Historical Newspapers of South Carolina

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An Independent Family Journal?Devoted to Politics, Literature and General Intelligence. VOL. 2. NO. 47. ?4"#nfeou f?tytig |ni^Ui|cit^r "?'BY' HO TT & WALTEES. ' TERMS! - ? *WO D0LLAB3 s AND A HALF PJ3B AOTfUlI, IN CiriTED STATES C?BEBJIC1*. ?. .-^?_-i-~ ' : - RATES OP ADVE?TlSift?. Advertisements inserted at the rates of One Dol _"lap per square of. twelve lines for the first insertion and Fifty'Cents for each subsequent insertion. lVbsv-.l deductions made to those who.advertise by the'year. : For announcing: a candidate, Five Dollars in advance. -Views of a Northern Editor. ? ? We iriake .the- following extracts from [ letters written by the editor of the New ' ?-Yor.k Express, while im attendance on the * recent session of the Southern Press As? sociation^ Although.primarily based up? on, tlie condition of affairs in ?Georgia, the : thoughts embodied in these letters will be ^ ibund interesting to all of our readers: 1 Atlanta,.Ga., April 16, 1867. '-. This is called the "Gate City" of-the Sooth, and certainly, nothing outside of * the oil re^io^s has equaled its growth since - its'great disaster by. fire duringthe advan? cing inarch of Sherman to the sea. : Im? mense will and- energy everywhere' apparent, partly to be attributed to the invigorating climate, partly to the mixed character.,?? the people, partly to the fa ? vorable position of the town, which is the - io'ciis of tra.de, not only of Georgia, but of 7 thesuirimnding States. What Manches? ter is to New-Hampshire, Lowell toMassa cuhsetts, or the North-and East Rivers to ~7^Tew York, Atlanta will be to. Georgia. .' There is mineraLwealth all around, iron -near, athand, coal not far off, granite close ' by, and everything which can give pros? perity: to a. settled and thrifty people.''? v. .The. bane of society springs .from two ~ causes?one.the failure pt the crops, which im&es provisions enormously high ; and, secondly,-the disorder incideut to the Con? cessional, principle of reconstrection.? * Bread'and Eaeat for this section of the country conimaud enormousprices. Add? ed to .the disaster of half a famine, has come ? "flood, the like of which in its de? struction of property, land, and labor, has hardly been equaled. The loss of a rail i'pa?i: bridge across the Tennessee, has cost ^ the owners of corn not less than seven Cents a- bushel for ferriage alone; and corn ?"-sells- here $1 60 a bushel, and is scarce at 7 this price. The food is not equal to the mouths to consume it, but I am happy to. ?j say- the prospect is favorable for the wheat ? 'tftppibr 1867. Not.only has a great deal ; ?more land been sown, but the. cultivation -?? irLalt respects will be more thorough.? --While society is, in many respects, turned tipsids down, there is enough regard for - that principle of self-preservation to appre? ciate the. faet that the soil alone cau prove a remedy for the greatest of all human /miseries.' -The negro is beginning to learn . that he i&ius own master and that to be ' n, master even of one's self requires pro " vision for "all the necessaries of life. Un? fortunately, for the negro, his wants enter ? but kittle into the consumption of any . thing beyond very simple food and very imifrerent'clotliing. As, however, he be? comes more civilized, he will think more of", increased comforts. Now he earns from five to .fifteen dollars a month, and is in the. main content. The^very best ser? vants, indeed, rarely command more than 7 ten or twelve dollars a month and board. Many estimate that the labor of three in? dustrious negroes is about equal to that of - two white men. On my way here I saw many hundreds 'who'were idle, but this is in the neighbor? hood of the large towns. In the country ,* they are more thrifty and more industri? ous, but perhaps net so well-informed. To bestow at once this right of suffrage on ? such persons, is a monstrous perversion of the ballot - It is, indeed, to give the very life and symbol of freedom to those wholly ?unfitted to enjoy it. Our sons anddaugh ^tenF-yes, the humblest and meanest of the white race?would exercise It with rnoire.djscretion, more wisdom, more honor and profit to the country. Better, ten times' better for the South would be a di? minished representation in Congress with? out the negro vote-, than the larger number of representatives with-it. IfT tooj this question or suffrage could have been some? thing in prospect, and- dependent" upon qmilifiication, whether of property, or ed? ucation, or both, the case would be differ? ent;, but as it is, the. negroes will vote, and the vote will be divided. In the rural dis . tricts, it will be mainly with the masters. In the interior, more with the Radicals.? - An intense sytem of proselyting and elec? tioneering will be kept up to the great in? jury of the negro, and without benefit to the white. In the ten excluded States there are, according to the best - estimate, 4,500,000 whites, and 3,750,000 blacks, and the latter m the majority in the States of