Historical Newspapers of South Carolina

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|lit Inkpcnbmt Jtuiiilg Sranml-gtioto to fditte, Htfos, Ptrata, tfc. BY HOYT & HUMPHREYS. ANDERSON C. H., S. C, TliURSD'.Y MORNING, DECEMBER 14, 18(35. VOLUME 1.-NUMBER 26. Ilie Intelligencer IS PUBLISHED WEEKLY AT THREE DOLLARS PER A1YSV1S., IN U. S. CURRENCY, OIL 53.00 A YEAR IN SPECIE. RATES OF ADVERTISING. Advertisements inserted at <li? ?at-ns of One Dol? lar per square of twelve lines for tlio first insertion aad Fifty Cents for each subsequent insertion. Obituaries and Marriage Notices charged for at these rates. Inaugural Address of Gov. Orr. Gentlemen of the Senate and Hozi?c of Representatives: The Constitution of South Carolina re? quires that the oath of office of the Gov? ernor shall bo taken in your presence ; and immemorial usage requires him to make, on such occasion, a brief exposi? tion of the principles which -will control his administration. Tho high honor conferred on me by a majority of my fcllow-citi'zcus, >n choos? ing me their first Governor under the new Constitution, and the eventful peri? od in the State's history when the selec? tion is made, fills mo with a sense of tho profoundest gratitude. I approach its grave duties and responsibilities with the deepest humility, and witii a sinccro dis? trust of my capacity to discharge them in such manner as to satisfy tho reasona? ble expectation of the Stat?. Under these circumstances, I can ven turo with safety to make at least one pledge to the people of this ancient Com? monwealth : that all the zeal and encrgy of my nature, during my official term, shall be earnestly and constantly devoted to their service. With the uniform prac? tice of that partiality which caused them to elevate me to this groat office, I trust they will exercise a generous confidence in all the acts of my administration, al? ways giving me full credit for jui>t and pati-iolic motives. The State is now just entering upon a aew and untried career, where there hv much to hope for and not a littlo to fear. All of our old landmarks in polTlics have boon swept off by tho fires of war. Our social and industrial systems have per? ished from the same unrelenting and im? plying cause. Some of our most distin? guished citizens, and many of our most promiiii-ng young men, have fallen mar? tyrs to the ancient principles of South Carolina. Grief over the biers of the loved ones has filled every household, and tho tears of the widow a>>d the or? phan have bedewed every hearthstone. And yet, amid the general wreck in all tho relations of lifo, it would be unmanly to despond. The highest courago and the sternest lortitudo is demanded when? ever the heaviest calamities overtake and threaten to cngulph us. Tho people of South Carolina seceded from tho Federal Union under an earnest and honest conviction that the}*- had the Constitutional right so to do; and they were equally earnest and honest in the eonviction that their interest and the so eurity of a very largo property in slaves required them to resort to this extreme measure. Othor States united with her to set up a new Government. The Ex? ecutive, the Legislative, and the Judicial Departments of the United Statos Gov? ernment all denied' the right which- wo had asserted, and war ensued. All par? ties knew that slavery was tho roal foun? dation of tho collision between tho sec? tions. The South cngigcd in it to pre? serve and perpetuate it; tho North to destroy it. Four years of bloody, deso? lating war was spent in settling tho issue, which had been committed to the arbi? trament of tho sword, and that High Tribunal from which there is no earthly appeal, decided the cause against us. It Was a final, irreversible decree We were exhausted, our armies surrendered, our last available recruit had been sent to the front, and our resources wore all con? sumed. We succumbed to the power of the United States, and under tlio wise and magnanimous policj^ of President Johnson we will, I hope and believe very soon be restored to all our personal and political lights in tho Federal Union, on terms of perfect equality with all the States of that powerful sisterhood. Tho war has decided, first: That ono or more of the States of tho Federal Union have not the right, at will, to so ccdo therefrom. Tho doctrine of seces? sion.which was held to bo orthodox in the Slate Rights school of politics, is Jew exploded for any practical purpose SHo' theory of absolute sovereignty of a fxkClae ?f:th*Federal Union (from whence w?gs derivjfi' tho right to secede) which w?r>.h?l^Vi'd- almost universally to be a 'jound Constitutional construction, must 3h?p>ja!"3iaterially modified to conform to I this imposing decision. In ail the pow? ers