional? I; believe it is oppressive to a certain class of our best men. As soon as that bill passed Congress, a high Federal official 'with the kindest feelings for me personally^ said to me: "You were not an original secessionist ? - Congress will remove your disabilities under the Sherman Bill. You must send - on an application, and I. will approve. it, and help you to get it through."' I., re? plied that the Bepublican party had no right under the "Constitution to disfran? chise me, and I would never ask for relitff at their hands, and that is my position to-night , The honorable Senator from Massachu? setts has said some things which evince good feelings on his part, and which 1 ap? prove. He has also said many things from which I must dissent, and made i?ahy assertions which the political bisto? ury, and particularly that of our recent unfortunate war, proves to be untrue. He commences with the history of slavery in tho South, since he came upon tho stage of action, and endeavors to fix the responsi? bility of the existence of ? that institution upon the Southern people, with all of its i horrors as depicted by his vivid imagina? tion: I will carry the gentleman back to the starting, point of the institution on this continent, and before I take my seat I will prove to you that the North is re? sponsible for the existence of slavery with whatever evils attached to it; and I am irank to say that there were fcaturel in slavery which were wrong. [Many years ago, my friends, beforethe United States had an existence as a na tion, your forefathers inhabited^the hones of your race?Africa. The *Nortlern people, who were then as now a commer? cial people, owning many ships, went to the coast of Africa and bought sorao, and stole or kidnapped, your grand-fathers and mothers, placed 'them in the hold of their vessels in great numbers, and in chains (,ook some few to their Northern hones, and sent most of them to be sold to the Southern people for slaves. In this work - they had valuable co-Jaborors in the En? glish and Spanish. By this traffic inhu? man fiesh they made large sums of morev. .The Southern people, as a general rule were opposed to the slave trade, whenthe Polonies threw off the yoke of Great Bri? tain, the Southern Colonies amongst them, > and one of the principal reasons whoh I ' they published to the world in justificafion of their cause, was that the mother coin try had imposed slavery ?hd the shvo tr#de upon them against their wishes. When our independence was acknowl? edged, and we formed a - Union of 4he Colonies, the South was" stilt opposed to the slave trade, and it would have tfcen , been declared piraoy, and half of ytur race in the United States would not have been here now, but in Africa; but the Northern men ongaged in the trade, found it to be so profitable, and so entirely free from any conscientious scrnples were they that they insisted that their pious opera? tions should continue twenty years longer, and the South yielded. These slave tra? ders invested their money in lands, houses and other property at the North, which made many of their grandchildren or great-grandchildren rich, and some of whom are now leading Republicans. The slaveholders of the Northern States did the same thing in moat instances by sending their slaves to Virginia and other Southern States and selling them, when their slave labor became less profitable in a cold climate than white labor, and have since amused themselves by abusing the Southern people as slave drivers?and the Senator, the descendant of these men, is here to-night reminding you of the wrongs you have received at the hands of your former owners, and advising you to avoid political alliances with your friends and neighbors, and to seek an alliance with people in distant States, the Republicans of the North. I repeat that the conscien cious scruples of the North were not seen cropping out until they had your race in their pockets, where they have taken good care to keep you ever since. There are many good people at the North who arc your friends, and who have never engaged in the slave trade, owned slaves, or approved of slavery. The same can be said of the South, and if let alone by the Ndrth that class would have been much larger in the South. More slaves have been freed by the act of their owners in the South than at the North. George Washington owned about one thousand, which he freed at his death. Mr. Randolph did the same. General Oglethorpe opposed slavery in Georgia. There is a man on this sta^e who knows that I had an angry controversy many years ago in this eiiy for endorsing Henry Clay's emancipation scheme fcr Kentucky. He was my political leader, I never knew him to do wrong, but I fear we will never look upon bis like again.. The gentleman from Massachusetts says .you ought to identify yourselves with the Radical par'y of the North, because thej' have waded through a bloody war of four years to set you free, to give }rou the right to sit Upon juries, to ride on rail? roads, testify as witnesses in courts, and much else. I deny every assertion he has made on these points, and challenge him to the proof. He who says that this war was commenced