Historical Newspapers of South Carolina

Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page. It is also available as plain text as well as XML.

THE GOVERNOR'S MESSAGE {Continued from First Page). vors of this great battle an opportunity to attend this reunion, and it has seemed to me nothing more than just that it should be done. I am satisfied the money can be secured through one p of the banks, and that the legislature at its next session will be only too glad ^ to make good the deficiency. It has T seemed to me proper, however, that ' the matter should be taken up with ^ you first, you being the direct reprem sentative of this state in charge of the ^ distribution of the fund appropriated by the legislature upon the battle of Gettysburg commission, and I suggest to you that we give a joint official note for an amount necessary to make up the deficiency in the appropriation. I have no doubt the money could be secured upon such a note, and all the survivors from this state given an equal opportunity to take advantage of this reunion. ^ "As time is passing. I shall be glad w to hear from you Immediately. "Very respectfully, "Cole L. Blease, Governor." "Aiken. S. C.. June 23. 1913. "Hon. Cole L. Blease, Columbia. S. C. a "Am willing to sign official note ^ as you suggest. Wire me if I can Issue checks Immediately and on what bank. "B. H. Teague. "Maj. Gen. Comdg., S. C. Div. U. C. V." "Columbia, S. C., June 23, 1913. "General B. H. Teague, Aiken, S. C.: "Your wire. Make estimate of amount needed, sign note for that amount and forward to me, or come - f-inmWo tnniarht. tuver IU vuiuiiiv?? "Cole L. Blease. Governor." In the meantime I received the following very kind offer from Col. W. A. Clark, himself a Confederate veteran: 'The Carolina National Bank of Columbia. "Columbia, S. C., June 24, 1913' "His Excellency, Cole L. Blease, Governor of South Carolina, Columbia, S. C. "Dear Sir: Referring to our conversation had yesterday over the phone, I desire now to confirm the same and to say that if desired, the Carolina National bank will be pleased to discount the paper referred to in order to enable the veterans who participated in the battle of Gettysburg to Join in the semi-centennial celebration of the same. "Just fifty years ago the sons of % Carolina offered their lives, a willing sacrifice in defense of what we understood to be our constitutional rights and liberties. It is, therefore, meet and proper that the present generation should furnish the means for these veteran soldiers to participate in the celebration of that battle, which afforded the highest test ot American patriotism and heroism. "Yours truly, "W. A. Clark, President." I replied to Colonel Clark as follows: "Col. W. A. Clark, President Carolina A National Bank, Columbia, S. C. "Mv Dear Sir: Yours of June 24, confirming our conversation over telephone, has been received, and you have my sincere thanks, personally and as governor, for the same, and I also desire to thank you on behalf, not only of the veterans of South Carolina. but on behalf of the entire peo* pie of our slate, for this very prompt and generous action on your part. A lriend of mine very kindly volunteered to let me have this amount of money for this purpose, and will do so?in fact, he has it in hand. However, if it is no inconvenience to your bank, I would prefer, as matter of course, to do business with a banking institution l along this line, especially in view of your voluntary kindness. I will, therefore, accept your offer. I assure you, however, that there will be no loss in the matter, and that if the legislature does not make this note good your bank will be saved perfect4) ly harmless in another way. "Very respectfully, "Cole L. Blease, Governor." General Teague arid I thereupon made a joint note, copy of which is as follows: Columbia, S. C., June 24th, 1913. 31,700.00. On demand for value received, we * a? *kA or either of us promise to pay iu uw I order of the Carolina Nat'l Bank of Cola. Seventeen hundred and no|100 dollars, with interest at the rate ot ^ 7 per cent per annum. (Signed) Cole L. Blease, (I* S.) Governor of South Carolina. (Signed) B. H. Teague, (L. S.) Major General Commanding, # South Carolina Division, U. C. V. This ncte is now in the Carolina National bank. I ask you gentlemen to be kind enough to include in your appropriation bill the necessary amount to meet this obligation. 1 could say a great deal in praise of the Confederate soldier, and what we owe him, but I think we have all heard a great deal of that, and realize our obligation in these matters, and I am satisfied it is only necessary for me , j to bring this matter to your attention in order for it to receive favorable consideration. I shall, therefore, take up no more of your time in regard to it. m Requisitions. * I recommended that you change the law governing requisitions upon other states for the return of fugitives from justice of this state, so as to require the expenses connected with the service of said requisitions and the return of the fugitives to be paid by the counties, instead of the state, as at present. Since I have been in office, I have required, before issuing renuisitions. that a certificate be fur nished by the county supervisor of the county desiring the return of the A fugitive, to the effect that the county would bear the expenses in any even., except that the fugitive was returned, convicted and served his sentence in the state penitentiary, in which eveni the state would bear the expense. In this manner I have saved thousands 4 of dollars to the people of the state. and have prevented the use of requisitions where the purpose was to use the criminal statues to enforce the payment of a debt. Even where the county agreed to pay the expenses 1 have examined very carefully to see if requisition was desired to collect a debt, and have set the stamp of my disapproval upon every such effort. However, even with this careful scrutiny, and though affidavits were required from the prosecutors where the violation of such statutes as obtaining g goods under false pretense was charg* ed, that the prosecution was not brought and would not be used for the collection of a debt, in one or two cases it has come to my knowledge afterwards that the requisition was so used. However, the matter of making ^ the counties bear the expenses of the requisition has prevented this abuse almost entirely since I have been governor?that and the fact that I have let it be known in no uncertain terms that tne criminal statutes cuuiu nui ue used to enforce civil process, so far as my office was concerned. Where a fugitive is returned to the state the county has the right to select, after his conviction, if he be convicted. whether he shall serve on the county chaingang or be sent to the siate penitentiary. If a money fine is imposed, the county gets it. If he be acquitted, the expense of his return has resulted from the effort of the county to secure his conviction. In any view of the matter the expense of requisition should be borne by the county where it is desired to return the fugitive for trial, and this matter should be fixed by statute. The State Farms. I respectfully recommend that you discontinue all work on the state r farms, except the reformatory in Lexington county. Leasing County Its Own Convicts. There is another matter in reference to the work of convicts which I think you should immediately remedy. Vjl There can be no excuse for requiring V the taxpayers of a county to pay the state penitentiary authorities for the use of county convicts. For Instance. A is tried in Newberry for a criminal offense, is convicted and sentenced to serve a term of imprisonment, and is sent to the penitentiary. Newberry pays the expense of capturing him; Newberry' pays all the court expenses for his conviction; the penitentiary has not paid out a copper; yet if A goes to the penitentiary and stays one day, or any length of time, and the supervisor of Newberry county calls for him. and he is sent back to Newberry. Newberry is required to pay four dollars per month for him to the penitentiary' authorities. There is absolutely no justice in this; it is simply puting four dollars a month into the state penitentiary, which is unjustly being