granted in the Constitution to the federal Government, it is supremo and sovereign, and must ho obeyed and re? spected accordingly. Whore the rights of a State aro disregarded, or unconsti? tutional acts dono by any department of tho Federal Government, redress can no longer be sought by interposing the sov? ereignty of tlio Stato, cither for nullifica? tion or secession; but the remedy is by petition or remonstrance; by reason, which sooner or later, will overtake jus? tice; by an appeal to tho supreme judi? cial power of the Union; or by revolu? tion, which, if unsuccessful is treason. The decision was far more imposing and obligatory than if it had boerr pro? nounced by tho Supremo Court of the United States. Had it been tried there, an effort to reverse it might havo been made, because its members and opinions often change. But the God of battles has pronounced an irreversible judgment, after a long, desperate and sanguinary struggle, and it would bo neithor politic or patriotic over again to invoke a new trial of tho fearful issue. The clemency which President Johnson has so generously extended to many of our citizens, in granting full and free par? don for participation in the late revolu? tion, docs honor to his statesmanship and to his senso of justice. Ho is the ruling power of a great and triumphant Gov? ernment, and by his policy, will attach by cords stronger than " triple steel " t ho citizens of one entire section of the Union to that Government which he basso long' and so ably supported and maintained, lie was well acquainted with the South ?with her politics and politicians, and know however erronoous in his judgment ma}- have been their political principles, that they honestly entertained the senti? ments which they professed, and for which they periled their all; and after failing in their end, when tbry proposed to return to their loj-alty, that humanity and policy dictated?that they should not bo hunted down for ignominous punishment. I shall give his policy of reconstruction an crrncst and zealous saipport. Tho war decided, second : That slavery should bo totally and absolutely exter? minated in all the States of the Union.? Tho Convention of (his State, with singu? lar unanimity and promptness, atcoptcd the result of the issue made, ami declared in the fundamental law " that slavos hav? ing been emancipated by the action of the United States authorities, slavery should never bo ro?Cslabiishcd in this State." Tho Legislature has followed up the ac? tion of the Convention, by passing the Constitutional amendment proposed by the Federal Congress prohibiting slavery everywhere in the United States; and con? ferring on Congress power to carry the same into effect. Slavery in America is, therefore, forever extinct. The poeple of South Carolina have acquiesced in this Boqucnco of the war with reiiiarkable cheerfulness, especially when it is noted that her people havo been tho staunehost defenders of the institution, on principle of policy, for more than a century?that her interest in tho institution was greater, relatively, than any of her sisters, its cash value at the beginning of the war being more than two hundred millions of dollars ?and that, from a settled conviction, her two great staplos of cotton and rice could only be successfully cultivated by com? pulsory labor. Tho Convention and tho Legislature, both recontly cloctcd by tho people, have no doubt faithfully represented the senti? ment of their constituents on tins subject, and it cannot bo doubted that, since tho slave is emancipated, it is the fixed pur? pose of the people to secure to him his rights ot person and property as a frced man?that a just remuneration shall be paid him for his labor, and that he shall be protected against the fraud and vio? lence of tho artful and tho lawless. Tho importance of your legislation, regelating the relative rights and duties of the whites and the frccdmcn, at your present ses? sile, cannot bo over-estimated. The vital interests of the State, iu my judgment, are dependent solely upon tho laws you may pass with reference to this popula? tion. They must bo restrained from theft, idleness, vagrancy and crime; and taught the absolute necessity of Strictly comply? ing with their contracts for labor. They must be protected in their person and property; and, for a lew years at least, some supervisory power should be cslab ed to ratify their contracts for labor, un? til their experience and increasing knowl? edge may teach them to guard against the craft of the unscrupulous. To insure his protection of person and properly, and to guard society against tumultuous disturbances of tho }>eacc?against tres? passes, retaliations and assnsi nations?it will be indispensably necessary to