South Carolina, Mississippi, and Louisiana, and with nearly equal numbers in Geor? gia, Alabama, and Florida, Everywhere South, the negro vote will secure the - balance of power, and it needs no imag . inati?n to foreshadow the result of such a state of facts. There is a constant arrival of these po? litical proselytes at the South. They are . zealous men, but their zeal is not according to knowledge It is the negroes' vote that .is demanded and not the negroes' welfare, and some of the colored race are shrewd enough to understand this, and to cry "handsoff!" The old masters who were kind to their slaves and who exerted a good influence over them during the war, will find their reward in that return of confidence which will show itself at the proper time. Atlanta', Ga., April 17, 1867. General Pope is here, and has made a satisfactory speech to the people. If they obey the law of Congress, well. If not, then it may not be well. AH the men he has here, and coining here, is bnt a few Over the' third of a regiment; but one com? pany would -be enough to carry out the law of Congress, and as good as ten thou Band men. The most subdued men are some of the old secession leaders?like ex Governor Brown, whose home is here, and whose influence has been immense through? out the State Such men counsel submis? sion to the law, and regard it as irrevokable. Gov. Jenkins counsels, not resistance, but non-action, and from all I see and hear, Ispilibe overruled by an immense majority I of the people. The heart of the people is broken, and their spirits humiliated. Two years of drought, one season of floods, months of positive hunger, have followed four years of war, made up of bombard? ments, sieges, fires, loss of life and proper ty. Congress, -with its harsh policy of negro suffrage, military monarcheis, regis? trations, arrests and punishments, stay jaws?as in South Carolina?is an easy master of the situation; only you must not expect the smitten to love the smiter, for as blood is thicker than water, nature stronger than coercion, this is simply im? possible. "Do with us as you will, and we will obey," is the general purpose, and Georgia is good for it by 20,000 or 30,000 majority, notwithstanding the letter from Governor Jenkins. If I were a Southern man, with my home and friends destroyed, a war prosecuted against me two years after I had laid down my arms, with no permanent peace or stability in prospect, with a hope of something permanent and established by further concessions, I would do the same thing, for until there is an end ot exactions by obedience to decrees, there can be no peace. "War is not politics, but revolution. The South is in the hands of Government as clay in the hands of the potter. In seeking to overthrow the Gov rnment of the United States, it destroyed itself. President Lincoln has been over? ruled, President Johnson is overruled, the Congressional policy of 1861 and 1862 is overruled, and now all the civil, provision? al and elected Governments of ten States are in the hands of five United States Mil? itary Governors. Writing here in sight of Stone Mountain and Lookout Mountain, and the Kcnesaw, watching where Sher? man swung his army in one direction, and General Johnston in anoter?resting at the headquarters of Hood and Polk?walk? ing over the ground where the brave Mc Pherson fell?seeing yet the smouldering ruins of war all along from the borders of the Tennessee to this "Gate City," a thousand miles above the sea?one can better imagine the necessities and penalties than upon nursing under his own vine and fig tree at home. I am not surprised, therefore, at the eager desire of brave and mistaken men to rebuild what has been torn down. The needs of thousands of widows and orphans demand this, even if there were no higher appeals. "You take my life when you take the means whereby I live," is as true at least of the Christian as ot the Hebrew. Therefore let no North? ern man venture to blame the South for submitting to'inevitable necessity. The principle laid down by Blackstone, that "any Government is better than none at all,'' in this case decides the issue Military monarchy, in our part of North America, is so repuguant to all our ideas of liberty, that any peaceable means of getting rid of it is excusable, if not commendable. One thing, however, creates^ a burning fever in the South, and that is the demand made upon the people, through the Con? stitutional Amendment, to dishonor the learders of the rebellion. All these lea? ders were made so by the people them? selves, or by their representatives. If Congress chooses to dishonor them, they will submit with becoming grace, and the end secured through this act, like many others, will be in violation of the Consti? tution; but do not, they implore us, com pell the Southern people themselves to strike down men they placed in the front rank by their own acts. Such an appeal, surely, ought to be appreciated, since al? most every other demand, and indeed every other exaction, will be conceded. The writer gives the following summa? ry of his