taken out of the pockets of the people of Newberry county. I recommend that you amend the law so as to remedy this injustice. Arrests Upon Suspicion. I recommend that you make it a criminal offense, with a very severe punishment, for any person to arrest or cause to be arrested, any citizen of this state upon mere suspicion that said citizen is guilty of a crime, without first securing the approval of the attorney general or the solicitor of the circuit in which the crime is a T T KMf nootl tn Pfl ]] CimrgfU. X I II J I I IV a, MUV your attention to a recent case in Columbia, where a railroad man was arrested upon the request of a so-called detective, was humiliated by being held in jail, was put to the expense of employing lawyers, and when the truth was known there was not only absolutely nothing against him upon the charge, but it was conclusively shown that he had no connection whatever with the crime. For this expense and humiliation to himself and his family he has no redress. And surely I need but call your attention to the further fact that two young boys were arrested in Chester, charged with the same crime, upon the request of a so-called detective; that they and their parents were humiliated by this charge, that these young boys were thieves; that they were put to the expense of employing lawyers and going through a preliminary hearing, and that not an iota of testimony was shown connecting them with the crime in the remotest degree. I think it high time that you gentlemen should pass some law to stop cheap, cowardly, lying: hirelings from slipping around over the state, making charges or causing charges to be made against our reputable citizens, humiliating them and their families and putting them to expense by having them arrested and placed in Jail and being otherwise annoyed and troubled, when there is absolutely no foundation for the charges, and they are made only to please the suspicion of one of these hirelings who calls himself a "detective." I urge this upon you. gentlemen, because the citizen who is thus treated has no redress in the law, and if he should take a shotgun and kill one of these hirelings there would be a ereat hurrah that he was a red-handed murderer, and he would be forced to employ lawyers and go through a long and tedious trial. Therefore, the injured party must sit down and say nothing, because no good man, if he can help himself, wants the blood of his fellow man upon his hands, although in cases of this kind I really believe it would be justified both In the sight of man and God. License for So-Called Detectives. I respectfully recommend and urge upon you that you require every detective, or so-called detective, or person acting as such, to pay a license fee before acting in such capacity in this state, and that he be required to .give bond In sufficient amount, to be filed with the secretary of state, before receiving such license, in order that he may be held both civilly and criminally liabel for any false imprisonment, false arrest or false accusation that he may cause or make. Countv Dispensary Boards. I recommend that you change the law providing for the appointment of county dispensary boards, so that it shall provide that the members of said board shall serve until their successors are appointed and qualified. The law now simply provides that they shall serve for two years. Tuberculosis Hospital. I. is useless for me to call your attention to the terrible ravages of tuberculosis in this state, as well as in every other section of the country. This deadly disease is one of the greatest scourges with which we are afflicted. It is not only our duty, but it is certainly directly to our personal interests, to make every endeavor to stamp it out, co-operating with those who are devoting their lives in this great effort, and in the meantime to * .ommo aa much as we can. IC&0C11 HO l??a0v? V?w .... I, therefore, recommend that you set aside a suitable piece of land owned by the state, and that you make sufficient appropriation for the erection thereon of a tuberculosis sanatarlum for the treatment of this disease. Mileage Decision and Two-Cent Passenger Rate. I beg leave to repeat my recommendation asking that you pass an Act providing for a flat two-cent passenger rate on all railroads in this state. I am opposed to all kinds of mileage books, changeable, interchangeable or any other kind. I want it fixed so that when a man gets on a train and ' hands a conductor two cents he can ride a mile, or when he hands him two dollars he can ride one hundred miles. I do not want any mileage books. Heat and Brakes for Electric Cars. I recommend that you require that all cars operated on electric lines in this state, whether within or without ihe incorporate limits of any town or city, be heated, when the weather is such to justify it in the interest of the comfort of passengers on said cars, and that these cars be supplied with air or emergency brakes. My reason, gentlemen, for this recommendation should be apparent even without its being stated. Ladies come out of heated stores and get into these cars on a cold day for a ride of four or five miles, or possibly more. In the different suburbs around Columbia, for instance, people have to walk some distance on a cold, rainy day to the car line, and take the cars for a ride of some distance. They get ..heir feet wet, and have to sit in these cold cars for a considerable while. Discomfort and sometimes illness is the result. These companies already have the electricity for the operation of the cars, and to provide heat in the cars, when it is necessary, would cost only the installation of the heating appliance. The same would be true as to the proper brakes. The old hand crank and chain system of brakes is out of date; is slack and inefficient, and is a menace to life and property. As I say, the cost would be inconsiderable to the companies operating electric cars, but whether inconsiderable or not, the necessity for these requirements is apparent, and I urge I that you pass an Act to this effect. Excess Charges for Personal Baggage I respectfully recommend that you pass a law prohibiting the charging of what are termed "excessive charges" upon personal baggage when carried along with the passenger upon railroads and checked upon tickets purchased. The railroad companies?or somebody?are making money out of this practice and doing it, in my opinion, dishonestly. For instance, I had a certain trunk on a trip with me. The trunk, checked on my ticket, went from Columbia to New York; from New York to Atlantic City, and from Atlantic City to Columbia, without any extra charges whatever on any of these trips. Later, m a trip from Columbia to Washington, the same trunk was checked on my ticket, and there was no extra charge. On the return trip, however, from Washington to Columbia, the Columbia office required me to pay forty-five cents excess on this same trunk, checked on my ticket, and marked it "bill for inches," notwithstanding the fact that the trunk was being carried for Mrs. Blease and myself, each holding a separate and distinct ticket. Now, if this trunk should have gone all the rounds it had gone without any extra charge, why was it that all at once these "inches" got in, and it had to be paid for extra? If this isn't a small way of robbing people I must say that I don't know of one. The forty-five cents is a very small matter, but it might not be to some people who must use the railroads, and I call it to your attention both because of i the injustice in such practice and because if it is practiced on many peo pie it wilL dishonestly put a good deal of money into somebody's pockets, and you ought to stop it. I do not suppose it will happen to me again, because I will watch out for my "feet and inches" both. But it is not right, and you gentlemen ought to prohibit it by law. In other words, gentlemen. it is not the pitiful little sum unjustly taken from me that I care for?I use that only to give you a concrete illustration?but the many sums added together, which are going into somebody's pockets, by this mean, iniquitous system. Smoking in Dining Rooms and Cafes. There is a matter that I have not previously- mentioned to you in my messages which I desire to direct your