Historical Newspapers of South Carolina

Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page. It is also available as plain text as well as XML.

L H. OKIST'S SOTS. Pubiuhen. } % 4amilfi $eicsgagei;: 4or the {promotion of tin {political, Soqial, &jri<nl?oital and <rommci;ciat Interests of th< foojiM. | te""V^?Mcop?!^t ESTABLISHED 1855. rORKYILLE, 8. O., FRIDAY, OCTOBER 31, 19t3. , N~Q. 87. A A A /*\A A /T^A/Tl AAA wv vtyy vwv vW wvw wvw WITHIN ' BY MARI FROM THE PLAY 01 Copyright, 1912, by the H. K. I CHAPTER VII?Continued '1 didn't,' Mary replied blandly. "But it was a pretty good guess, wasnt It?" Couldn't you see that all he wanted was to get the letters and have us take the marked money? Then my simple young friend, we would have been arrested very neatly Indeed ?for blackmalL" "Gee!" she cried. "That would have been fierce! And now?" she questioned apprehensively. Mary's answer repudiated any possibility of fear. "And now," she explained contentedly, "he really will go to our lawyer. There he will pay over that- same marked money. Then he will get the letters he wants so much. And Just because it's a strictly business transaction between two lawyers, with everything done according to legal ethics"? "And It's actually the same old game!" Aggie mused. CHAPTER Vni. Ths Thisf. Mary was In Joyous spirits after ker victorious matching of brains againBt a lawyer of high standing In his profession when she had entered the telephone booth, which had been Installed in an extra closet of her bedroom for the sake of greater privacy on occasion. During her absence from the drawing room Garson again came into the apartment seeking her. On being told by Aggie as to Mary's whereabouts he sat down to await her return, listening without much interest to the chatter of the adventuress. The maid appeared and said: "There's a girl wants to see Miss Turner." "She says it's important. I guess the poor thing's in hard luck from the look of her," the kindly Fannie added. "Oh, then, she'll be welcome, of course!" Aggie declared, and Qarson nodded In acquiescence. "Tell her to come In and wait, Fannie. Miss Turner will be here right away." She turned to Garson as the maid left the room. "Mary sure is an easy boob," she remarked cheerfully. "Bless her soft heart!" A minute later a girl perhaps twenty years of age stepped Just within the doorway and stood there with eyes downcast after one swift, furtive glance about her. Her whole appearance was that of dejection. Her soiled black grown, the cringing posture, the pallor of her face, proclaimed the adject mis cry ui not moiv. "Are you Miss Turner?" she asked in a voice broken by nervous dismay. "Really, I am very sorry," Aggie replied primly, "but I am only her cousin, Miss Agnes Lynch. But Miss Turner is likely to be back any minute now." "Can I wait?" came the timid question. "Certainly," Aggie answered hospitably. "Please sit down." As the girl obediently sank down on the nearest chair Garson addressed her sharply, so that the visitor started uneasily at the unexpected sound. "You don't know Miss Turner?" "No," came the faint reply. "Then, what do you want to see her about?" "She once helped a girl friend of mine, and I thought?I thought"? "You thought she might help you," Garson interrupted. "You have been in stir?prison, I maan" hostllv corrected the lapse Into underworld slangCame a distressed muttering of assent from the girl. The conversation was put to an end by the entrance of Mary, who stopped short on seeing the limp figure huddled In the chair. "A visitor, Agnes?" she inquired. At the sound of her voice the girl looked up and spoke with some degree of energy. "You're Miss Turner?" she questioned. "Yes," Mary said. Her words rang kindly and she smiled encouragement. A gasp burst from the white Hps of the girl, and she cowered as one stricken physically. "Mary Turner! Oh, my God! I"? sne ma ner iace wiuun uer <u ma emu sat bent until her head rested on her knees In an abasement of misery. Vaguely startled by the hysterical outburst from the girl, Mary's Immediate thought was that here was a pitiful Instance of one suffering from starvation. "Joe," she directed rapidly, "have Fannie bring a glass of milk with an egg and a little brandy in it, right away." The girl In the chair was shaking soundlessly under the stress of her emotions. A few disjointed phrases fell from her quivering lips. "I didn't know?oh, I couldn't." "Don't try to talk just now." Mary warned, reassuringly. "Wait until you've had something to eat." a Viorl nKaorvoH Havplnn ABS'C, T...W l.au . ments closely, now lifted her voice In tardy lamentations over her own stupidity. "Why the poor gawk's hungry!" she exclaimed. "And I never got the dope on her. Ain't I the simp." The girl regained a degree of self control and showed something of forlorn dignity. "Yes," she said dully, "I'm starving." Mary regarded the afflicted creature with that sympathy born only of experience. "Yes," she said softly. "I understand." Then she spoke to Aggie. "Take her to my room and let her rest there for awhile. Have her drink the egg and milk slowly and then lie down for a few minutes anyhow." Half an hour afterward Aggie reported with her charge, who, though still shambling of gait and stooping. Bhowed by some faint color in her face and an increased steadiness of ?? ? ? *? ? ? ? ? ?*? *?+ THE LAW : ! JIN DANA _______ F BAYARD YEILLER , Ply company. IAAA OA& rT^ fff> A/TvA A/TV A O^A ^ A \iP AW W AW V^AW A^3PA TlpT i bearing that the food had already strengthened her much. "She would come," Aggie explained, j "I thought she ought to rest for awhile longer anyhow." "I'm all right. I tell you." came the querulous protest. "Are you quite sure?" Mary said to the girl. "Then tell us all about It? this trouble of yours, you know. What Is your name?" I "Helen Morris." ? ( "I don't have to ask you If you have < been In prison. Your face shows It" "I?I came out?three months ago." "And you'd made up your mind to < go straight?" "Yes." The word was a whisper. ( *You were going to do what the chaplain had told you," Mary went on. "You were going to start all over j again, weren't you?" The bent head of the girl bent lower in assent. i 'It doesn't work very well, does It?