modify the rules of evidence'so as to permit the negro to testify in all case* -where his rights of person and property aro in? volved. Tho labor of every negro in tho State is needed, if not to till the soil, in some other useful employment?lor tho culture of eotton and rice; and, in all menial oc? cupations, it is von- doubtful whether any laborers in this country or in Europe can supply his placo. His long and thorough training in those employments give him a certain skill and aptitude which a stranger can only obtain by experience. It is, therefore, of the first importance that such a policy should bo adopted as will enable tho farmers and planters to employ tho negro, and that ho should romain cheerful and contented. But thero is another consideration prompting us to legislato humanely and justly for the negro, lie has been born and reared among us, and while he has, unfortunately, qualities that stamp his in? feriority to tho white man, ho possesses others that invite our respect. As a class, during tho war, their loyalty to their owners and to society was worthy of the highest commendation. In no single in? stance, even where tho slave population preponderated over th'c whites as an hun? dred to one, was there an outbreak or in? surrection. With a /till knowlcdgo on their part of tho nature of tho contest, and the deep personal interest the}- had in its issue, is it not wonderful that they quictly pursued their labor, and mainly produced the snpplios that fed our armies ? Tf there bo reason to complain that tho negro has been emancipated, in deroga? tion of tho right and interest of the own? er, such complaint cannot bo lodged against him; whatever of ill feeling ex? ists in the mind's of former owners for the present state of affairs, it is not just that it fihould be visited on him. Interest and humanity require us to treat him kindly, and to clovale him, morally and intellec? tually; it will make him a better laborer, neighbor and man. Suddenly relieved from tho restraints of the servilo condi? tion in which he was born and reared, his ignoranco can excite no surprise; nor can wc hope that ho wili oschow vico and crime. It ho is to live in our midst, nono are so deeply interested in enlightening and elevating him as ourselves. The Constitution of tho United States recognized property in slaves, and an ap? propriation was made by Congress to in? demnity slave owners, in the District of Columbia, when slavery was abolished there in 1801. I therefore cherish the hope that Congress will, as socn as the public debt is provided for, make some just and equitable arrangement, to make the citizens of tho South some compensa? tion for the slaves manumitted by the United States authorities. The pursuits of South Carolina have not heretofore been sufficiently diversified. Agriculture was the great business of tho Stale The mechanic, the manufacturer, and the artisan have not been encouraged to migrate hither, ami the native popula? tion have not embarked in these employ? ments. The result has been that most of tho proceeds of the two great staplo crops ?cotton and rice?have been expended without the limits of the State, in pur? chasing such necessary articles as should have boon fabricated or manufactured within our borders. Every facility and'encouragemont should be given by the Stato Government and by tho people, to immigrants from the North aud from Europe, so that this great defi? ciency in skilled labor ma}-, at an early day, bo supplied. Under our former sys? tem of labor, immigration was discoun? tenanced from an apprehension that the immigrants, when they located in the country, would prove hostile and danger? ous to tho institution of slavery from want of knowledge and sympathy in it. Tho groat change in the condition of the negroes has removed this objection, and the material prosperity of the State im? peratively demands a great increase of agricultural and skilled mechanical laboi\ o Tho present) is a most auspicious time for embarking, in manufacturing pursuits. The high tariff which is likely to bo con? tinued for many years without material reduction, promises such protection to this interest as will enable every branch of manufactures to bo developed. The extensive water-power in tho central, .Northern and "Western portions of the State?tho salubriousncess of the climate ?the equablo temperature?tho facilities for transportation over the railroads pen? etrating every section of the State, invite capitalists, at home and abroad, to invest their money in theso enterprises promis? ing such handsome remunerating rewards. Companies arc already being organized to negotiate tho selling and purchasing of lands and manufacturing sites, and wher? ever a citizen owns a water-power and