attention to. Many of you are very young men. Some of you, however, are so old as I am or older. Those of you who are will recall the time in South Carolina when if a gentleman smoked a pipe or cigar while walking along on the street by the side of a lady he was regarded as not well reared, and such things as smoking while riding in a buggy with a young lady would not have been tolerated. But today we have not only seen these things, but we have gone a great deal further, and too far. I regret exceedingly to know that people in South Carolina, (I will not say gentlemen, nor will I say true men) sit in our public dining rooms, restaurants and cafes, and smoke cigars and foul little cigarettes, and whifT and pufT and blow the smoke out through their nostrils, and this smoke is carried euner uy me uaiui m or the current of an electric fan into the eyes, mouths and nostrils of refined women. It makes me ashamed for my state. If I were in one of these places with a lady and should see a man light a cigarette or cigar I would quickly ask him please not to smoke, as there were ladies in the room, or I would get up and leave with her. But everybody does not feel like doing this, and I have actually heard ladies complain bitterly to their escorts of the annoyance of this smoke. I had seen this thing done in some places and countries, and had thought it ungentlemanly, but I had never believed. until I saw it, that I would witness such a thing in South Carolina. But I have witnessed it, and I now appeal to you as lawmakers, not for the protection of the men?they can protect themselves?but for the protection of the women of South Carolina from this kind of insult. If I were running one of these places I would not allow this kind of conduct. If I had my own way, personally. when a man lit a cigar or cigarette in a dining room where ladies were accustomed to be, if it were my place, I would Invite him out. and if he did not leave, I would put him out. But people do not want to be going around fighting, and it is your duty to see that the laws pro'ect the womanhood of South Carolina T r??ll unon vou now. as men, to pass an Act making it a misdemeanor for any person to light or to smoke any cigarette, cigar, pipe or any other article containing tobacco or other commodity in any public dining room, restaurant, cafe or other place of dining or serving meals which ladies are permitted or accustomed to visit. I do not think that such a law is necessary for any trug gentleman or well-reared man, but there are some people who come Into South Carolina who have no respect for us or our ladles, and they should be made to respect them, and if there are any citizens of our state who are not decent enough to respect the women of the state, they also should be put in the "made" class. Great noises are made over conveying diseases by insects, etc. What Is more dangerous than smoke passing through consumptive, syphilitic or other diseased throats, noses, etc., and into the mouths of decent women? If it does not convey disease it certainly is nauseating. Establishing New Counties and Annexing Part of One County to Another. I call your attention to the fact that the loose custom of changing county lines every time somebody gets mad because his property .is assessed a little higher than he thinks it ought to be, or the supervisor doesn't work the roads just as some few citizens think he should in their neighborhood, or because an adjoining county has a dispensary, should be regulated and so restricted that county lines may be changed only when there is some real necessity for it. Unless something is done in this regard, it wil soon be impossible for officials to determine in what county transactions take place; sheriffs will not know when they reach their county lines; solicitors will be worried to locate the venue in criminal cases, and auditors and treasurers will find difficulty in determining what county to assess property in and collect taxes thereon. You should take some positive stand upon this matter, giving the governor, or someone, discretionary powers to determine when there is a real necessity for changing county lines and providing that he shall find such necessity before allowing it to be done. It is most assuredly becoming a great annoyance as it stands today. Personally, I have no interest in the matter, but there is necessity for some wise action in this regard. You should also take some positive action in regard to the establishment of new counties. I favor small counT fovAl* Hqxrin<r a Pnuntv fiPflt *L8 11CO. A lUTVt V. ??? conveniently accessible to every citizen. The more counties we have the better our citizens will know each other, the sooner the criminal can be brought to the bar of justice, the more speedily can civil litigation be ended, and there are many other reasons whicli I could enumerate in favor of small counties. But I do not believe in creating new counties when by so doing one of the present counties will be ruined. I simply call these matters to your attention, giving you my reasons, in order that you may take such action as you deem wise. Cattle Tick Eradication. A great deal of agitation has been going on in reference to the eradication of the cattle tick in our state. Of course, everybody is in favor of this movement, and foolish Indeed would be he who would oppose any effort in this direction. However, it is a matter which you should not give only hasty consideration to, and you should not be swept off your feet by sentiment, but you should investigate very seriously and very carefully what work has been done, and how it is done, and how best to continue the work. I have suggested, and repeat to you, that I think Clemson college is receiving enough money from the farmers in the fertilizer tax to give at least part of it back to the farmers by using it for the eradication of the cattle tick. Clemson college was established in 1888, while the Hon. John Peter Richardson was governor, and he stated in his message of 1890 that after a long fight in the courts something over spo acres of land and $11,283 in money had been received from the Clemson will. This property was turned over under Governor Richard's administration, and much work towards the building of the college was completed during his term. If you will notice the house journal of that session, you will see that Governor Benjamin R. Tillman said in his message to the general assembly in 1891: "I WOULD SAY, FURTHER, THAT AFTER THE CLEMSON COLLEGE SHALL HAVE GOTTEN WELL UNDER WAY AND EQUIPPED. IN FOUR OR FIVE YEARS AT MOST, THERE WILL BE ENOUGH MONEY NOW GOING TO THAT SCHOOL TO RUN IT, AND ALSO THIS GIRLSSCHOOL (WINTHROP COLLEGE) WITHOUT TAXATION." If you will now take the report of Clemson college, during the past year, you will see what a great prophet the then governor was, and if you will take the appropriation asked for by Winthrop for this year, you will see that it is a good thing that the old custom of stoning false prophets is not now in order. However, the enormous amount of money which is received by Clemson college is felt by a great many people in our state to be the most extravagant appropriation ever made to any institution of learning in the south. I would, therefore, call your particular attention to a careful study of this matter from every standpoint, and insist ?hat Clemson college do this work of cattle tick eradication on its present recipts without any extra levy upon the people of South Carolina for this purpose. And in this connection I desire to call your attention to the following letter received from a very prominent farmer in this state, and one who stands high in the councils of the farmers' unions, having held high position in these organizations: "Governor Cole L. Blease, Columbia, S. C. "My Dear Governor: I wish to commend your interview about the cattle tick question and to call your attention to one little item in its connection that has probably escaped you. Richland county is agitating the raising of $40,000 by legislative appropriation, this sum to come from taxing all the people. All counties that are above the quarantine line and those under process of cleaning have had to pay a good portion of the expense of the work. Newberry county is now paying about $500, possibly more, and I presume that other counties are paying a like proportion. Now, it would hardly be just to tax those counties that have worked out their own problems for those counties that have not shown enough interest in the matter to do the same thing. It would be unfair, and I am sure that the people of the state will endorse your position. Either make Clemson do the work (and heaven knows tlv are doing little enough except dabble in politics) or let the various counties work with the college and the U. S. department, as the other counties have done. For your information I wish to state that no tick authority believes that the state can be cleaned in one year, so it would probably mean an appropriation for a like amount the coming year." As shown by this letter, you will see that it would be very unjust to give $40,000 out of the state's money with oui giving proper consiueruiiuii iu those counties which have already paid their pro rata share for relieving themselves of the cattle tick. Now, gentlemen, do not understand me to say that I oppose the eradication of the tick. I do not want some little lying editor to come out and say: "Blease Fighting Eradication of Cattle Tick." I am only calling your attention to the inequality which might result from a hasty consideration of the matter. and to an extravagant expenditure of money which could be turned to useful purposes. I repeat, eradicate the cattle tick, but do it in a common sense way. with as little expense as possible to the already overburdened taxpayers. The Primary System. Many years ago some of the counties of South Carolina adopted a system of primary elections, which system provided for the selection of candidates among the white people for the Democratic nominees, for the purpose of avoiding a division among the white people in order to keep the negro vote from becoming a factor in the politics of this state. Many years before tha the eisrlit-box law had been in use, and it had been successful in depriving the negro of participation even in the general elections, except to a limited number. To go through the entire history of this matter might be very interesting to those who know nothing or little of it, and yet it might somewhat reveal a condition of affairs which it might be as well to let be forgotten. Later the state Democracy adopted this primary election system for the purpose of nominating candidates for all state and county offices. Just a short time afterwards the Democracy of the state adopted it for the selection of candidates for congress and the United States senate. The last convention for the nomination of a governor and state officials was when Governor John Peter Richardson was nominated for his second term. Then came the struggle of the Reform party in 1890. The history of this and campaigns from then up to the present would be very interesting reading, but I presume it is unnecessary to give it here. However, it seems that this system was perfectly satisfactory when Governors Tillman, Evans, Ellerbe and McSweeney were elected, and it reached its height in the eyes of many people?especially certain newspaper editors?who are now i* anH trovft mnat Anleriditl UUIIUClUIU<i5 * V, MIIVI o^?v >| - ? satisfaction to these distinguished gentlemen, when Governors Heyward and Ansel were elected. Nothing was heard of its being unsatisfactory to this great element of our people when Gen. Joseph H. Earle was elected to the United States senate, and when many congressmen and many state officials were chosen. But, alas, the campaign of 1912 came on. When that campaign came along the then governor of South Carolina on the 8th day of July, 1912, issued a proclamation which read as follows: STATE OF SOUTH' CAROLINA * Executive Department. Proclamation. Whereas, Information has been given unto me that divers persons are traveling in different parts of the state of South Carolina and are, by the payment and promise of money or other articles of value, endeavoring to procure other persons to vote for or against certain candidates in the primary election, which is to be held on the 27th day of August, 1912, in violation of Section 366, Code of Laws of South Carolina, 1912, which reads as follows: "Section 356. At or before #very political primary election held by any political party, organization or association for the purpose of choosing candi dates for office or the election of delegates to conventions In this state, any person who shall by threats or any other form of Intimidation or by the payment, delivery or promise of money or other articles of value, procure or offer, or endeavor to procure another to vote for or against any particular candidate in such election, or who shall for such consideration offer to vote, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor." Now, therefore, I, Cole L. Blease, governor of the state of South Carolina, in order that justice may be done and the majesty of the law upheld, do hereby offer a reward of One Hundred Dollars each for the first five convictions of any person or persons who shall be found guilty under said section: Provided, That said five convictions shall be had in five different counties of said state. In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the Great Seal of the state to be affixed, at Columbia, this eighth day of July, A. D., 1912, and in the 137th year of the Independence of the United States of America. Cole L. Blease, Governor. By the Governor: R. M. McCown, Secretary of State. And in his opening speech at Sumter, he said: "After reading the sections of the statute in regard to fraud in elections Governor Blease said: "And I call upon all of my friends to see that any person who attempts to hnv vntps in this Drimarv. or who in timidates voters by threats or otherwise, be immediately prosecuted, and if you need any assistance in the prosecution of the case, I promise you, as governor of this state, to furnish it, because I believe in a fair, square election, and propose, so far as in my pov er, to see that it is held for all the offices of our state. You, my fellow citizens, watch these two things; we now have a majority; we have the battk won, and all that we have got to do to see that we get a fair and hones; showing. I cannot do it all; can onl> do my part; it is up to you to do yours. If the people are defeated, and the corporations and newspapers an the old ring take charge of this government, the people will be the sufferers. The fault will not be mine. Let the consequences be what they maj the people of my state will be forced to say Cole L. Blease did his part." But when this primary election was held in August, 1912, great charges of fraud were brought, and these "holier than thou" lords of Democracy, the editors and some others?all "greai guardians" of South Carolina's primaries. who were defeated and whinped out of their boots, with all their money and chicanery and trickery, all at once discovered that the primary was reeking with fraud and was a corrupt system and was horrible to contemplate. Yet it was the same primary system that had nominated their Heyward and their Ansel?the same men participated in it?and the same primary system which had sent Senator Barle to Washington and Senator Smith to Washington against former Governor Evans. Why did it become so thoroughly corrupt all at once, and such an iniquitous system? Was it simply because Blease had whipped the "aristocracy" and those who thought that they owned the government, or was it because men went around in Columbia, and in Sumter, and in Spartanburg, and in Greenville, and in other places and sought contributions to n.ake up a campaign fund to defeat Blease with? What was this money being got up for? Whom was it being got up by? Why did Blease's opponent need such an enormous campaign fund? Was it to pay his campaign expenses around j over South Carolina? Was it to pay his son's expenses in traveling with him and carrying his books? Was it to pay the legitimate expenses of his campaign manager? What was it for? Who was to use it, and for what purpose? Why did the railroads make large contributions to Blease's opponent's campaign fund? Why did certain cotton mill presidents make such large contributions to Blease's opponent's