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ISSUED SEMI-WEEKLY. '
t m GRIST'S sons, Publisher,.} % 4amilB D sgapEt; i ^or th< promotion oK % JlolifiE.al, ?<nhtl, Sgrieullurat and Comiiurcial Jnfcrests of thi> geoplg. {
ESTABLISHED 1~~ YORKV1LLE, S. C~ TUESDAY, ATTGU8T 71," 191-2. NO. 63."
EDITORIAL COM!
Past Utterances of T
Forward For P
With a view to establishing as a
. fact a halucination under which it is
laboring to the effect that The Enquir?
er has changed its attitude in state
politics, the Rock Hill Record has published
a bunch of editorials that appeared
in The Enquirer two years ago.
Some of the matter relates directly to
our advocacy of Mr. Peatherstone, and
some of it was written without special
reference to Mr. Blease or Mr. Featherstone
either; but all of it is as good
now as it was then, and we take special
pleasure in reproducing it along
with several other clippings that will
M help to still further clarify the situation.
The Record's compilation follows:
"During the campaign of 1910, one
nniitii>a wjut careful
mieresicu iu
enough to preserve some political utterances
of the Yorkville Enquirer.
These clippings are published below,
and they are so at variance with the
present "fence-straddling" political
policy of the venerable county seat
paper as to make many wonder what
underlying principle effected such a
change in the editorial utterances of
that paper. There are people in this
county who would like to know the
^ reason for the change, but they will
probably be told that it is none of their
^ business.
In 1910 the Enquirer was fighting
Blease. In 1912 that paper refuses to
fight Blease?openly stating that It
can see nothing to justify a choice between
Jones and Blease. These 1910
*9 opinions are interesting and they are
reproduced herewith:
"The people who are inclined to be
hopeless over the proposition that
right and decency always win out in a
long run. are invited to take encouragement
from the result of the Tennessee
election yesterday. According
to the reports, Governor Patterson,
the man who pardoned Cooper, the
murderer of Carmack, after the supreme
court had affirmed his conviction,
was defeated with his machine
by 40,000 majority. Complete returns
may reduce this majority, but there is
no possibility that they will change de9
leat to victory. The tremendous significance
of this result is best appreciated
when it is remembered that
more than anything else. It furnishes
? of the irresistible power
an iiiuoiittwvi. w.
of outraged decency even over such an
. apparent impregnable obstacle as a
dominant and thoroughly entrenched
state Democratic organization. The
action of Patterson in pardoning Cooper
was a more contemptible crime than
was the crime of Cooper, and his effort
to defeat the supreme court justices,
because of the loyal manner in i
which they discharged their sacred
duty, was of a piece with it. The rem
suit of t^ie election furnishes occasion ,
for general gratification, but decent (
people everywhere will rejoice and
take new courage in the assurance
that right always wins, especially when
it gets a little help."?Yorkville Enquirer,
Friday, August 5, 1910.
"Middle-of-the-road politicians are
liable to get run over by automobiles." i
?Yorkville Enquirer, Tuesday, July
26. 1910. *
"The Tennessee case proves again
that the people are stronger than any
kind of a machine, when they are once
aroused by machine iniquities.
if "There is a class of people who hold
to the idea that the election of a man
under charges to public position is 1
equivalent to a vindication by a petit 1
Jury. We cannot believe that anybody
believes this; but there are people who
say they believe it. We've seen the
^ thing attempted time and fLgain, but
nothing is more silly. People who resort
to such means to vindicate their
friends only become particeps crimini8,
and honest men laugh at them."
?Yorkville Enquirer, Tuesday. September
13, 1910.
The following is from an editorial
of The Yorkville Enquirer of date Friday,
September 16, 1910: ,
^ Mr. Blease.
"As to how it may have come about
and all that, is of very little consequence,
for the important fact is that
Mr. Cole L. Blease is the choice of a
majority of the white people as between
the candidates who have offered.
and he is to be the next governor
* of South Carolina.
"It is very well understood that The !
Enquirer is not an admirer of Mr.
Blease, and readers of this paper know ;
the reason. His record as a public |
man has not been such as to invite our
approval. He has upheld things that
w think should be condemned, and '
his attitude on many questions has
ff been what we consider decidedly demagogic.
iVe have never said anything about 1
Mr. Blease, either in "criticism of his
public acts and utterances, or as a candidate
for office, that we did not believe
to be absolutely true and war%
ranted by the facts, and we have always
felt, and still feel, that if he
continues to pursue the career that is
indicated in his past record he is pretty
sure to bring about conditions that
are likely to prove embarrassing."
"The principal Issue in the gubernatorial
race is the best man for the
ft office, and the way to pick the best
w man is to consider what he stands for
and how he stands for it. Most people
are able to judge a man correctly
if sur>nlied with racts ana circumstances.
and in this situation facts and circumstances
are not wanting."?Yorkh
ville Enquirer, Friday, August 12,
1910.