by the North to set you free and confer on 3-011 the rights which you now enjoy, falsifies the history of the country; not intentionally; I hope. The Government of the United States, during the war, again and again declared most solemnly that this war was not commenc? ed or being waged for conquest, or with a view of interfering with our property in slaves in the Stales. Mr. Lincoln urged us to return to the Union, pledging the Government to receive us most cordialry. and give slavery its protection in the States. We were threatened with eman? cipation if we did not come back. In one hand the Government offered us "Union and Slavery," and in tho other was "rebellion and emancipation." Hav? ing gone to war on principle^ the South chose the latter. No man knows this better1 than the honorable Senator. Nor will he or General Sw?ynie, who is on the 6tand, deny the assertion that 1 am now going to make, that we could have gone back in the Union and held you as our slaves to-day. You are not indebted to the North or the South for your freedom, but to God. Instead of abusing us yon ought to remember that this rebellion which you ai'c taught to despise, by your enemies and ours, who only come amongst you for your votes, was an instrument in the hands of God for your deliverance, so far as mortal eye can divine the purposes of tho creator. fJ?he Southern people do not envy you your freedom. They would not restore you to bondageif they could. They have your weil-being at heart. I did not fire a gun for slavery. More than half the Southern army never owned a slavo. Hardee, Cleburne, and many others signed a petition long before the war closed, for your freedom, and to afford you an op portunitj- to volunteer and assist 3*our white friends of the South in achieving Southern independence. President Davis recommended this course, and I, in*tho theatre, in this city, endorsed his policy in the presence of a very large assembly, and stated that I would take great pleasure in commanding colored troops. You acted well your part during that unfortunate struggle, for which you deserve, and have, the grati tud? of every Southorn man and woman in our midst. The gentleman says that the Mexican war was brought on and advocated by Mr. Calhoun for the purpose of increasing the area of slavery. No man ought to know better than the honored represen? tative of Massachusetts that the state? ment is untroe. Mr. Calhoun was to the last the bitterest opponent of the war? predicting as ho did the disastrous re? sults upon the peace of the country.? Instead of that war being waged for slavery, it was very evident, as the result proved, that any territory adjoining us which could be acquired would be free territory. That war gave to the North, California, Utah and New Mexi? co. Though only a boy, I followed the old flag through that war, with many thousand good and true men from my Bcction who only regarded the Na? tional honor of our common country.? Again as to how you became free. The North aided to free yon with a bayonot and Milit?r}' Proclamations only as tboy believed it would injure us and raiso you up a hostilo element in our midst; and seemingly making your welfare a second? ary consideration. To render this act of theirs valid and constitutional, it was ne? cessary that we should act. We called together Our Conventions, and without hesitation, made you constitutionally free forever. We also gave you tho right to testify in cases where you were interested, and I advocated in this State House your right to testify in all eases. You now enjoy many privileges here not enjoyed by youi race in the Northeim States. As the gentleman has congratu? lated you upon your improved condition here, and created still greater expecta? tions for your future political and social relations in the South, let me tell you what great blessings the North has Con? ferred upon your race even in his own State., First, until very recently, although your race at the North are free, and have the advantages of the free school system of which be boasts, and lew in numbers, yet whilst your numbers rapidly increased as slaves in the hands of cruel masters re? ferred to by him, yet with him at the North they have diminished, your race have been and are still excluded from Northern hotels, steamboat cabins, rail? road cars, and places of amusement. They have been frequently expelled from such places, and sometimes mobbed for claim? ing the rights of white people. And what has been the result of every effort on their part to obtain redress und establish their rights by law. They have in every in? stance, (unless it be very recently.) sig? nally failed. The courts of the country were against them. I saw in Northern newspapers, and I believe it to be true, for I have no where seen it contradicted, that about the last of 1SG6, or the first of the present year, Frederick Douglass, a mulatto of New York, who is said to be a highly educated and polished man, who conducts himBelf with great propriety everywhere, traveled as far West as St. Louis, and was there and everywhere on his route refused admission into the first class hotels of the North and West.? Nearly every Northern