** I I "No; I'm whipped." I Mary's manner changed. She spoke , I cheerfully for the first time. "Well, then, how would you like to , I work with us? "You?you mean that"? "Our kind of work pays well when , you know how. Look at us. Sup- , pose I should stake you for the pres "You cried and lied, and thay let you off with a year." ent and put you in with a good crowd. All you would have to do would be to answer advertisements for servant girls. I will aee that you have the best of references. Then, when you get in with the right people you will open the front door some night and let in the gang. Of course you will make a get-away, when they do and get your bit as well." There flashed still another of the swift, sly glances, and the lips of the girl parted as if she would speak. But - sne cua not; oniy ner neaa suggea even ( lower on her breast and the shrunken , form grew yet more shrunken. "It doesn't suit you? Good! I was In hopes It wouldn't. So. here's an- ] other plan. Suppose you cou'.d go , west?some place where you would ] have a fair chance, with money enough , so you could live like a human belqg j till you got a start?" There came a tensing of the relaxed , form, and the head lifted a little, so ] that the girl could look at her ques- \ tioner. "I will give you that chance," Mary \ said simply, "If you really want It." I The wretched girl sat suddenly ( erect, and her words came eagerly. 1 "Oh, I do!" And now her hungry gaze remained fast on the face of the woman who offered her salvation. "Then I have Just one thing to say " "n* T 9 ?>Ati n rn wnln or tn llltd I \ IU JUU 111 Ob. 11 J uu UI t gvitig iv V straight start straight, and then go through with It. Do you know what that means?" ( "You mean keep straight all the ( time?" The girl spoke with a force drawn from the other's strength. I "I mean more than that. I mean forget that you were ever in prison. I don't know what you have done?I don't think I care. But whatever it was, you have paid for it?a pretty big ( price, too." ( "I have, I have!" The thin voice 1 broke, wailing. "Well, then," Mary went on, "Just begin all over again, and be sure you stand up for your rights. Don't let j them make you pay a second time. Go where no one knows you, and don't ( tell the first people who are kind to you that you have been crooked. If they ( think you are straight, why, be it. ] Then nobody will have any right to complain. Will you promise me this?" j "Yes, I promise," came the answer. , very gravely, quickened with hope. ( "Good!" Mary exclaimed, with a ( smile of approval. "Wait a minute," she added and left the room. "Huh! Pretty soft for some peo pie," Aggie remarked to Garson, with a sniff. ' Mary returned soon. In her hand she carried a roll of bills. She went to the girl and held out the money. , "Take this. It will pay your fare west and keep you quite awhile If you , are careful." But, without warning, a revulsion seized on the girl. She shrank again and turned her head away as her body trembled. "I can't take it!" she exclaimed. "I can't! I can't." "Didn't you come here for help?" "Yes," was the faltering reply, "but ?but?I didn't know?it was you!" "Then you have met me before?" Mary said quietly. "No, no!" The girl's voice rose ' shrill. Aggie spoke her mind with frankness. "She's lying." Garson. agreed. His yes was spoken In a tone of complete certainty. That i Mary, too. was of their opinion was shown In her next words. "So you have rrtet me before? Where?" < The girl unwittingly made confes- ' slon in her halting words. "I can't tell you." There was despair In her voice. "You must." The girl only crouched lower. i can i: sne crieu again, paniins as if in exhaustion. "Why can't you?" "Because?because"? The girl could not go on. "What were you sent up for?" "For stealing." "Stealing what?" "Goods." "Where from?" "The Emporium." In a flash of intuition the whole * truth was revealed to the woman who stood looking down at the cowering 1 creature before her. 1 "The Emporium!" she repeated. There was a tragedy in the single word. "Then you are the one who"? ' The accusation was cut short by the ' rirl's shriek. "I am not! I am not, I tell you!" For a moment Mary lost her poise. Eier voice rose in a flare of rage. "You are! You are!" The craven spirit of the girl could 1 struggle no more. She could only sit In a huddled, shaking heap of dread. Mary soon mastered her to such an extent that when she spoke again, as J If in self communion, her words come guietly, yet with overtones of a su- 1 preme woe. ' "She did it!" Then after a little she 1 addressed the girl with a certain won- 1 dering before this mystery of horror. "Why did you throw the blame on me?" 1 The girl made several efforts before 1 her mumbling became intelligible, and then her speech was gasping, broken 1 with fear. ( *1 found out they were watching 1 me, and I was afraid they would catch 1 me. So I took them and ran into the 1 :loak room and put them in a locker ( that wasn't so close to mine and some 1 In the pocket of a coat that was hang- ' Ing there. God knows I didn't know whose it was. I Just put them there? 