is unable to improve it with his own means, let him invite his neighbors to form a I company; and if that fails, invito strnng I era; and if that fails, lot him sell to thoso j who will improve and devvlop it. By well directed entcrprioo and encrgy every water-power in the Stato, in a few brief years, will bo decoroted with a manufactory or a machine shop. Tho ac? cumulation of capital and tho groat influx of population it will bring will stimulate industry. Tho farmer having a homo market can diversify hia labor and make it more profitable Activity will bo im? parted to commercial pursuits. Manufac? tures will flourish and yield largo profits to their ownors, fostered and protected as they will be for many years by high pro? tective tariffs. A harmonious combina? tion of agriculturo, commerce and manu? factures?and all of them aro inviting in tbi3 State?will bring us wealth and pros? perity. We can then build up school houses and churches and colleges, and make new Carolina not unworthy of the fame and renown of old Carolina. Our first great want is entcrpriso pud industry?if wo will them wo command them. Our next groat want is skilled labor?this must como from tho North and from Europe; it will not como if we do not invito it and extend tho hand of friendship to the immigrant. If he is looked upon with enmity and suspicion, it cannot bo oxpected that ho will make your country tho home of himsolf and his descendants; and other States, moro sa? gacious, will dcrivo the benefit of his skill, capital and citizenship. Our last want is capital to dcvclopc tho great and varied resources of this Stato. It is to bo ob? tained by labor, and .from abroad, by making its profits remunerative xo the ownor. With these wants supplied, there is no reason to view our future gloomily; on the contrary, there is much to hope for ourselves and our posterity. Wo havo emerged from a long and dis? astrous war, with our cities and towns burnt, our houses destroyed, our fields and plantations ravagod, and our wealth scat? tered, but wc aro in no worse condition than our forefathors when they came out of tho revolution. Their virtuo and labor and economy soon mado them a more prosperous pooplo than ever before. Why may not4thc same qualities work out the samo happy result for us ? It is vain to indulge in repining3 over tho misfortunes of tho past. Our work is with and for tho future. If wo are to deservo well of tho country and of postcrit}-, it must de? pend on tho fidelity with which it is exe? cuted. A new Constitution has been adopted, and by it your Government has been lib? eralized. Every citizen may aspire to its honors, and if esteemed worthy b}r his fcilows, ma}- occupy its high places. It merits a fair trial from Lho people, and will doubtless roceivc it. Tho hopo is ar? dently cherished by me that every change mado in the old Constitution may provo a salutary reform. With tho Courts speed? ily opened, and a strict enforcement of tho criminal law, tho evil passions of bad and ineoni-idcratc men will bo restrained, and order soon restored to society. Tho total destruction of large tracts of country by an invading army, and the exhaustion of tho entire Stato, consequent upon a long war, incapacitates tho people from paying tho usual amount of taxes, and it behooves all departments of tho Government to practice and enforco a rigid economy. Tho annual appropria? tions herotoforo mado will undergo the closest scrutiny, and whenever a reduc? tion can bo made, or tho appropriation entirely dispensed with, it will be done.? All tho supernumerary offices abolished, and tho salaries of those continued re? duced whenovcr it can be done without detriment to the public service, so that the expenditures for the support of tho Government will be reduced to the most frugal standard. Tho Executive Depart? ment will cordially co-operato with you in all measures to reduce the expenses of tho Stato to tho lowest standard com? patible with its efficient administration. Invoking the blessing of Almighty God on our united efforts to ameliorate tho condition of our desolated and afflict? ed country, and appealing to Him for wis? dom, moderation and fortitudo in the dis? charge of our gravo and arduous labors, I am prepared to take the oath to sup? port tho Constitution of this Stato and tho United States, and enter upon tho duties of Chief Magistrate of South Car? olina. -o During a trial of a defaulting Govern? ment agent in Mobile, the important fact was elicited, that of 90,000 bales of forfeit? ed Confederate cotton, not one-tenth has ever been accounted for to tho Govern? ment. The remainder, worth fully ?15, 000,000, have been appropriated by offi? cial and non-official rascals and sharpers. --o Tho total internal revenuo receipts since June <}Qth, amount to 3140,500,000. ?"