convictions, after returning home from this brief tour in the South : The South accept the situation, not from choice, but from necessity?not because j they like it, or think it wise or just, but because they cannot help it. We think wc speak advisedly upon this point, and certainly aft-" a personal communication with a Jarge cumber of Southern gentle? men, including the editors ot journals re? cently in session in Georgia, with whom we enjoyed a long, frank, and free commu? nication. The acquiesence we speak ot, is no doubt, most sincere, and the motive to it is the hope of seeing the country settled, business made stable, property made se? cure, and the general interests of the Southern people subserved. This is cer? tainly true of Georgia, South Carolina, Virginia, Ahobama, North Carolina, and, as we believe, of the whole South. The people of Georgia, lor example, may the? orize with Governor Jenkins, who has placed his State before the Supreme Court in antagonism with the acts of Congress ?but they will rather act in registration, in calling a Convention, in acquiescing with the results of the Convention, with ex-Governor Brown?than whom perhaps, no man at the South did more to ''fire the Southern heart" against the North, and to place the people iu open rebellion against the General Government. Indeed, for this matter, the boldest of the secession lead? ers in 1860 are very often the foremost submissiouists in 1867. Some'of them are honest enough to avow their former acts, and their present repentance, but many, we are sorry to say, try to disguise what they did in, and bet?re the rebellion, in order to place themselves in greater fa? vor with the government. This class of people are not much honored with the hon? est men and women of the South. The most respected are those who avow their past mistakes and accept the inevitable consequences. The people of the North, therefore, may look to a very full and general registra? tion of white and black voters between this time and September. The negro vole will be divided, and of the 65,000 negro votes in Georgia, the, conservatives will proba? bly get one-half. If the negroes were left to themselves, without interference from the East and West, they would get three fourths of it. As the cases were exeep tional where the masters were cruel to their slaves, so the cases will be exception? al where the freedruen will vote against them. There are, however, secret union leagues springing up all over the South, whose objects arc to separate the negroes from their former associations. As a whole, the negroes, as they become intelli? gent, will regard these organizations with distrust, if not with detestation. It is the negroes' vote they seek, and not the ne? gro's happiness, or social and educational improvement. In time, all this will ap? pear. . In the large towns and cities the in? fluence of these Leagues will be marked. In Atlanta probably one thousand of these Radical votes will be given, but in the ru- j ral districts the number will be small. On j both sides, no doubt, there .will be prose? lytizing, and unfortunately, with the most ignorant and degraded portion of the American population. It is monstrous, in [ their present condition, that the balloi should be put in their hands; but, as Con I gress has so ordered, each side will take steps to secure the ballot, and, as a whole, we think, from present indications, the Southern people will secure the majority of it. Nowhere, we believe, will any at? tempt be made to interfere with this bal? lot, or to prevent its free use. There will be less obstructions at the polls, in the South;, than at the North. The negroes in some counties will outnumber the whites three to one. They will jostle and crowd their old masters in a way which will as? tonish the white men of the North. Such a spectacle of course will be a trial of patience and forbearance?but necessi? ty knows no law. Only the Providence of God can sec the end of such an experi? ment. If it shall not ultimately end in a war of races, it will be because of non-in? terference from the North and great good sense at the South. All realize that now that the negro it free, that he must be edu? cated as tar as possible. The leading men ot the South advocate this and welcome all aid and encouragement to secure this end. The negro is much more tractable this year than last. He labors better in the field and better in the workshops. Pie is content either with a division of profits upon the farm or fair monthly wages on the road. In many things, it is true, he is a mere child, and weaker than a child, in his dandyism and foppery, and this is particularly true of the young women, who are in danger of spending a year's earn? ings in a week, or a day, unless well ad? vised and controlled. But everywhere in Virginia, in Tennessee, in Georgia and South Carolina one hears of improvement, such as better culture in the field, better regard for contracts, and that sense of self-reliance which was not ielt at ail one year after the war. If then Congress means the