1 [ was frightened"? "But they caught you later. Why : didn't you tell then?" "I was afraid," came the answer from .the shuddering girl. "I told them 1 It was the first time I had taken any- I thing, and they let me off with a rear." "You cried and lied, and they let 1 you off with a year. I wouldn t cry. I ' told the truth?and"? Mary's voice 1 broke In a tearless sob. The color had Stone out of her faco, and she stood rigid, looking down at the girl whose ;rlme had ruined her life with an expression of Infinite loathing In her jyes. Aggie took advantage of the pause. Her voice was acid. "Some people are meaks?just sneaks!" Somehow the speech was welcome to the girl, gave her a touch of courige sufficient for cowardly protestations. It was more like the abuse that was familiar to her. A gush of tears :ame. "I'll never forgive myself, never!" she moaned. "Oh, yes, you will," Mary said malevolently. "People forgive themselves pretty easily. Stop crying. Nobody is going to hurt you." She thrust the money again toward the girl and crowded it Into the half reluctant, half greedy hand. "Take It, and get out." rhe contempt In her voice rang still sharper. "Go, before I change my mind!" The girl needed no second bidding. With the money still clutched In her i tiand she went forth swiftly, stumbling ] i little in her haste, fearful lest at the last moment the woman she had so tvronged should change in mood and take back the money. Freed from the miasma of that presence, Mary remained motionless for a long minute, then sighed from her tortured heart. "A girl I didn't know," she said bejvilderedly. "perhaps had never spoken to?who smashed my life like that! Qh, if it wasn't so awful It would be ? funny! It would be funny!" I (To Be Continued). DOG'S LONG WATCH Waits for Master Six Years and is Badly Hurt. Shep, the dog that has waited In Tront of the Daly bank six long years Tor his master, Is dead. He was run >ver by an automobile and so seriously Injured that he was shot. Six years ago Shep's master, a iheep herder, came to town after a season on the range. He brought the Jog with him. Shep waited outside Lhe bank while his master went Inside to cash a check. While inside the man svas stricken with apoplexy, placed on i stretcher and taken to a hospital In in ambulance. It did not look natural to Shep, but lie followed the ambulance to the hospital and waited outside for several Jays. The master died a few hours ifter reaching the hoppltal. Shep saw the funeral procession, but it was unusual and he still waited. Then he remembered that his master had gone Into the bank the last time he had actually seen him, so he went there and curled up on the front steps and waited. For months he would look up expectantly every time some one came out of the building, but his hope began to wane. In spite of this he kept a. constant vigil and has made the front of the bank his home for six years, only leaving long enough to get some- 1 thing to eat. He grew old and deaf during his long wait. Each year President T. J. Bowman of the bank, paid his tax to the city, but he still waited for the sheep herder who did not come out of the bank. For the last few months Shep had been stiffening with age so fast that it was an effort for him to walk. Then a flying automobile struck him and broke his back.?Anaconda Standard. >16" A candid friend is like an alarm clock. His announcement is for your good, but you don't like it.?New Orleans Picayune. PRESIDENT AT MOBILE Outlines American Attitude to South American Neighbors. SAYS THINGS OF INTEREST TO MEXICO United States Will Nsver 8eek Addi* tional Territory?Talks as the Rep' resentative of a Great Country Should Talk. While avoiding any mention specifically of Mexico or any European influence connected with the Mexican situation, President Woodrow Wilson at Mobile, Ala., last Tuesday delivered a speech apparently freighted with significance which served to point with further directness the policy of the United States, not only toward Mexico, but toward all Central and South American republics. Mr. Wilson spoke before the Southern Commercial congress and the big audience which heard him, cheered him frequently. The president smilingly took his hearers into his confidence when he explained he must speak "with moderation and without Indiscretion." A score of South American and Latin-American diplomats sat Just behind the president while he spoke and many of his remarks were addressed in conversational tones to them. There were mose in me auuience vuu muuiiii the president might take advantage of the opportunity afforded by his speech there to say something regarding the Mexican crisis. Mr. Wilson, however, spoke only in general terms, but many of his sentences were pointed with a meaning so clear as to leave little doubt of their Intent. No Torritory by Conquest. "Material interests"?a phrase much In use internationally of late in characterising the attitude of foreign nations toward Mexico?frequently was employed by the president. He declared the American republics long had suffered from the hard bargains forced upon them by concessionaries seeking "material interests" in the countries affected. The president declared that through motives of "morality and expediency" the United States desired to help the Latin-American republics to "an emancipation from the subordination which has been Inevitable to foreign enterprise." J*he president's speech was uttered with a confidence which bespoke the dominant part the United States expects to play in the future of the American republics. "The United States will never again seek to obtain one additional foot of territory by conquest," he declared amid applause. Six Hours in Mobil*. Mr. Wilson spent six busy hours In Mobile. He arrived early in the morning and was taken Jointly In hand by the members of the Southern Commercial congress and citizens of the city. He was breakfasted, driven about the city in automobiles, was given a sight-seeing expedition in the harbor and started back to Washington with cheers ringing about his special train. The president was in a rush from the moment he reached the city until he left, and if any dispatches af state