State has dis? criminated against them as jurors, wit? nesses, and heretofore at the ballot-box. They no whereat the North enjoy, in fact, all the rights of white people, and in most States North they are by local laws de? nied political equality at the present time. One or more States went so far as to deny them settlement within their boundaries altogether. You have been reminded, by the gen? tleman, of pecuniary favors conferred; the supplies voted you by his party, an<f the Bureau under General Swayne in Alabama, as another reason why 3-011 should act with the Republicans. I be lieve Gen. Swaync to be a friend of 3'ours. i believe the gentleman who ha* address? ed 3*011 is also a friend, for the3* have no cause to be otherwise; but no better friend than I am and man3* other Southern men. Many of us have been educated b3' your labor, and I hope 1 shall livelong enough to pa3r 3-011 back with compound interest in promoting education among 3*011, which I tell 3*ou is the only hope of your race. 1 requested that Gen. Swayne bo con? tinued over us; for although wesee things from different stand-points, 3*et, I beiieve he wants to do right, and I never think less of any one for an honest difference of opinion merely. But however worth}- the motive of the act on the pari of tho Government iu as? sisting you through the Bureau, and for which the Senator, amongst other reasons, claims your votes for the Republican party, it is an undeniable fact that the same party discriminates against you in the way of taxes on cotton, and in this way wring from tho sweat of }-our brow one hundred dollars to every one received by you through the same Bureau. With these facts staring you in the face, which the honorable Senator will not deny, What is the obvious object of his visit South ? It is this, my fjiends: His party is in power, and he is here aiding to keep them so. He is hero to form a po? litical alliance with you and what few whites can be induced to join him. They want office, they want spoils, and they want to retain power. It is quite pleas? ant and profitable to them. It is not be? cause they love you better than other people. I warn 3 011 against him and all like him, at home or abroad. ****** It occurs to me just %t this moment, that there is another portion of the hon? orable Senator's last or second speech, to which I will briefly allude. He sa3*s I have mentioned some things he never before heard. In that he has nono the advantage of me, for he has spoken of many things that he did, that I have not heard ot before He boasts of what the Northern ttrruy did, but I did not know he was with them. It is only very re? cently that he invaded the South. He reminds me of the bold frontiersman, who, when tho bear entered tho cabin door quite unexpectedly, ran up into tho loft. The good wife, having no means of escape, used the pitchfork very freely, killing the bear, the husband in the loft cr3*ing out all tho while, at the top of his Voice, "Lay on, Nancy ! lay on, Nancy I" When as? sured that tho bear was quitodead. he de? scended from his safe retreat, walked up to the side of his wife, and, with the air of a game cock, exclaimed, "Nancy, ain't we brave V The gentleman can afford t) boast now what we did! In conclusion, let me say, that you have known me from my boyhood. I have al? ways done the best I could for you, and am still your friend. Although I have been deprived of citizenship, yet I love my country and her peoplo, and I will ro-! main with you. When I took the oath of support the Constitution and Union of tho States, I did so after much reflection and in pe/fect good faith. I did so with a determination that I would do all that1 I could to promote the peace and proa* perity of my whole country, and particu? larly your race, who were and arc now so much in need of instruction. There i.3 a minister (Rev. James Newman) of the Gospel In the city who known that during the war and at a time when the South expected to be successful, that we pledged ourself one to the other, to give the ener? gies of our life to the improvement of your condition. Things have Bince changed. I am prostrated by the war, but I will assist you all I can, and am doing so now and encouraging others to do something. My heart was made glad a few days since when I heard that a Southern man, notwithstanding our im? poverished condition, had donated a piece of land in this city for a school house for your children, and upon which, I learn, the Government proposes putting up the building. But for the excitement and prejudice on the question engendered by I politicians, North and South, before the war, your condition would have been a much better one than it is. I believe you will bear me out in tRe assertion that your former Southern owners treated you quite as well as the Northern men did, before they sold you to us, and as well as those who settled in our midst and owned slaves before the war. Your own obser? vation and experience teaches you that the latter class, whether from Massachu? setts or any other New England State, were, as a general rule, more exacting than our own Southern born people. My father hired out slaves for many years