acceptance of its harsh measures as a finality, it will be its own fault if all, or nearly all of the Southern . tales are not in good fellowship before the close of the winter of 18G8.? The commanding Generals South declare t :iat these military bills are a finality. We trust that time will, prove that they speak by authority. -o? Wnv Don't He Do it.?When the Far? mer knows that a gate is better, and as a time-and-labor saving fixing, cheaper than a set of bars and posts, and without call? ing on a carpenter he can himself make one, Why don't he do it ? When he has no other fastenings to his gates and barn doors than a stone rolled against them, and in a single evening, after supper, is able to make a better one, Why don't he do it ? . Or when he sees tho boards dropping from his barns and out-buildings, and like heaps of rubbish lying in piles about the premises, and need only nailing oh again, Why don't ho do it ? Or is he afraid of the expense of nails, and is always crying up the maxim of Dr. Franklin, to "save the pence, and the pounds will take care of themselves," and he knows that the same Dr. Franklin also said that "many men aro penny wise and pound foolish," and he is not careful to think of the precept contained in the latter, Why don't ho do it? If it is a saving of nearly half the ma? nure of a farmer's stock by keeping them shut up in 'yards, instead of running at large through moat of the winter, Why don't he do it ? If he knows that many of his fields would be greatly improved by ditching, and by the removal of large stumps and stones, Why don't ho do it ? And when he knows that his pastures would yield nearly double the feed, and of a better quality, if the bushes were all cut and subdued, Why don't ho do it ? -o Memory.?When the toils and fatigues of the day are over, who does not love occasionally to indulgo in a review of by? gone years ? No toil, no perplexity at? tends it. It is an exercise we reserve for an idle hour. In summer, we may re? pose beneath the shade of a favorite tree, and whilst wo recall the adventurers of childhood, cnjo}r at the same time, the surrounding scenerj*. In winter, we may seat ourselves beside tho blazing hearth, and whilst wo recount many a past deed, we can at tho same time, enjoy our fire? side securely, and feel alive to the pre? sent; but in this the mind is at case, no labor of the intellect, no perplexity at? tends it. Memory is tho most indepen? dent faculty of tho human mind, because its office is simply to produco what reason has dictated and habit confirmed; whilst every other department of the human mind is equally dependent on memory for exercise of its powers. - ? Few ladies are so modest as to re? fuse to sit in the lap of luxury. ? The way to get a good wife?get a good girl and go to a parson. Another Letter from Gov. Perry. To the Editors of the Columbia PJucnix : The people of South Carolina were per? suaded, six or seven years ago, that their only hope of maintaining African slavery was in the destruction of the American Union and the formation of a Southern Confederacy. I did not think so, and raised my warning voice against this fatal delusion. 1 said to them that slavery was safer in the Union than it could be in a separate confederacy. I told them that the extinction of the Union would be the death-knell of slave ry. They spurned my counsel, and madly rushed into a bloody civil war, which ended in the abolition of slavery. Now they are being persuaded, again, that the only way to save their lands from the confiscation of Congress, is in adopting the provisions of the mili? tary bill, giving universal suffrage to the negro, and disfranchising their leading public men. It is with a .sad heart that I sec indications, all over the State, of a preparation to adopt this second delusion, which will prove more fatal to the State than the first has been. It is true, thcy lost, by the first, their propertj7 in slaves, and involved their country in a long and bloody war, which desolated the State and sacrificed thousands of their most I gallant sons; it is true, also, that they were conquered, and have been placed under a military government. But now thejr are going to sacrifice their honor as a people and lose their lands into the bar? gain ! They are going to enfranchise 60,000 .black voters, and surrender the political power of the State into the hands of the negroes! The inevitable result of this delusion and criminal folly will be the establishment of the most atrocious government and hoirible state of society that a civilized people were ever subjec? ted to. Already the negro -watch-cry in Vir? ginia and elsewhere is, ''Lands for the landless !" "Homes for the houseless !" "Political equality to all men, regardless of caste or color!" What avail will 40, 000 white votes have in South Carolina, with this watch-cry ringing at the polls ? It is against nature and reason to suppose that an ignorant and debased majority will not pursue their own interest, regard? less of right, and carry out their wicked purposes, whatever they maj* be. It is