reached him they were deferred until he reached the seclusion of his train. In his address Mr. Wilson spoke or his Interest In all things southern. "But today I do not need to speak of the south," he added. "She has perhaps acquired the gift of speaking for herself. I come because I want to 9peak of our present and prospective relations with our neighbors to the BOUth. Sympathy Binds Nations. "I deem it a public duty as well as a. personal pleasure to be here to express for myself and for the government I represent the welcome we all feel to those who represent the Latin American states. The future, ladles and gentlemen, Is going to be very different for this hemisphere from the past. These states lying to the south of us, which have always been our neighbors, will now be drawn closer to lis by Innumerable ties, and I hope, chief of all, by the tie of a common understanding. "Interest does not tie nations together. It sometimes separates them; but sympathy and understanding do unite them. I believe that by the new route that is Just about to be opened, while we physically cut two continents asunder, we spiritually unite them. This is a spiritual union which we seek. I wonder if you realize, 1 wonder If your Imaginations have been filled, with the significance of the ties of commerce. A New Commerce. "These great tides, which have been running along parallels of latitude will now swing southward athwart parallels of latitude, and that opening gate at the Isthmus of Panama will open the world to a commerce that she has not known before?a commerce of thought and sympathy between north and south; and tne LAtin-American states which, to their disadvantage, have been off the main lines, will now be on the main lines. I feel that these gentlemen honoring us with their presence today will presently find that some part, at any rate, of the centre of gravity of the world has shifted. Do you realize that New York, for example, will be nearer the western coast of South America than she Is now to the eastern coast of South America? Granting Concessions. "There is one peculiarity about the history of the Latin-American states which lam sure they are keenly aware of. You hear of concessions to foreign capitalists in Latin-America. You do not hear of concessions to foreign capitalists In the United States. They are not granted concessions. They are tn molto investments The work is ours, though they are welcome to Invest In it. We do not ask them to supply the capital and do the work. It is an invitation, not a privilege; and states that are obliged, because their territory does not lie within the main Held of modern enterprise and action, to grant concessions are in this condition: That foreign interests are apt to dominate their domestic affairs. A condition of affairs always dangerous and apt to become intolerable. Emancipation Ahead. "What these states are going to see, therefore, is an emancipation from the subordination which has been inevitable to foreign enterprise and an assertion of the splendid character which in spite of these difficulties, they have again and again been able to demonstrate. The dignity, the courage, the self-possession, the respect of the Latin-American states, their achievements in the face of ail these adverse circumstances, deserve nothing but the admiration and applause of the world. They have had harder bargains driven with them in the matter of loans than any other people in the world. Interest has been exacted or them that was not exacted of anybody else, because the risk was said to be greater, and then securities were taken that destroyed the risks. An admirable arrangement for those who were forcing the terms. I rejoice in nothing so much as in the prospect that they will now be emancipated from these conditions, and we ought to be the first to take part in assisting in that emancipation. I think some of these gentlemen already who have had occasion to deal with the department of state in recent months can testify it has tried to serve them in that wise. In the future they will draw closer and closer to us because of circumstances of which I wish to speak, with moderation, and, I hope, without Indiscretion. Must Prove Friendship. "We must prove ourselves their friends and champions, upon terms of equality and honor. Tou cannot be friends UDon anv other terms than upon the terms of equality. You cannot be friends at all except upon the terms of honor, and we must show ourselves friends by comprehending their interest, whether it squares with ou.* interest or not. It Is a very perilous thing to determine the foreign policy of a nation in the terms of material interest. It not only Is unfair to those with whom you are dealing, but it is degrading on he part of your own actions. Comprehension me-t be the soil in which shall grow all the fruits of friendship; because there is a reason and a compulsion lying behind all this which Is dearer than anything else to the thoughtful men of America I mean the development of constitutional liberty in the world. Human rights, national integrity and against material interests. That, ladies and gentlemen, is the issue which we now have to face. Ta llfta Dress TarrilAm/ '1 want to take this occasion to say that the United States will never again seek one additional foot of territory by conquest She will devote herself to showing hat she knows how to make honorable and fruitful use of the territory she has. And she must regard It as one of the duties of friendship to see that from no quarter are material interests made superior to human Ub-* erty and national opportunity. I say this, not with a single thought that any one will gainsay it, but merely to fix in our consciousness what our real relationship with the rest of America Is. It is the relationship of a family of mankind devoted to the development of