"I tell you that either Cole L. Blease
will be governor of South Carolina or
a Prohibitionist will be." said Candidate
Blease in Columbia. We have
said more than once that Mr. Blease
is the smoothest politician in the lot.
Does this not prove it? It is a hit "below
the belt." it is true?square in the
belly?but what could he have said
better calculated to stir that Columbia
bunch??Yorkvllle Enquirer, Tuesday,
1^ August 9, 1910.
"With most politicians, party organization
is looked upon as a means of
governing the people. If the organization
stands for a thing they figure
+ it is all right because the people could
not help themselves. We have no
doubt that Cooper murdered Carmack
in the belief that having control of
the party organization he could defy
the law. We think that Patterson
pardoned Cooper along the same idea.
But the pardon of Cooper was really
a more contemptible and cowardly
crime than was the murder of Carmack.
No wonder the people of Tennessee
have been aroused."?Yorkville
Enquirer. Tuesday. August 9, 1910.
" 'By their fruits ye shall know
Mb them,' which Scriptural injunction
means to judge people by what they
are rather than by what they say they
are."?Yorkville Enquirer, Tuesday.
August 9, 1910 .
- They Are Working.
[The article under the above heading
is the one reproduced from the Columbia
Statt in the last issue of The
Enquirer and duly commented upon.]
ENTS IN REVIEW.
he Enquirer Brought j
resent Reading.
"We have seen it coming for years.
That is why we believed so firmly that
the second race for governor would be
between Messrs. Featherstone and
Blease. There is now in progress the
last decisive battle between those who
were opposed to the state dispensary
and those who would re-establish the
conditions for which the dispensary
stood. Those who were in sympathy
with the state dispensary and who endorsed
the conduct of its management
are for Mr. Blease. Those who are
opposed are for Mr. Featherstone.
The dispensary itself with all that
grew out of it, was not the disease itself;
but only a very pronounced symptom.
Upon the battle now pending
depends results far more farreaching
than were connected even with the
overthrow of the dispensary."?Yorkville
Enquirer, September 2, 1910.
Featherstone or Blease.
"As the result of the primary election
of last Tuesday, it is up to the
people of South Carolina to decide, on
Sontpmhpr 13. who will be their next
governor?Cole L. Blease of Newberry,
or C. C. Featherstone of Laurens.
"As we see it, it is not so much a
question of prohibition and local option
as it Is a question of men, for we
can hardly believe that under existing
conditions in this state any considerable
number of people have been worried
about the liquor question.
"The state now has county local option.
That is, every county has the
privilege of voting liquor in or out as
a majority sees proper. A majority of
the senate stands committed to the
maintenance of this condition, and it
is exceedingly doubtful as to whether
the house is any stronger for statewide
prohibition than it has been.
"Mr. Blease is a liquor man and Mr.
Featherstone is a Prohibitionist. The
one can be depended upon to exercise
all his influence hi behalf of rehabilitation
of the liquor traffic, and the other
can be depended upon to do all he
can to keep up the good work that
looks to the complete abolition of that
traffic.
"But, above everything else, the issue
is one of men, and according to our
view, the safest and best man is Mr.
C. C. Featherstone."?Editorial in
Yorkvllle Enquirer, Friday, September
2, 1910.
To the Real Point.
The foregoing completes the exhibit
as the same appeared in the Record.
and for fear the Record may not
have had access to all the clippings on
the subject, we subjoin the following,
which are included among numerous
others that may seem more or less
relevant:
This from The Yorkville Enquirer
of September 16, 1910, the Record
omitted from the editorial it reproduces
above under the caption of "Mr.
Blease."
"Mr. Blease."
That Mr. Blease is a man of very
considerable ability there is no question.
We have taken occasion to make
this statement more than once before,
and the truth of it is well borne out
by the record. The question is as to
whether he will employ his abilities in
the direction his past utterances have
indicated, or rather more in line with
ihe prevailing sentiment of the state.
If he has a really laudable ambition
to rise higher he will keep closer in
touch with the healthiest sentiment,
and he may make a much better chief
executive than many of us have heretofore
had reason to believe. This the
Enquirer sincerely hopes.
It is not our purpose to nag at Mr.
Blease or his administration. We
know that even if he is as bad as he
has been painted by his worst enemies
he is as good as many other public
men who enjoy the confidence and esteem
of the public, and we know also
that even if he comes up to the highest
standard of even the best of his
.ellows, he is still liable to make honest
mistakes. As the choice of the majority
of his fellow citizens, therefore,
he is entitled to fair and impartial
consideration, and so far as The Enquirer
is concerned, this he shall
have.
lYorkvllle Enquirer, July 22, 1910.]