for an estate, and told me, what I knew to be true, that those slaves never did refuse to live with or run away from any but two men, and one of these was from Connecticut, and the other from some other Northern State. When you return to }'our homes, be industrious, so? ber, and economical, save your wages and buy and adorn yonr homes, however small, educate your children, cultivate peace with all, and God will bless and re? ward your efforts. I thank you for the respectful attention you have given me. -o Defining his Position.?The "Fat Contributor," whilo at Nashville recently, was requested to define his position on politics, which he did in a letter to "John Happy," of the Nashville Banner, as fol? lows : "I am aware of tho necessity of know? ing just where a man stands in these tinies**"which try men's soles?as well as the upper, leather. To begin with, I am an Old Henry Clay Whig, of the Polk School. I believed in the Hard .Cider Platform of 1840, during which I cast a somewhat colored vote for Jackson. I voted against the assassination of Lincoln, and a:n in favor of the immediate impeach? ment of Jefferson Davis. I favored the Maine Law until they fired on our flag, together with several of our flatstones, when I went in for a vigorous prosecu? tion of peace. I am in favor of woman's | rights, if it is a good looking woman and ' she writes to me. I don't know much about the Monroe Doctrine, and as for horse doctoring I don't know anything at all. I wouldn't vote to oblige a Mor? mon to have more than one wife, and am opposed to introducing cholera into the territories. I go in for a tax on water? falls, and am willing to allow chignons a representation in Congress on the basis of population. Finally, I am in favor of al? lowing the negro to vote in the South? it is the only way to make treason or dorous." -* Register, Vote and Hope for the Best.?The Montgomery Mail says: "Several of the ablest of our exchanges have well written editorials under tins caption, and wo hope that tho people will weigh well the meaning of the words, which appearing to us to be based upon sound truth, provided no loyal remedy arise before the time for voting comes on. We know that many of our truest citi? zens, at the first blush of the subject, felt that they would never vote again in this stricken land. We believe that this feel? ing is passing rapidly aWuy. Our advice has always been to register and vote, if the time for registering, and voting roll around. That Somebody will vote, is < cr tairi ; and if the best men do not, the worst will, and truly they will get the control of the State in their, hands, and assuredly will wreck it upon unseen breakers ahead. If our best men do not vote, the condi? tion of government in Tennessee and Mis? souri will be repeated here, and Constitu stitution of cunning ills will be devised. ""Register, vote and hope for the best; hope in the future action of the Supreme Court, and in the sense of returning jus? tice at the North. "'Truth crushed to earth shall ariso again.' "Our readers should carefully weigh these views and thon act as their judg? ment, and not their feelings dictate" -<? A Terrible Weapon-.?The Paris pa? pers say that the story about the new French gun which shoots people without powder or smoke, is quite true. The weapon is really a aling, improved up to the nineteenth century standard. Bullets are placed in a circular groove on a disc of steel, which, driven by a wheel of much greater diameter, revolves at a prodigious pace, and 'mrls out the bullets at the rate of about three hundred per minute. They strike as hard as rille balls. -4? ?A cotemporary says: "Charles Sum ner is one of those vain and insolent beings whose manner constantly says, 'I thank God that I am not likeother men.' " And all decent people ought continually to say, "we thank God that we are not like Charles Sumner." j EeconBtrnction in this State. The Richmond Examiner has an article on political affairs in this State, from which we extract: Such of the people of South Carolina as feel called on to possess political opin? ions, at this time, are dividing themselves into what may, perhaps, be called the Orr and Perry parties, upon the question of reconstruction?both agreeing m the inde? fensibility of the Polandizing bills, but the one counselling a co-operation with the Republicans in carrying them out; while the other?the followers of Gov. Perry?proclaim their preference for per? petual military control over the Haytiafl Government with which South Carolina must be cursed, under the practical work? ings of these acts. It appears to us, with all deference to the views of the very distinguished lead el's of these two parties, that they are wasting their energies on a question that has not yet arisen. We are called on to consider very vari? ant propositions at different stages of this great political revolution?questions so entirely independent of each other that it is not only unnecessary but altogether inexpedient to consider them together. A man may very well take the necessa? ry steps to insure his right of suffrage without ever designing to exercise it. He may resolve, also, to exercise it, without, at