true constitutional liberty. We know that that is the soil out of which the best enterprise springs. We know that this Is a cause which we are making In common with them because we have had to make it for ourselves. National Problems. "Reference has been made here today .to some of the problems which confront us as a nation. What is the heart of all our national problems? Is it that we have seen the hand of material interest sometimes about to close upon our dearest interests and possessions? We have seen material interests threaten constitutional freedom in America. Therefore, we will now know how to sympathize with those in America who have to contend with that, not only within their borders, but from outside their borders also. I know what the response of the thought and heart of America will be to a programme like that, because America was created to realize a programme like that. This is not America because it has set up for a great population greater opportunities of material prosperity. America is a name which sounds in the ears of men every where as a synonym with individual liberty. I would rather belong to a poor nation that was free than to a rich nation that had ceased to be in love with liberty. No Danger of Povorty. "But we ahall not be poor If we love liberty, because the nation that loves liberty, truly sets every man free to do his best and be his best, and that means the release of all the splendid energies of a great people who think for themselves. A nation of employees cannot be free any more than a nation of employers can be. "So In emphasizing the points which must unite us In sympathy and In spiritual Interest with the Latin-American people, we are only emphasizing the points of our own life, and we should prove ourselves untrue to our own traditions If we proved ourselves untrue friends today. Do not think, therefore, gentlemen, that questions of the day are mere questions of policy and diplomacy. They are shot through with the principles of life. Day of Infinite Hope. "We dare not turn from tne principle that morality and not expediency is the thing that must guide us, and that we will never condone Inequity because It Is most convenient to do so. So It seems to me that this Is a day of Infinite hope of confidence In a future greater than the past has been. For 1 am afraid to believe that in spite of all the things that we wish to correct, the nineteenth century that now lies behind us has brought us a long stage toward the time when slowly ascending the tedious climb that leads to the final uplands, upon which we shall get the ultimate view of the beauties of mankind, we, nevertheless have breasted a considerable part of that climb and shall presently, it may be in a generation or two, come out upon those great heights where there shines unobstructed, the light of the justice of God." Ideal Match.?Pecunious Father?So you dare to say you are an Ideal match for my daughter? Impecunious Youth?I do, Indeed, sir! Pecunious Father?Why, you have never earned a dollar in your life. Impecunious Youth?NeLther has she. DRAWING THE BATTLE LINES Blease Leaden Gather for Coming Fray. AGAINST IESTUCTION OF rillAII Political Banquet in Columbia Wedneaday Night?Governor Declares for Unrestricted Primary, and is Neutral as Between Candidatee Who are His Friends?'Will Fight Rich, ard I. Manning. The overshadowing political confer ence of fair week, as would appear from the extended report published in the News and Courier of Thursday morning, was that held at the Jefferson hotel on Wednesday night, and made up of about two hundred representatives of the old Reform element from different parts of the state, now behind Governor Blease. The assembly' gathered at a banquet board, spread for the occasion, and eating and drinking and speechmaklng lasted from about 7 o'clock until midnight Gathered In the lobby of the hotel, writes Mr. Caldwell, were congressional candidates, candidates for governor and other public men. All manifested the keenest interest In the proceedings. There were speeches by Governor Blease, Senator John Lb McLaurin, Chas. Carroll Sims of Barnwell, Fred H. Domlnick, Attorney General Peoples, Sam J. Nlcholls, Olin Sawyer of Georgetown, Claude N. Sapp, of Lancaster, C. C. Wyche and others. Governor Blease was the centre of the enthusiasm, and all the speeches were in the nature of eulogies on or interpretations of the movement in the state of which he has become the leader. Fred H. DomMck acted as toastmaster, and in its introductory speech stirred the conference to a high pitch of enthusiasm which found expression in the demand that he run for governor as the leader of the dominant party; but he declined, saying that ne had already arranged to go to congress. Governor Blease urged attendance on the club meetings to secure control of the county and state conventions. He bitterly opposed any restriction of the primary, announcing that he would veto any legislation along this line, urged every white man to register, charged that fraud was committed in the last primary by the Jones people and that his majority over Jones was really 20,000; said a fund had been collected and used in that primary from corporations In trying; to help elect Jones, and said one man now running for governor bad gone around in h|s home town and took up a fund, and that he hoped "no Blease man would disgrace himself by voting for that man for governor,* saying lie Would fight him on the stump next summer. No name was mentioned, but It was easily understood that the reference was to Hon. Richard I. Manning. Governor Blease declared absolute neutrality as between all Bleasite candidates for governor and other offices; but said he would take the side of Bleaseltes whenever their opponents were anti-Blease. Mr. Chas. Carroll Sims made a hit with those present by declaring