?i?lim ?i cjiii mjn |l??um??? ? - PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE. Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives: To express gratitudo to God, in the j name of the people, for the preservation of the United States, is my first duty in addressing you. Our thoughts next re? vert to tho death of the late President by an act of parricidal treason. The; grief of tho nation is still fresh; it finda some solace in tho consideration that he lived to enjoy tho highest proof of its confi? dence by entering on tho renewed term of tho Chief Magistracy, to which ho had been elected; that he brought tho civil war substantially to a closo; that his loss was deplored in all parts of tho Union ; and that foreign nations have rendered justice to his memory. His removal east upon mo a hoavicr weight of cares than ever devolved upon any one of his prede? cessors. To fulfill my trust I need the support and confidence of all who aro as? sociated with me in tho various depart? ments of government, and tho support and confidenco of the people. There is but ono way in which I can hope to gain their necessary aid; it is, to stato with frankness the principles which guido my conduct, and their application to tho pre? sent stato of affairs, well aware that the ellicioncy of my labors will, in a great measure depend on your and their undi? vided approbation. THE PERPETUITY OF THE UNION. The Union of tho United States of America was intended by its authors to last as long as tho States thcmsolves shall last. Tho Union shall bo perpetual" aro tho words of the confederation. " To form a more perfect Union," by an ordi? nance of the people of the United States, is the declared purpose of tho constitu? tion. Tho hand of Divine Providence was never more plainly visible in tho af? fairs of men than in tho framing and the adopting of that instrument. It is, be? yond comparison, the greatest ovent in American history, and indeed is it not, of all events in modorn times, tho nost prognant with consequences for overy pooplo of tho earth ? Tho members of the convention which prepared it, brought to their work the experience of the con? federation, of their sovcral States, and of other republican governments, old and now; but thoy needed and they obtained a wisdom superior to experience. And when for its validity it required the ap? proval of a people that occupied a large part of a continent and acted separately in many distinct conventions, what is moro wonderful than that, after earnest contention and long discussion, all feel? ings and all opinions were ultimately drawn in ono way to its support.? UESOUItCES OF THE CONSTITUTION FOR THE PRESERVATION OF THE UNION. Tho constitution to which lifo was thus imparted contains within itself ample re? sources for its own preservation - It has power to enforco the laws, punish trea? son, and ensure domestic tranquility. In caso of the usurpation of the government of a State by one man, or an oligarchy, it become:; a duty of the United States to make good the guarantco ofthat State of a republican form of government, and so to maintain tho homogencousnoss of all. Docs tho lapse of lime reveal defects? A simple modo of amendment is provided in the constitution itself, so that its condi? tions can always bo made to conform to the requirements of advancing civiliza? tion. 3So room is allowed even for tho thought of a possibility of its coming to an end. And theso powers of self-preser? vation have always been asserted in their complcto integrity by every ])atriotic Chief Magistrate?by Jefferson and Jack? son, not less than by "Washington and Madison. The parting advice of the Father of his Country, while yet Presi? dent, to the people of tho United States, was that " tho freo constitution which was tho work of their hands, might be sacredly maintained;" and the inaugural words of President Jefferson held up " the preservation of the general government, in its constitutional vigor, as the sheet anchor of our pcaco at homo and safety abroad." Tho constitution is the work of " the people of the United States," and it should be as indestructible as tho people. NO APPEAL TO FOilCE AGAINST THE CON? STITUTION. It is not strange that the framcrsof the Constitution, which bad no model in the past, should not have fully comprehended tho excellence of their own-work. Fresh from a struggle against arbitrary power, many patriots suffered from harassing fears of an absorption ot tho Stato gov? ernments by tho general government, and many from a dread that tho State would break away from their orbits. But the veiy greatness of our country should al? lay tho apprehension of encroachmonts by the general government. Tho