campaign fund? Had any candidate in South Carolina ever before needed a campaign fund such as was raised against Blease? Did Tillman use it, or Evans, Ellerbe, McSweeny, Heyward, Ansel or Blease? Did General Earle use it? Then why this powerful campaign contribution for the primary of 1912? If the primary was corrupt, who corrupted it? If men voted in it who were not entitled to vote, who hauled them from North Carolina and from Georgia and paid their expenses? It is plain to any thinking man, and it will be admitted by any honest man, that these large sums of money raised by contribution and handled at a central bureau in Columbia and by parties in other parts of the state, are what corrupted it, if it was corrupt, and only by the true manhood of the hon est cuizensnip 01 suuui ^aiuuna using in its might and refusing to be bought and debauched by this crowd,I was South Carolina saved from a corrupt government bought at the ballot box. Now, who is responsible for this great cry of fraud in the primaries? The governor puvlicly stated on the State House steps, the night after the election, that the other side had stolen more votes and put them in the ballot box than they knew what to do with. If his statement was a slander, wh> wasn't he prosecuted? If his statement was a slander, why was it that the committee of the state executive committee, a large majority of whom were composed of his bitterest opponents, after they had gone to Spartanburg and to Greenville and to Anderson and to Orangeburg, disbanded, gave up their investigation, and sneaked off quietly and went into their little holes? These charges of fraud and corruption are absolutely unworthy but in line with the source from which they come. The man who introduced the resolution in the state executive committee charging the white people of his state with fraud and corruption in that election, pulled then the rope which rang the bell sounding his death irnoti thrnnehnut the Democratic par ty of this state. The partisan major.ty of the committee which took It up will find that it will take them years of hard, honest struggle to redeen themselves in the eyes of the people of this state. Today the people are alive to the fact that these charges of frau and perjury and corruption have been made against them, the white people of South Carolina, and when the time comes, if men with the moral courage and the political backbone get upon the rostrum in this state and expose the nefariousness of those who made and who took up these charges, every one of them will be wiped from the face of the political arena, and those who stood with the majority in that election will again stand with the malority, for fair dealing and for honesty. No, it is not the system that needs improving; it is not the law that needs amending?we have law enough?bui it is the enforcement of that law tha; we need. Prosecute the men who handed out money and whisky, or who in the future hand out money and whisky. Prosecute the men who try to buy votes. Prosecute the people who hire men to travel throughout the state under the guise of book agents, newspaper reporters and subscription list hunters, and under other guises, and instead of following the vocations which they claim to follow, go around trying to buy voters, trying to debauch the citizenship of the state, and telling the most wilful and malicious lies upon the then governor of their commnnwdftith. Such men and their ac cessories are the men who attempted to cqrrupt the primary, and it waa only bj^ Blease exposing their schemes from the public stump that they were whipped?by his showing up that they had caused a shortage in the ballots, that they had spent money and done everything that could possibly be done to defeat a man?and' then, when they were whipped, all they could holler was fraud, and when every man in South Carolina who is honest and decent knows there was more fraud and' corruption used by them against the man who whipped them than could possibly have been used for him. Prosecute the men who violate the election laws, prosecute the men who try to bribe voters, prosecute the men who commit perjury at the ballot box, and you have got law enough, you have got all the law you need; and this howl, gentlemen, is hypocrisy of ihe meanest, lowest type; it is the hollering of "stop thief." when the thief is doing the hollering?and you know it, and they know it. This clamor that the newspapers are making is a slander upon the white people of this state and is bringing unjust and unwarranted criticism upon the people of South Carolina by the people of other states. Of course we want to prosecute the bribe-giver and the bribe-taker. And why such large contributions for Elease's opponents campaign, once again, I ask. If people think these contributions were not asked for or not given, names can be given. Now, who had the control of the state Democratic convention? The men opposed to Governor Blease. Who had control of every county executive committee in the state? Who had the absolute control, by a large 1?11? ~e nvAmiMvp pnm majority, ui aiaic mittee? Who appointed the managers of election throughout the state? When Governor Blease wrote to the chairman of the state Democratic executive committee and asked to have one manager at each precinct, his request was declined. When similar requests were made of the chairmen of the county executive committees, it was declined his friends. The county executive committees, nearly all of which were anti-Blease, appointed anti-Blease managers all over the counties, and these anti-Blease managers wore in the large majority all over the state?a majority of twothirds or more were anti-administration men. The ballots were put in the boxes which the anti-administration men had control of, the anti-administration men took them off to one side and counted them and announced so many for Jones and so many for Blease. The returns were sent to the county executive committees, and the county executive committees, composed almost overwhelmingly of antiBlease men, tabulated them and sent them to the state committee, and the state committee met and tabulated them and announced the result. Now. how in the name of common sense with all the election machinery antiElease?how in the name of common sense. I repeat, could the Blease men have committed fraud? Therefore, if there was fraud, as these editors and others are now loudly proclaiming there was, who committed it? The answer is plain?the anti-Blease men. because they had all the machinery in their hands. They say there was fraud. Now. I say, let that be as it may, if there was fraud who committed it when thev had the managers. the county committees, and the state committee? No, gentlemen, it is but the cry of the defeated. Instead of being brave, true Carolinians, and saying, "We have made our fight and lost," they, like the cowards they are, cringe upon their knees and holler fraud, forgetting that they were the ones who were In charge of the election machinery, and that if there was fraud they and their friends were the ones who committed It. Now, gentlemen, what we want is honest elections. They speak of using money. God knows the present governor has never had any to use. He practiced law at the Newberry bar, and, he is proud to say, had an exceptionally fine practice on both sides of the court. He made a good living, and managed to save some money. But not one nickel of it has ever been used to corrupt a voter; not one dollar of it has he ever used or ever given to corrupt any man, nor has any of his friends ever done so. to his knowledge, and certainly if they have ever done so, they did not consult him before, nor have they informed him afterwards. What we need is to enforce the laws we have strictly to the letter. Let every white man in South Carolina, of legal age, vote in the primaries, and if one comes from another state into this state and votes, or goes from one county into another and votes illegally, let the men whom he votes for, as well as the men whom he votes against see to it that he is prosecuted and punished to the full extent of the law. If one man offers to buy the vote of another, let the latter prosecute to the full extent of the law the man who offers the bribe, and if the man