that Bleaseism means something higher and nobler than Tlllmanism. The state meat provoked prolonged applause. He warmed up to the subject and kept the crowd cheering all through his speech. He stated during the evening that he Intended to make the fight for the gubernatorial nomination. George R. Rembert, Esq., was unable to be present, but at the mention of his name there were enthusiastic cheers, showing that the sick man has many friends. Senator John L. McLaurln received careful and appreciative attention and won considerable applause. His speech, which was evidently carefully prepared beforehand, is the only speech of the evening that is printed in full. It was as follows: Hon. John L. McLaurin. "When a man applies for life insurance he is asked a string of questions about his ancestry. Hereditary tendencies are carefully noted for several generations, and the general average of the mortuary table is mathematically correct. Political Horodity. "This doctrine of heredity applied to grreat political movements makes what we call the history of the human race. "To comprehend Bleaselsm one must first understand Tillm&nlsm; It Is parent and child. Tlllmaniam is the daddy; Bleaselsm is the boy Just in long pants, finding out that he is a man and anxious to try his strength. "Back of the 'Shell Manifesto,' great forces gathering for generations, broke forth In the storm of the March convention of 1890. I am going to give you a brief review of the past, so that the younger men may understand the present. I believe I look at the situation without prejudice, with malice toward no man and that charity for others which I beg for my own shortcomings. "There has never been a time in the history of South Carolina when good policy, charity and tolerance were more needed than now. Only last year we came near 'the parting of the ways.' Let us be men, not afraid to look the situation squarely in the face. It goes deep into the domain of eternal justice between man and man. "Surely there is some way to provide safety to future generations by giving abiding relief from the bitter strife which is inevitable when class is arrayed against class. A Split in 1890. "There can be no doubt that ever since the March convention of 1890 we have had two political factions as diverse In views and more bitterly hostile than exists in other states between political parties. It dies down occasionally, and we have a colorless administration that settles nothing and satisfies no one. "What subtle hidden force, then fans the smouldering embers into the fierce flames that threatened last summer a permanent breach among our white people? "We had an actual split in 1890, and two tickets at the general election. It is folly to say that it was the personally of Tillman then or Blease now. The private life and habits of Tillman were atacked Just as viciously as Blease was last summer. Our campaign meetings were a series of riots and after we won in the primary a great convention was neia, ana us slogan was, 'B. R. Tillman shall never be governor of South Carolina.' I have lived to see Haskell and Tillman bury the hatchet, and the leaders of that movement rally around Tillman and vote for him last summer. The truth is that the movement behind both Blease and Tillman goes deeper than any man's personality. "We are also confronted with the phenomena that movements similar in character have occurred in every one of the old slave holding Btates. "It was not the personality of Marion Butler, in North Carolina; he was a weaker man intellectually and morally than either Tillman or Blease. 11 was not the master mind of Tom Watson, nor the dash and courage of Vardaman, In Mississippi, or Kolb, of Alabama. But these men like Tillman and Blease interpreted and gave expression to what was deep in the souls of the great plain people; they gave voice to their unuttered thoughts and in theii persons embodied hitherto dumb resentment at political and industrial conditions which had been the slow outgrowth of time. An Inheritance of the Past. "Before the war an oligarchy baaed on slavery dominated the political, social and industrial life of the states which I have named. South Carolina extended this into politics to a greater extent than the others, and the contest here has been longer and more bitter. "Under the system of representation for slaves the low country absolutely controlled the machinery of government In 1890 Charleston had two senators instead of one and double the representation to which she was entitled In the lower house. Is It a wonder that there was a kick In the upcountry, whose white population redeemed the state in 1876? "The large slave owners In ante-bellum days were the rulers and office holders, and the masses of the people were regarded as unfit to govern. There were two classes of white people as distinct as the Patrlcan and Pleblan orders of Rome. It was a generous, high-minded oligarchy. It gave the world brave men and virtuous women. In this day of greed and graft, it stands out sweet and clean, a civilization of noble Ideals. Its statesmen were men of high character and Intellectual force. It produced soldiers the like of which the world has never seen, but for all that it must be admitted that politically, it was an intolerant, uncompromising tyranny. Independence of thought and freedom of action was only permitted within the bounds set by the leadera The "poor whites,' as they were termed were not considered, and the middle class succumbed, overawed by these haughty slave-owning barons. "Feudalism amid 19th century civil lzation could not stand. "It was well said, 'South Carolina sneezed everytlme Mr. Calhoun took snuff.' "Nullification and the war were the Inevitable results of a condition wnere only one class in society had any power in shaping governmental policlea "Our constitution is designed to give each class and each Individual his proportionate power in government. Disaster followed them, and it will follow any movement which centres all power in any particular class. This cannot be made a rich man's government nor a poor man's government. It must give every man the same rights ana protect him in it A New Order of Things. 