this time, determining whether he will vote for or against a convention, much less for what particular candidate he shall cast his ballot. And although a conven? tion be agreed on, he may very well re? serve the question what action he shall take on a constitution, the provisions of which no living man can foresee. Many reasons conspire to commend the applica? tion to our case of the maxim, "make haste slowly," and chief among them is the very manifest reaction that is taking place at the North; At present, the peo? ple of the South have but one matter connected with reconstruction to consider, and that is the propriety of registering. A natural indignation at the entire system?the disgust which every freeman must feel at its flagrant infractions of al? most all the rights which the world has regarded as peculiar to our form of politi? cal administration, and, lastly, a desire to avoid all responsibility for the anarchy that impends, have driven many men to the resolve to decline registration, and thus iormall}* and finally sever their con? nection with the defilements of mob poli? tics. It is impossible to imagine a more fatal delusion. It is worse?it is a disgraceful one. It is throwing down our arms in the presence of the enemy. It is a wick? ed abandoning of our friends, who have resolved to fight with what weapons they have, for freedom. It is playing into the hands of radicalism. Let us be admonished by the case of New Orleans and Washington. In the former city, the apathy of the people had given the absolute control of the vote of almost every ward to the blacks; and nothing but the order of the President to prolong the time of registration prevented the consummation of the outrage. In Washington, however, the mischief is completed, and it is beyond the power of any authority, as it would appear, to save the white voters of that city from the consequences of their foolish resolve to decline a registry. If this is not to be the fate of the South, every citizen, old and youngj who is qual? ified, should Register, who is entitled by leave of our masters to that privilege. Register, and you are free to vote or not, as you please, and have the further, the greater freedom, as time will show, to use your power when you desire to use it. Refuse to register, and you can never help yourself) your friends or your State. The time is coming, in the progress of this revolution, when the solid vote of the re? spectable people of this State may throw on Congress the responsibility of a per? petual military government, or practical disfranchiseraent for Virginia. When that day comes, every voice and vote will be needed ; but that is a ques? tion of the future. Suffice it for the pres? ent to say, that without registry you are as impotent as the dogs at your door to strike a blow for freedom here, or help the friends who are battling for your free? dom elsewhere. Surely no demand of* right or honor calls for so fatal a sacrifice. Registration ix this State.?Judge Aldrich, in a letter to the Charleston Mer? cury, urges that every man in the State who can register his name should do so. He says: "There are other matters to be passed upon by the country, under the military bill, besides who shall be members of the convention. The constitution to be framed by that convention is to be submitted to the people for their approval, and unless the privilege of voting is secured by reg-, istration, the power of the country may be seized by designing and unscrupulous men. My counsel, therefore, is, that it will be a fatal blunder not to secure this high privilege. If a man registers, he is not obliged to vote ; if he fails to do so, he will not be permitted to exercise this great franchise." A Beautiful Thought.?When I gaze into the 6tars, they look down upon me with pity from their serene spaces, liko eyes glistening with toars, over the little lot of man. Thousands of generations, all as noisy as our own, have been swallowed up by time, and there remains no record of them any more; yet Arcturus and Or? ion, Sirius and the Pleides, are still shin- j ing in their courses, clear and young as when the shepherd first noted them from tho plain of Shinar. What shadows wo i are, and what shadows we pursue! \Th.fmos Carbjls. ' The Intelligencer Job Office. Having recently mada considerable additions to this department, we are prepared to execute jamb ?i? m& in In the neatest style and on the most reasonable term:). Legal Blanks, Bill Heads, Postera, Cards. Handbills. Pamphlets, Labels, and in fact every style of work usually done in a country.Printing Office. SStf* In all casca, the monoy will be required upon delivery of the work. Orders, accompanied ^lt? the cosh, will receive prompt attention. The Negro Vote. In the present indecent haste to seize and secure that grand spoil-the negro vote?we see the real estimate of the war that rules in the minds of Greelej and j Company, the wilder leaders of the Re pubdcau party. For four years there was" a holocaust; and every family laid.its sac? rifice, as it is fondly supposed, on the altar of a nation. Husbands, sons, brothers, fathers?men cherished by all the endear? ing names to humanity?were '.proudly sent out to the death harvest that the country might not perish nor su ffer shame. Devastation in the form of fire and sword swept over half the land, and the people with one ready, willing voice, gave the government a mortgage on every dollar and every dollars worth. But was it all for the country really? or must we now gradually open our eyes to see that it was all for party? Greeley and Company assume that the war had no higher or nobler object than to give them, a chance to get at the negro vote. All the -blood shed, all the money spentj merely moved away the obstacles that were between them and such purpose. Their eagerness now is not to secure in the South any na? tional object that might have been worthy 6uch a war; not to draw towards us. by wise laws the States that slavery had. so nearly torn away; not to establish prop? erty ?nd personal rights on a better basis; not to assure to the country that perma? nent peace and tranquility for which such sacrifices were made. No; their whole policy?all that the war has led them to? is simply and purely an eager, indecent, devil-take-the-hindmost race and scramble for the votes of all the niggers between the Potomac and the Rio Grande. Was it for this that the American people gave a million lives and thousands of millions of money? We must understand the rece-t events at Richmond in the light of this republi? can view of the war. Republican bonds? men, jildges, jurors and lawyers all see it the same way, and open their mouths in an accord as happy and harmonious as though they were only the four and twenty blackbirds of the political pie. And the burden of song must startle the country. We care, they say, for no re? sult of the war that is worthy of respect. There was no such principle in it as should make opposition a crime. It was only our party game, and we have .won. We have removed the obstacles to our party su? premacy; we have access to the niggers? to a vast, ignorant mass of voters whom ? we can shape and use as we will, and by whose votes we can control, not-the South merely, but the North also. There arc no precedents to be made: there was abso? lutely nothing in it but the nigger; and this prisoner, who might be important if there was any such national question as good government and treason at stake, is not even worth his board in a casemate.. Such is the taue. How does the country.. like it? How will the people bear .to be told, by the indifference with which the representative man of the whole tremen? dous revolt is set at large, that there was no treason? How will they bear to learn, by seeing everything forgotten in eager? ness to secure the nigger vote, that the great: dominant party sees no nobler result in the war than the chance to use the nig? gers ? That it can shut its eyes to the first necessities of restoration, to the se curing of peace and good order and bar mou'zing the country; nay, that it will actually lay down a programme to im? peril again all the proper objects of the war, rather than risk the loss of the votes it has evidently always regarded as the grand spoil of the struggle. Two thoughts will grow into the nation? al mind as the people reflect, on. these events?the repudiation of the vast debt incurred for a party purpose,, and. the re? pudiation of the party that incurred it.? New York Herald. -<s-:_ Not Opposed to Asking for a Par? don*.?The Washington correspondent of the New York Herald writes: It is now said that Jefferson Davis is not averse to petitioning President John? son for a pardon. The statement publish? ed before, to the eflect that the ex-rebel President was too proud to acknowledge the error of his ways, and too lofty to stoop to the humiliation of a petition, would, therefore, seein to be erroneous. I am informed tliat Mr. Davis lately told a prominent Louisianian that he would gladly sue for pardon, if he could only think his effort would prove a' -success. President Johnson, it is believed, would willingly grant a full pardon to the fallen chief on the presentation of a proper pe? tition. I have to-day seen a copy of a petitiou, signed bv several Southern men of the Sharkey Monroe stamp, praying Executive clemency in behalf of Mr; Da? vis. No radical names are attached to the paper, all the leading'Senators and Representatives having refused to have anything to do with the movement. Pres ident Johnson, it is said, cares nothing for this omission, expressing the opinion that he alone has the power to decide the mat- - ter, and that he intends to do just as his own convictions of justice aud propriety dictate. Paul Bagley, the enthusiastic pardon manager, who has traveled over the country for the purpose of agitating the question of Mr. Davis' pardon, has charge .. ot the petition referred to, and has-for? warded it to Canada, with the hope of ob? taining a special petition from the " chief party interested. -o-:-: ? "If you ever many," said a Roman Consul to his son, ulet-jt?be a woman who has sense enough tosupevintend the cook? ing of a meal of victuals, taste enough to dress herself, pride enough to wash before breakfast, and "sense enough to hold her tongue when she has nothing to say.