takes the bribe, prosecute him. Enforce the laws we have. Let honesty and square dealing begin with the state executive committee, and let it be followed by the county committees and kept up by the managers of election. We have all the law we need in South Carolina to enforce the law. And It comes with 111 grace from that crowd which had control of all the election machinery, The Straight Democratic Ticket. In view of certain recent events, 1 desire to call to your attention an address which I issued to the Democratic voters of this state on October 26, 1912. urging them to turn out to the polls at the general election In November and support the entire Democratic ticket, state, national and county, as follows: Columbia, S. C., October 26, 1912. To the Democratic Voters of South Carolina: Much has been said and written in regard to the coming election, wnicn is to be held for state, national and county officers, on November 5th, and I deem it absolutely unnecessary for me to make any further statement in reference to the matter. However, as I have received some communications and have also heard a great deal of talk, possibly it Is not amiss for me to urge upon the voters of this state to go to the polls on the date of the election and vote the straight Democratic ticket from the president of the United States down to the coroner of their county. We pledged ourselves in the Demjcratic primary to abide the result and to support the nominees of the party. We took a solemn oath to do this, and in my opinion, that pledge and oath covers and binds us to support the nominees of the national Democratic party just as much as it does the nominees of the state and county Democracy. I have heard several say, and it has been reported to me that many others have said that there were two men on the Democratic electoral ticket that under no conditions or circumstances 1 j T 1 a trim thot WUU1U nicy VUkC 1W1. AW 10 wi uw W..MV these two men were very obnoxious in the recent campaign, and in their speeches and writings were very bitter against me and against the interests of the people of South Carolina, and 1 consider the placing of their names on the ticket a direct Insult to me and to every man who voted for me; however, you remember who controls and dominates the present state executive committee, and you also remember their attempt to defeat the will of the people, as expressed at the primary, but "there will come a time" when we can repudiate them and their acts, but we must not injure our party in order to punish a few who, on account of neglect upon our part, are temporarily in power; therefore, I beg my friends to remember that they are not voting for the men whose names are on the electoral ticket, but that they are only the tools which the Democratic party uses to express their preference for the Democratic presidential candidate. Our congressmen, particularly, should have an overwhelming vote polled In their behalf, for if there should be a contest about any of their seats, nothing would be more beneficial to them than to be able to point to the fact that a large majority of the qualified voters of their district have cast their ballots for them, and I hope that all Democrats will go to the polls and register their votes. Let's all rally to the polls on November 5th and give the Democratic nominees the heaviest majorities South Carolina has ever rolled up. Yours for South Carolina, and for peace, prosperity and happiness to all rtAnnU fnln T. Rlhfl flh Federal Encroachment Upon State's Rights. I notice that the Federal government is beginning to encroach very much upon what I consider the rights of the states, in the passage of criminal laws. For instance, congress has recently enacted a law making it a crime to break into freight cars. The goods in those cars belong to parties in our state, or in another state, to which they are shipped, and as a general rule they become the property of such persons immediately upon being placed upon the train, and, therefore, the shipper has no further right or control over them. Hence, if a crime is committed as to these goods, it is a crime against the property of one of our citizens or against the railroad company which owns the freight car. Another Act, I notice, is the one fixing dates for hunting purposes within the borders of our state. The birds and the ducks and the deer and the fish and the other game within the borders of South Carolina belong to our people and the United States government has no right to come into this state and interfere with our local game laws. This is only an effort to protect a certain set of northerners, who come down here and buy up large tracts of land anu then prohibit our home people from hunting on it. They establish then hunting clubs, which are often nothing less than barrooms, and are sometimes gambling dens, and put fences arounu their hunting preserves and say to our people, "Stay out." Or they come into our state and hunt and fish promiscuously, dodging the payment of any tax or license, to me aeirimeni 01 our nome people. Now comes the United States government, because these people are rich, and is attempting, in their interest, to deprive the people of our state of their God-given liberty and right to hunt and fish for the game and fish which an All-wise Providence has provided free to all mankind, and to deprive the people of our state of the right to regulate their seasons and tc protect their game and fish as they see fit. And they have gone further now and appointed a special agent to run around over the state, meddling into other people's business, to bring prosecutions for violations of this law. The Federal government is now beginning to fix rates which shall be charged by the railroads in our state both freight and passenger. It is making other crimes which are committee, in the state violations of the Federal law, such as the white slave traffic (the law in regard to which I am in favor of, and in favor of the severest punishment for its violation, but 1 think it is a matter which should be handled by the state government first, as it is a matter peculiarly within the duty of the state). If a store is broken into, and a little one-cent postofflce happens to be in the back end of it, the United States government takes charge of that. There are other things about this line too numerous to mention, which I would call to your attention. It will, therefore, readily be seen that the United States government?not only under the Republican administration, but now under the Democratic administration?is daily encroaching upon the rights of the states, and taking from them the powers which have been theirs, and which of right belong to them under the Constitution. One of the greatest and noblest battles ever waged was fought in the sixties for State's Rights, and we are Justly proud of the glorious history which the south made in that struggle, and we cherish the memory of those who gave their lives in that great cause and the survivors who have since passed away, and love and reverence the veterans who remain with us yet a little while. Now, are we to sit idly by and see their work undone, and the results achieved by them set at naught Are we not to raise our voices and allow state lines to be practically obliterated, and the national government to take charge of our affairs It is time we should begin to ask ourselves the question, What are our rights? and to arise in defense of them. Some of you may consider it a light matter, but it is serious, and getting more serious every day, and if some effort is not made to stop it it will soon be too late. In this connection, I beg leave to quote you, in part, the remarks of Justice L. Q. C. Lamar, in an oration on the Honorable John C. Calhoun: "The American Union is a democratic federal republic, a political system compounded of the separate governments of the several states and one common government of all the states, called the government of the United States. Each was created by written Constitution, those of the particular states by the people of each in its sovereign capacity, but acting Jointly. The entire powers of government are divid- 1 ed between the two?those lodged in the general government being delegated by specific and