'The abolition of slavery was the destruction of this system. The rich and powerful of the old, became the poor and weak of the new. The shackles of caste were removed and the artificial distinction of class abrogated. Tre plain tanner (not the planter), the mechanic and laborer, claimed their given rights ana aenanuy entered the political arena. "This brought about an Irrepressible conflict between the reconstructed orders of society. For want of a better name the Issue was called after uie 'Leader' on one side or the other, TUlmanite and Haskell!te; Bleaslte and Jonesite. This must be true. What were the so-called issues in 1890? An agricultural college: \Vhat an absurdity. Why didn't the contest end with Clemson college? That was merely the battle cry for the moment, the flag around which we rallied. I well remember, when little more than a boy In my campaign for the legislature, the questions asked 'from the audience,' 'Air you In favor of the Clemson bequest?' 'Yes, sir, I Is In favor of the Clemson bequest.' 'Air you In favor of B. R. Tillman?' 'Yes, I Is In favor of B. R. Tillman.' 'Pass on, brother, you'll do,' then a great shout 'Hurrah for Tillman.' Neither side cared a cent for the 'Clemson bequest,' but way down underneath there was something In the souls of men that made them ready to die If need be. Fifty per cent didn't know what the 'Clemson bequest' was; It took the supreme court to And out. "The people were kept together dUrlmir nAnnafriintlnn hv thft InHttnfit Of race preservation. After 1876 the old time leaders resumed their sway and inaugurated the ante-bellum policy just as much as changed conditions would permit They were glorious leaders, too, in the red shirt daya nampton, Butler and Gary did their work well, and everybody was amply rewarded, except Gary, and we have en rewarding that family to the extent of our ability ever since 1890. However, the old-time supineness was gone. As early as 1880, rumblings of discontent on the part of the masses were heard. The cut and dried convention held the people down. In 1886 a back woodsman from Edgefield came as a delegate to a farmers' convention in Bennettsvllle. It so chanced he was assigned to me as a guest. The convention, like all other assemblages at-the time, was In the hands of the colonels and generals. The speech made by Capt. B. R. Tillman broke up the convention. I never saw a 3 i. M 16 l? A tkAV crowa g?l away iruui a LUnu unc U?; did. I became a Tlllmanlte on the spot, and with occasional lapses, I have been one ever since. I a"m a better one today than the man that made that speech. A better one than if I had spent eighteen years in the United States senate, surrounded by its luxury and seduced by sycophants and flatterers. Perhaps, I would not know my own child, because it was not dressed in silks and velvets. "The election of Tillman governor in 1890 was a general uprising of the masses against the classes, and present conditions in South Carolina are the culmination of that great social and political movement. The whole thing is the legitimate result of the evolutionary forces set in motion by the destruction of slavery. People formerly denied a living voice in government asserted themselves in 1890, and are reveling now in the plentitude of power. It met violent opposition in 1890, and there is now an effort on foot to take away the rights gained then. Revolutions never go backward. The people never give up a right once gained. The true remedy is an appeal to Justice, to the end that power may be wisely used. "We cannot have two political parties in South Carolina. We must settle all differences in a white man's * * tMAAno t V? o f OAAn. primary, a uivuiuu inco.no v*.au o?v? er or later a minority will appeal to the negro and when he holds the balance of power he will control the destiny of the state. "Based on alleged frauds In the last primary there Is an outcry, 'Reform the Primary.' It Is passing strange that this cry comes loudest from those who had complete control of the last election where frauds were impossible except by the connivance of their own appointees. "If a man has money and no moral scruples, no statutory enactment can prevent its use where there is a purchasable vote. We have stringent laws against bribery, why has no one been punished? "The man who ofTers the money and tempts the weak and ignorant is the real criminal. "Does primary reform mean exclusion only of the purchasable voter? Why not exclude those able to buy? The rule should work both ways. Our primary was loosely conducted last year, but I doubt if there were more irregularities than occur in any hotly contested election. "After 1876 we passed the eight-box law? This was a measure of doubtful constitutionality to get rid of a negro majority. Congress and the courts winked at it, because civilization was at stake. We lived until the constitution of 1895 with a powder mine un der our feet. The new constitution i safe-guards white supremacy in the only way it can be done, but It is only effective so long as the white people are united. A split is Just as dangerous now as in 1880; In fact, more so, for then the whole unwieldy, ignorant black mass had to be handled. I supi pose that there are now some 88,000 i registered negro votera They are in telligent, or they would not be regis' tered. Last year they would have turned the scale the other way. I "Now I wish to go on record as opposed to the burdensome constitutional restrictions designed to hold the negro down in the general election being used In the primary to hold the white people down. , "Another thing, I consider it danI ger to entrust the work of primary re iorm in me nana* 01 mose wau wuuiu begin on the basis of exclusion. 