subjects that come unquestionably within its juris diction aro bo numerous that it must ever naturally refuse to ho embarrassed by questions that lio beyond it. "Were it otherwise, the Executive would sink be? neath the burden, the channels of justice would be choked, legislation would be ob? structed by excess, so that there is a greater temptation to exercise some of the functions of tho general government through tho States than to trespass on their rightful sphere. " The absolute ac? quiescence in the ^decision of the majori? ty " was, at tho beginning of the century, enforced by Jofterson "as tho vital prin? ciple of republics," and tho events of tho last four years havo established, we will hopo forever, that thore lies no appeal to forco. NO ItTGUT is ANY STATE TO SECEDE. The maintenance of tho Union brings with it " the support of the State govern? ments in all their rights;" but it is not ono of the rights of any State government to ronounco its own place in the Union or to nullify the laws of the Union. The largest liberty is to bo maintained in tho discussion of the acts of the federal gov? ernment; but there is no appeal from its laws, except to tho various branches of that government itself, or to the people, who grant to the members of the legisla? tive and of the executive departments no tenure hut a limited one, and in that manner always rotain the powers of re? dress. "The sovereignty of the States" is the language of tho Confederacy, and not tho language of the constitution. Tho latter contains tho emphatic words :?" Tho constitution and tho laws of the United States which shall be made in pur? suance thereof, and all treaties mado or which shall be made under the authority of the United States shall be the supreme law of the land; and the judges in every State shall bo bound thereby, anything in the' constitution or laws of any State to tho contrary not? withstanding." Certainly the government Of the United States is a limited government, and so is every State government a limited gov? ernment. With us this idea of limitation spreads through every form of adminis? tration?general, Stato arid municipal? and rests on tho great distinguishing principlo of tho recognition of the rights of man'. Tho ancient republics absorbed tho individual in tho State, prescribed his religion and controlled his activit}-. Tho American system rests on the assertion the equal right of every ninn to ,! , lib? erty and the pursuit of happi-nc. ; to free? dom of conscience to'thc culture and ex? ercise of all his faculties. As a conse? quence the State government is limited, as to the general government in tho in tercst of union, as to the individual citi? zen in tho interest of freedom. STATES RIGHTS. States, with proper limitations of power, aro essential to tho existence of the con? stitution of the United States. At tho very commencement, when wo assumed a place among the Powers of tho earth, tho Declaration of Indepcndcneo was adopted by States; so also wcro tho articles of Confederation; and when " the People of the United States" ordained and estab? lished tho constitution it was the assont of the States, ono by cno, which gavo it vitality. In tho event, too, of any amendment to the constitution tho propo? sition of Congress needs tho confirmation of States. Without States one great branch of the legislative government would be wanting. And, if wo look be? yond the letter of the constitution to tho character of our country, its capacity for comprehending within its jurisdiction a vast continental empire is due to the sys? tem of States. The host security for the perpetual existence of the Suites is tho ?; supreme authority " of the constitution of tho United States. Tho perpotuity of tho constitution brings with it perpetuity of the States; their mutual relation makes us what wo are, and in our political sys? tem their connection is indissoluble. The wdiolo cannot exist without the parts, nor tho parts without the whole So long as the constitution of the United States en? dures tho States will endure; tho destruc? tion of the one is tho destruction of tho other; tho preservation of tho one is tho preservation of the other. I have thus explained my views of tho mutual relations of tho constitution and the States, because they unfold tho prin? ciples on which I havo sought to solve the momentous questions and overcome tho appalling difficulties that mot mo at tho very commencement of my administra? tion. It has boon my steadfast object to escape from the sway of momentary passions, and to derive a healing policy from tho fundamental and unchanging principles of the constitution. I found tho States suffering from tho effects of a civil war. Resistance to the (Continued on Next Page.)