enumerated grants In the Constitution; and all others not delegated being reserved to the states, respectively, or to the people. The powers of each are soverign, and neither derives its powers from the other. In their respective spheres neither is subordinate to the other, but co-ordinate, and being co-ordinate, each has the right of protecting its own powers from the encroachments of the other, the two combined forming one entire and perfect government. The -line of demarcation between the delegated powers to the Federal government and the powers reserved to the states is plain inasmuch as all the powers delegated to the general government are expressly laid down, and those not delegated are reserved to the states unless specially prohibited. "The greater part of the powers delegated to the general government relate directly or indirectly to two great divisions of authority; the one pertaining to the foreign relations of the country; the other of an internal character, and pertaining to the exterior relations of the states, the purposes for which the Constitution was former being power, security, and respectability without, and peace, tranquility, and harmony within." Enforcement of Law. I regTet to say to you that conditions relating to the enforcement of the whisky laws are not at all favorable. This, however, can not be truthfully laid at my door. When 1 first came into the governor's office I apoplnted a strong constabulary force and began, under that section of the statute which gave me the power, to appoint good men in every county throughout the entire state to enforce all the criminal laws, but most particularly the law in reference to the whisky traffic. But there was much bitterness against me at that time, and, to my surprise, it was manifest in county officers and In attorneys for county boards, and, as a result, in several counties where I appointed these constables or men to enforce these laws, when they presented their claims for salaries, the county boards, under the advice of their attorneys in some instances, and in other instances of their own free will and accord, positively and flatly refused to pay the salaries of these constables. A test case was made from the county of Edgefield in the supreme court, and the supreme court sustained the action of the county boards in refusing to pay these men, and the strong arm of the law wt8 stayed, and I was thus positively prevented from having under my absolute control and direction a force for the enforcement of the law. The sheriffs were elected by the people and I had no control whatever over them in this regard, save a little section of the law which reads as follows: "Any constable, deputy constable sheriff or magistrate who shall neglect or refuse to perform the duties required by this chapter, shall eb subject to suspension by the governor." This, as is known by all men, was of no assistance to me. These sheriffs were answeraoie 10 me peupie mm iu them alone, and they could snap their fingers in my face. When It came to the magistrates who appoint the constables In the various townships, these magistrates in all instances could only be named by me, and with the advice and consent of the senate. The senate refused to confirm some of my appointees. The result was another case in the supreme court. The supreme court again sus-: tained the contention of my enemies and said that I could not appoint any magistrates except under certain conditions. The result was that the magistrates could also snap their fingers in the face of the governor and say to their constables, "You obey me, and not the governor." My hands were again tied, as will be readily seen if you will refer to the decision In the magistrates' cases from the counties of Spartanburg, Anderson and Greenwood. Therefore, it is very unfair and unjust to charge to me the violations of the so-called dispensary, or, more properly called, whisky laws of our state. Some people hold up their hands in horror and say, "Blind tigers are taking the state; Blease is not enforcinr the law in reference to prohibition or dispensary." All those who are honest and truthful know and will admit that the facts herein set forth are absolutely true and that my hands have been tied by the refusal of county boards to obey the law and to pay the salaries of the men whom I appointed to enforce this law, and by the decision of the supreme court in saying that I could not remove magistrates without the consent of the senate or appoint them without he advice anpd consent of the senate, and as a result l nave Deen shorn of my power to do that which I would have done if It had not been for these antagonistic views of certain senators, certain county boards, and of the supreme court My record as mayor of my home town, Newberry, as will be testified to by even my bitterest enemies there, will show that I gave that town the cleanest administration which she had had in years, and there was leus Mini, tiger liquor sold in Newberry the year I was mayor than has ever ben sold lr> the town anv other year since the dispensary law was passed, and the same would have been said of South Carolina in connection with my administration as governor if I had been allowed to apoint men to enforce this law, and if the supreme court had sustained me in my contention that I had the right to appoint them. As it was, I have beer helpless, to a large extent I could sen< no men into the counties for the purpose of enforcing those laws. All that I could do was to send a detective and get such information as I could, a* report that information to the sherif of the county, and that sheriff could either take that information end use in the enforcement of the law or he could ignore it. Magistrates and theii constables, whose duty it also was > enforce the law, could positively disregard me, as I have shown, because if should suspend one the senate would set aside the suspension and put hin hnrlr in office, and the supreme cou said I could not remove him, nor could I appoint whom I wanted magistrate my friend, who would help me t the law?but I must appoint my en^piy. says the supreme court, by and with the advice and consent of the senate, which enemy would not help me to enforce the law, but would allow it to g. unenforced in order to try to injure nr. . and my administration. In other words, many of those whose duty it was to do so, instead of helping me enforce tht law when I was doing what I could t give them a clean administration, have encouraged violations of the law and helped those who did violate it, in 01 der that they might say Just what the are now endeavoring to say, that th blind tigers were freely run throughout the state under Blease's admhiistra tion. Then, when you come to the ' and cities, the mayor of the city and the council, with their police force and their plain-clothes men, are responsible for the enforcement of the law in the? town sand cities. But my opponents have attempted to charge up to me that there i** more whisky sold in the town? and cities in blind tigers than has beer sold heretofore. I do not know that i is true. I do not believe it. I believe that a clear Investigation will shov that there is less whisky being sold ir. Columbia than has ever been sold in i because I have a strong constabulary force in this city, and they have watch ea it closely, as the increase in the profits of the dispensary will show. But if the blind tigers are overrunning the towns and cities, should it i charged up to the governor, or should it be charged up to the mayors and th 1* ^ tKn inu/no nnH counuimirii uuu puuvc ui. w.? ? cities? If the mayor and councilmen of any city will admit to me that they are helpless and can not enforce the law, I will take charge of the city and guarantee that it is fullv enforced. They are there on the ground, living right in the city, and should know conditions better than I. And if the law in their city is not enforced, the people should elect a mayor and council who will enforce it. and the mayor and council should elect a police force who will see that it is enforced. All that I ask is for a fair and honest judgment to be passed in these matters, and I am willing to take whatever blame should be placed upon my shoulders; but I do not propose