possible to restrain them at first, before they acquire concert of action. Hence the importance of defeating the call of a convention at the first election, before this majority is organized and emboldened by agitation and evil counsels. It cannot be controlled afterwards, but will make South Carolina a political and social pan? demonium. Is there an instance in the world's history of a class of men, inves? ted with political power, who did not unite to promote their own interests ? Just as sure as general suffrage is given to the negro, in South Carolina, he will feel his numerical strength, and sooner or later, under the vile lead of Black Ee pnblican emissaries, seize the political power of the State, and exercise it to op? press and plunder the white race. There are thousands of unprincipled white men amongst us, who will unite their des? tiny with the negro for tiie sake of spoils and plunder. They will easily be per? suaded, and persuade themselves, that it is right and proper that the lands of the State should be divided out equally amongst all of her citizens. ."Every one should have a home?the poor freedman ; as well as his former rich maslcr. Hav? ing the power in their hands, with this belief, it is folly and stupidity to suppose the}' will not execute it. They mjist serve on juries and hold office, ride with you and your wives and daughters in the cars, and cat with you at the hotel, and sit with you in the church. All this, and ten times more, you must endure from }-our black political masters. And can it be that the pride of Carolina has sunk so low, and been so degraded, as to vote for all this voluntarily, for the purpose of get? ting back into that Union which her citi? zens professed to hate and despise so cor? dially a few years since? Arc the}* will? ing to go to the polls and cast their vote for a convention, with this destiny staring them in the face, in order to save their lands from confiscation ? No. They will be voting the ultimate confiscation of their lands and their political rights as sorely as they are voting away their hon? or as men and Carolinians. There are in the State only ten Districts out of thirty in which the white voters are in the majority, and these Districts are the smallest?consequently two-thirds and more of tho convention may be ne? groes or Black Republicans. The Legis? lature will be similarly composed. Do the people of South Carolina really think of these consequences, or are the}- pre? pared to accept them ? Bettera thousand times let Congress confiscate your lands, than entail such a Government and such degradation and misery on yourselves and posterity. Do your duty, and leave the consequences to God. A.ct like men and Carolinians. Declare, by voting against a convention, that you will never voluntaril}* yield the right of self-govern? ment, or place yourselves under the con? trol of your former slaves. Better?far better?to remain as you are, undor the military rule of your conquerors, and await their returning sense of justice. I feel assured that nothing but a mistaken appeal to base fear, and that dastardly virtuo, called prudence, could have wrought so wonderful a change in tiie public sentiment of South Carolina. And it is mclancholly to sco the people?a proud, gallant people?scared into their own ruin and degradation by the falso cry of confiscation, like the consumptive lunatic, who had such a terror of death ' that he bulled his brains out against the j walls of his cell to avoid it. In order to ; save'our lands from Congressional confis-' cation, we are persuaded to let the ne? groes parcel them out amongst them? selves. Let no one charge mo with disloyalty to the American Union, or infer from what I have said, that I am not in favor of reconstructing the Union of the States. My whole political life has been spent in fighting for the Union, and trying to ward off that fell spirit of disunion which j has brought all these unnumbered woes upon South Carolina. I wish to see the Union restored under the Constitution. I know the American people never can be free and happy, great and prosperous, without the Federal Union ; but I will never degrade myself, or my State, or surrender my constitutional rights or Re? publican principles, to get back into the Union. I will live under a military gov? ernment, no matter how absolute and despotic it may be, and bequeath it to my children, sooner than vote a negro gov? ernment for South Carolina, which every man will do who votes for a convention. It is a source of proud satisfaction to me to sec such Union men as Governor Sharke}-, of Mississippi, Governor Jen? kins, of Georgia. Governor Worth, of North Carolina, and Governor Marvin, of Florida, who never ceased their opposi? tion to the spirit of disunion till the Union ceased to exist, standing firmly, and breasting the storm of tyranny, op? pression and degradation which has been hurled at them, whilst leading secession? ists and disunionists are counselling the people to their own degradation and de? struction, for the purpose of getting back into