1 hate to say it. but you know that there Is a little coterie in this state who would like to exclude enough people from the primary to Insure their control. Why, my friends, I have heard of one man who said he would not decide whether he would be a candidate for office or not until he saw whether these constitutional restrictions were put into the primary. "Instead of exclusion, let onr policy lie participation. Let every white man in, and then see that he does not vote but one. "All of the political power in this state Is centered in the primary. Disfranchise a man there, and you rob him of all voice in government, both state and national. It Is the only protection the poor and weak hare against oppression. Take his vote away and the tenant or laborer is on the same basis as the negro. The man of property or education can protect himself without a vote, but the weak or Ignorant have no other weapon for defence. "With the right of suffrage abridged In the primary by property or educational restrictions, will follow as sure as night follows day, loss of servlce on June* and Justice in the courts. Deprive any race or any class of political power and financial oppression comes. "Talk about government man is more Important than government Man is older than state, and lives under a law more sacred than any written paper. "No government and surely no political power, can hope to live in these days and dare to nullify divine rights which antedate government itself. That is not democracy; it is despotism, which enables intelligence and power to oppress poverty and weakness. "What right has any one man to say that another shall not vote? It Is the same old fight, the masses seeking u wider voice in the affairs of government and a class who regard this as a menace to the common wealth. The people will win, as they have always won when aroused. Let me tell yon the great secret of Tillman's strength In 1890 and of Governor Blease today. They made privilege and power go hat in hand to poverty and weakness and beg Its vote, and privilege and power hated Tillman then as they hate Blease now." BETHEL IMPROVEMENT Meeting *t Free 8ilver 8oheol House ?Paper on th? Nood for Mon. Bethel, October 28.?The attendance on the meetln* of the Bethel Improvement association at Free Silver school house last Saturday, was not quite so large as on several previous meetings; but -still there was a good representation of members out Mr. H. E. Johnson. the vice president presided, and read the following paper on the "Need for Men." The way I see the need of our community, our county and our state Is the great need of men?not what are usually called men, as we see them? human beings wearing pants with a cigarette in its mouth, who If they die soon or live long, the community never knew they ever existed, so .far as anything they ever did for the better-ment of mankind is concerned. These IV l.l\v a OUUi U1D1 VfSVPViU* Jfc UV/ TIN*lsh away in life leaving nothing behind them. The world la no better by their existence In it Today we need men of Individuality?thinking and wording men. These make the community better by their Uvea and leave examples in the world behind them. We need men of principle who live by their principles and If need be, die for them. We need men whose word la their bond?men to lead in the community, In the county and in the state. We need them In the church, the Sunday school, in the office, in the store. In the shop, and more than any other place on the farm. Men to lead, not to wait on others. John Ploughman says, "A hard working young man with his wits about him, will make money, while others will do nothing but lose It Who loves his work and knows how to spare, may live and flourish anywhere." "As to a little trouble, who expects to And cherries without stones or roses without thorns? Who would win must learn to bear. Idleness lies In bed sick of the mulligrubs. Where Industry finds health and wealth. The dog In the kennel barks at the flies; the hunting dog does not know they are there. Laziness waits till the river is dry and never gets to market" The greatest need of the country today is men who are not for sale; honest to themselves, their Ood and counknari's />nrn n/hn u/(11 U/i UUC IV Mtv MCU* V D VV*V| "??v ?... condemn wrong in friend or foe, in themselves as well as others. Men who will stand for the right regardless of the opinions of others?men careful of God's honor?men sound from centre to circumference?men who are aa steady to their principles as the needle to the pole?men who are not for sale and who do not cater to the applause of the world. You need not be rich to be a man? men not too proud to be poor if paying for what they eat and wear, makes them poor?men willing to make a sacrifice for right and Justice?men who love their country and fellowmen. You can, If you try, be a man in any station in life. The main thing is a determination to be a man. With the help of God you can. You will reap the reward in the future. Your influence will live on after you are dead and gone to your reward. Your life and character will be held up to future generations as an example to fol lun, My advice to young men la to choose high ideals in life. Aim high, young man, You may not reach the goal, but you will be paid In full by living upon a higher plane, and benefitting your fellowman. Remember there la room at the top of the ladder and you have the opportunity to try for it and obtain it. The next meeting of the association la to be held at Bellevlew school housa on the second Saturday In November. Vi . t' *rT,' iV i.s. ' - A .s<*- ^"5*52 -