for the people to be misled into thinking that my administration has been worse than others, for it has not been, and it would have been more free from the sale of whisky if it had not been for the refusal of county boards to pay my constables when I sent them into the counties, and if it had not ben for the senate's actions towards me in the magistrates' matters, and if it had not been for the supreme court's sustaining these people in their contentions. And. then, last, but by no means least, many of the senators and representatives who were bitterly opposed to me, In order to keep me from appointing constables In their counties, adopted the rural police system for their counties and in their bills would provide that no dispensary constables should be appointed in their counties, and even then, when they would have the rural police system, they went further and would put the appointment of those rural police in the hands o fthe sheriff, who was independent of me. They deprived me of the right to appoint the rural policemen and thus make them hold commissions under me, thereby giving me the power to remove these rural policemen if they did not enforce the laws?they deliberately took away from me the power to appoint them, and thus the power to remove them, and consequently deprived me of having supporters in these offices and put these offices in the hands of my political enemies throughout the state, as the records will show, thus doing all they could to block my administration in the enforcement of the lkw, and (tying all they could to put in office those who would not enforce it, in order that they might say Blease was not ehforcing the law. And then when I vetoed these bills, and in my vetoes pointed out to the senators and representatives the evils that they were bringing on by giving this appointing power to others than the governor, tney overrode my vetoes, and the result is today that there are rural policemen all deer this state who are not doing one thing to enforce the law, and I have reports in my office showing that some of them are a menace instead of a protection to th communities in which they are supposed to be working. Recommendations Reiterated. I beg to reiterate the following recommendations contained in my annual message to you in 1913, in which message you will And my views fully expressed, with my reasons therefor: That you change the name of Clemson college to Cfclhoun university. ' That you abolish the Board of Pardons. or pay a sufficient salary for the work to be done. That you take some action In regard to the cotton mill mergers in this state, and the Carolina Public Service /i/v*nA?a? ok/? /ranowo 1 lev 4 n mvamI to trusts and cpmblnations. That you take action to prohibit any town, city or county, or the state, from giving any exclusive rights, privileges or franchises to any Corporation or individtuil. That you require all corporations in this state using the water power of the state to pay a tax or license therefor. That you pass an act reducing the legal rate of interest in this state to six per cent Figures recently compiled by the agricultural department of the government show the enormous amount of interest which the south is paying, In comparison with the rate in the east and north, steadily draining the pockets of our people, and particularly the farmers. This Is a matter, gentlemen, of vital importance, and it demands your attention. Securities in South Carolina?particularly farm lands?are as good as can be had in the world, and it is simply oppression?nothing short ' of it? which takes from the pockets of our Sople an average interest of more am eight per cent, when other states are paying, some of them, between Ave and six. That you prohibit banks from charging customers exchange on drafts or checks. That you prohibit express companies from charging for returning monov pnllap|?ri nn f!. ft. ft. nackltSU. That you pass a flat two-ceat passenger rate on all railroads In this staie. That you take some action in regard to the concealed weapon law. That you make it a misdemeanor for any newspaper editor, reporter or . correspondent to promulgate, make or publish false reports of the speech of any person who is a candidate for any county, state or national office, and that you pass an act to the effect that when any newspaper publishes a statement in regard to any person that is injurious, that when that parson sends to the paper a correction of said report, the editor or manager of ihe paper be required to publish said correction in the same column of the same page, and with as large headlines, as the original article appeared wherein the person was misquoted or misrepresented. ' That you submit to the people such constitutional amendment or amendments as may be necessary to provide for the election of Judges by the poopie. I beg to reiterate the following recommendations contained in my annual message to you in 1912, la whloh message you will find my views fully expressed, with my reasons therefor: That you investigate our institutions of higher learning, particularly with regard to the amount of tbeir expenditures. " That you look into the matter of the too great amount being paid for water and lights by the state. That you look into the matter of the too great amount being paid to the Catawba Indiana That you investigate into the matter of purchases for state institutions, and that you provide some means of all these purchases being made in such manner as to secure the lower prices which should be had by purchasing them In bulk upon a contract Including all Institutions. That you have one of your committees Investigate carefully the hunting clubs and other corporations of foreigners located in this Mate to see if they are violating the Constitution and Section 2,689, Vol. I, of the Code of 1912. That you pass some Act which would have the effect of disbanding negro lodges. THAT YOU PASS AN ACT PROHIBITING ANY WHITE PERSON FROM TEACHING IN NEGRO SCHOOLS OR FROM TEACHING NEGRO CHILDREN. That you provide for experts of the highest character and ability, to make a thorough investigation into and check up all vouchers, bonds, books and other papers, in all the state offices. I beg to reiterate the following recommendations contained in my inaugural address of 1911: Liberal support of our Confederate veterans. m Liberal but not extravagant appropriations for our state institutions of learning. That you amend the law so that white convicts will not be placed in the same camps and worked along in the same squads with negro convicts. I respectfully call your attention once again to the evil of the sale and use of cocaine and such like drugs, and to the smoking of cigarettes by boys under the age of 16 years. In other words, gentlemen, I propose to do my duty, no matter who else may fail in his, and I therefore call your attention to all the recommendations made by me during the sessions of 1911, 1912 and 1913, and again beg and insist that you take 4-1 n I * SAflratul A yuu lUKC SUIIIC a^liuu in ivgniu lu these matters. South Carolina'* Wonderful Prosperity. During the past twelve months South Carolina has been blessed with a wonderful prosperity. From every standpoint, the good year 1913 has been the best year in the history of the state. Material progress has been steady and rapid, and always sure, and educational advancement and moral uplift have not lagged behind. The total enrollment In the schools Is greater than ever before, there being 167,914 white children in attendance upon the public schools, as compared with 156,280 white children during the session of 1911-12. Ten years ago the total enrollment of white children was 134,330. There are 4,584 white teachers In the public schools, an increase of 221 over the preceding year, which, says the report of the state superintendent of education, "was one of the greatest Improvements made during he year." Ten years ago there were 3,492 white teachers in the state?an increase of about 1,100 during the past decade. A good many of the school districts have levied special axes as high as eight mills in order to take advantage of the state aid. During the campaign of 1912 it was heralded around the state by my opponents that if Blease was elected (Continued on Page 6).