the Union; and, in order to accom? plish their purposes, holding up to their view tho "raw head and bloody bones" of confiscation. Such counsel comes with a ! bad grace from those who boasted, at the beginning of our civil or sectional war, that they had drawn their swords and thrown away the scabbards, determined to die or live separate from tho vile, ac? cursed Yankee nation. Let no one charge me. either, with un kindncss to the African race. I have al? ways been their friend and protector, and, as they show themselves capable of exer? cising the right of suffrage, by their in? telligence and property, I am willing to concede the right to them. But I am not willing, in their present debased and de? graded condition, to throw the political power of the State into their hands. I know the result will be disastrous both to them and the white race. It will end in a bloody contest of extermination to one race or the other. In very few ot the Northern States, are the negroes allowed to vote, where they have only a few, and the}' far superior to those in the Southern States. It is monstrous, that the repre? sentatives of those States, in Congress, should attempt to force us to yield the right of universal suffrage to the negro, when they refuse it to him themselves. There is no danger of confiscation by Congress. The members of that body may not be superior to the negro in hon? esty, but they have not the same motive to vote a division of the lands. They will get none of them. A man is not so like? ly to rob or steal for another as for him ' self. But is it not better to be robbed and plundered by Congress than by a convention of South Carolina ? As wick? ed as Congress is, the members may have some regard for the opinion of the world. The}" may, too, have some apprehension of agrarianism at homo. I greatly fear there are many white persons in South Carolina who will vote for a convention, under tho hope ot its repudiating the indebtedness of tho State. This class may influence the negro vote to unite with them, and then, in return, they can unite with tho negro in parcel? ing out the lands of the State. One step leads to another. Stay laws first?repu? diation next; and then follows a division of lands and an equal apportionment ot property amongst all persons. And last of all, tho honest, hard-working, indus? trious and prudent class must support the idle, dissipated, extravagant and roguish class. Who cares to be represented in Con? gress by negroes, Black Republicans or perjured Southerners ? All others are excluded by "the iron-clad oath." And this is the great boon South Carolina is to receive for her voluntary .bandonment ot honor, and principle,and constitutional liberty! We are to bo represented in Congress by men whom we dospiso, and who will only increase the Black Repub lican majority in that bod}'; whilst at home we shall have a Legislature com? posed of negroes and their vile represen? tatives ! Congress has left it discrctionaiy with tho people of South Carolina whether to call a convention or not. They have or? dered a registration of voters and an elec? tion, and authorized every one to endorse on his ticket, "Convention" or "No Con? vention." Thercforo, let every man who is not disfranchised, as he values his life, and honor, and property, and the peace of society, go forward and register his name, and then vote at tho election, en? dorsing on his ticket "No Convention.'" In this way alone can wc maintain our honor, preserve the peace of society, pre? vent black suffrage and a division of lands amongst the negroes. B. F. PERRY. ? An Irishman just landed in this country, on a sharp frosty morning was run at by a fierce, noisy mastiff, who threatened to dovour him ; whereupon Pat stooped down and seized a stone, with which ho expected to stave in his assailant's frontispiece, but found the stone frozen fast?a phenomenon utterly1 new to his experience. 'A fine land of ] liberty this 1" soliloquized Pat, sulkily,' "where they let their dogs loose and tie their Btones fast to the ground !" ? The Intelligencer Job Office. Having recently made considerable addidoni to this department, we are prepared to execute JJdDI? ?DEK iE In the neatest style and on the most reasonable terms. Legal Blanks, Bill Heads, Posters, Cards, Handbills. Pamphlets, Labels, and in fact every styh: of work usually done in a country Printing Office. In all cases, the money will be required upon delivery of the work. Orders, accompanied with the cash, will receive prompt attentions Reconstruction and Retrospec? tion. X Secession organ at the Soath, com? menting upon Gov. Orr's recent declara? tion of hostility against the Democratic party, wonder whither the Governor Is tending, and where he would have tho Southern voters go? It says: "We must have allegiance somewhere, and tho formation of a new party is doubtful in the extreme;" and concludes that they "must declare allegiance to that party which will do them justice I" As no party has done the Secessionists and Rebels justice as yet, it ie to be ap? prehended that it that "be the ultimatum, our chivalric friends must continue to look for their affinity in vain! But, as the Republican party is the only organization which has any policy looking at all to the "rendering unto Caesar the things which are Caesars," that evidently is where the anxious searchers for justice at the South must gravitate. For a proper understanding of the con? siderations which should control the re? construction question, no less than to lastingly impress any erratic party which may hereafter contemplate going off an a tangent after States' rights, nullifica? tion, caste-class legislation in support of property in man, or other heresy that leads away from our true national orbit, it may be well, occasionally, to recur to cur original difficulty. Our Government was founded upon tho principle that "All men are created free and equal, and endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable lights, among which are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness?that to secure these blessings governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the con? sent of the governed." There was a class who were largely interested in slave-labor who claimed that colored men were not included as entitled to the inalienable rights appertaining to the rest of the hu? man family; and as the conscience of the free States became more and more im? pressed with the conviction that an aris? tocracy, bolstered up by caste-class legis? lation enforcing unpaid labor, was an exotic which had no business to take root and flourish in our Republican soil, the slaveholuing interest became more deter? mined that the bulwark of their power should be extended not only, but be so firmly grounded in the fundamental Jaw as to remove it beyond the license of dis? cussion. We all know what struggles en? sued?with what desperation the slave power contested every effort on the part of the Free North to shake from the Na? tional conscience the shackles of* slavery. The leading slaveholders took possession of the Democratic party, and made it its most powerful auxiliary in the effort to engraft the unnatural and aristocratic element of slavery permanently upon our free institutions. Finally, out-voted and beaten in every civil appeal, the}1, en? deavored to overthrow the Government, and for this purpose brought on a bloody fratricidal war. It was not to escape op? pression or to secure an inalienable right that the malcontents precipitated the United States into a sea of blood; but to secure to themselves the power to usurp and maintain rights which belonged to others. This difference should not be lost sight of. In defence of God-given rights our sense of Right tells us it is proper to resort to force ; but it by no means follows that such course would be proper to withhold rights from others. We know that it is not, and that is the end of the argument. The leading rebels made the effort to overthrow the Government for the wholly unjustifiable reason absigned, and most signally failed; it now remains for them to face the consequences. Congress has imposed certain conditions precedent to the rebellious States regaining their old scats by l?nele Sam's fire-side; which conditions are simply designed to secure tc loyal and true men the power abused by rebel leaders; and the question is, i whether the aristocratic element will come down from its stilts and put on the "sack cloth and ashes" which is more be? fitting its condition. The answer to tho problem is all important to themselves ; but by no means potential to the Congress Oi* the people of the United States. Con? trition for the past, though nearly eveiy hamlet is yet bowed with the sacrifices it occasioned, will touch the great heart of the nation and melt it to forgiveness ; but haughty justification and arrogant re? fusal to accept the lesson of the sad past, will only have a tendency to augment tho severity of the measures offered by Con? gress.? Sullivan County (iV. F.) Jtepubli Adam Defended.?You must remember that Eve was a young lady of great per? sonal attractions, belonging to the first family. Not being given to flirting, nor fashion, nor in short, to any of the modern female follies, she had, doubtless, bestowed much thought upon the subject of the for? bidden fruit. Having considered it well, she came to the conclusion that she would not give A?dam for Paradise unless she could know something about how she was enjoying herself. The moment a woman makes up her mind to do a thing, that thing is half done. Accordingly, Eve se? lected a proper apple, and asked Adam to join her in eating it. She was the wife of his bosom?the joy of his heart?the apple of his eye?his darling liu.le h. bug; puro as a flake of desci" - ?? and as beautiful us an augc! - '?? How could he refuse her aiiyiinu; i Re couldn't and he did'nt; ami I ?i.'c. have nevor blamed him since i . ! in love with a red-headed girl at school. No doubt it is quite disagreeable t<> he d-immd, but if Christianity had to be stibW'? .1 t>/ such a test, you would never *i *ui-u> enough man in heaven. .