The Columbia State is printing columns
to show that Mr. Featherstone
is inconsistent in that he once advocated
local option and no\f stands for i
state-wide prohibition. We are not
very much impressed by the State's
arguments, and we don't think the <
&tate is either. We rather see in the
situation that the State realizes full
well that Mr. Featherstone is the real
anti-liquor candidate, and the man
who must be licked out of the second
primary to give the other fellows a
show. Our contemporary's position is
a little bit embarrassing to itself
though. It knows full well that Mr.
Featherstone is a very able man of
high purposes, and that he is in no
sense a crank. It would much prefer
to see him in the governor's chair than
Mr. Blease, for instance, and for that
reason it is Just a little hampered. But
there is nothing inconsistent in Mr.
Featherstone's political record. He
nas understood all along that states
^iiu counties partake in large measure
of the same characteristics as individuals.
When the state was sodden with
dispensary liquor, he understood how
absurd it would be to appeal to it as a
whole to come back to decency. He
knew that there was no way to get attention
except by appealing to the in
*-? oto r\rl f a*? tKo rio'hi
U1 VIII UcLl ujuuura iv oiauu iw? n?v *.0..v
of having to say whether they should
have prohibition or continue in the
way they were going. The idea won
after a long fight. But just as an individual
who has once been addicted
to the use of liquor, reforms and goes
back to drink, so counties and states
are liable to the same danger. The
state is now prohibition with the exception
of six large counties. There is
still a large minority of liquor people
in each of the dry counties. Mr. Featherstone
understands very well that if
things are allowed to continue as they
are. with the majority sentiment lulled
to sleep maybe in the fancied security
of better conditions, there is danger
that the element which looks to
the dispensary for political prestige,
may again ride to power on the still
gnawing appetites that once guaranteed
their supremacy. The only safe
thing, he understands full well, is to
outlaw liquor entirely in every county
and to make the return of the legal
sale of liquor impossible, except on a
majority vote of the people of the
state. The Columbia State is for local
option on exactly the same principle
that Mr. Featherstone was for local
option, except that it wants a different
thing. Mr. Featherstone has always
been for prohibition, and is for prohibition
now. The Columbia State has
always been for liquor and is for liquor
now. The Columbia State wants
local option in Richland, because it
knows that local option will ensure the
sale of liquor in Columbia. If it
thought local option would drive liquor
out of Columbia, it would be opposed
to local option. Mr. Featherstone
stood for local option as a means of
driving liquor out of a great many
counties that could not get rid of it in
any other way. ami if he had not believed
that local option would have
had just the result it did have, he
would not have stood for it. He feels
now that all but thirty-six counties are
right and he wants to make them all
right. He is really not worried so
much about the six, as he is about the
thirty-six. He is afraid that the law
which has served to run whisky Into
such a close quarter, may eventually
work backward and put whisky In the
ascendancy again. But the Columbia
State understands all this as well as
Mr. Featherstone does, and while we
are willing to admit that both are
fighting for a principle, we are not
willing to admit that local option Is
involved in that principle in the slightest,
except as means to an end. The
Columbia State is fighting to uphold
the liquor business, and Mr. Featherstone
is fighting to put it down.
[Yorkvllle Enquirer, August 9, 1910.]
Twist it and turn it as you please, as
between Messrs. Featherstone and McLeod;
but there is no question of the
fact that while Mr. Featherstone was
fighting the old state dispensary abomination
with all the power he could
bring to bear, Mr. McLeod stood for
this same dispensary abomination as
the best solution of the liquor question.
Ana ai mai urae everyooay anew now
rotten the dispensary abomination was.
They knew virtually as much about it
then as they do now.
[Yorkville Enquirer, August 9, 1910.]
An Incident of 1898.
In view of the timeliness of such information
Just now, we have been taking
the trouble to look up the record
of the campaign of 1898, in which Mr.
C. C. Featherstone came within about
four thousand five hundred votes of
being elected governor, and we have
come across some facts that are well
worth the consideration of those who
were too young to appreciate them at
the time of their occurrence or who
may have forgotten them.
The candidates that year were: W.
H. Ellerbe. R. B. Watson, George D.
Tillman, E. L. Archer, G. Walt Whitman,
O. L. Schumpert and C. C. Featherstone,
all for the dispensary as "the
best solution of the liquor question,"
except Mr. Featherstone, who stood for
straight-out prohibition.
The state dispensary was at that
time at the zenith of its power. The
people of the state knew it was rotten
to the core; but factional politics was
still running strong, and the shrewd
manipulators who were literally swimming
in graft, were still able to pull
the wool over the eyes of the honest,
but misguided thousands who kept
them in the saddle.
The Columbia State, established for
the purpose of opposing Tillman and
Tlllmanism had, after a bitter fight of
eight years, lost out financially until it
had become a question one day as to
whether it would make its appearance
the next, and had drifted into a kind
of administration ofgan. It had become
very friendly to Governor Ellerbe,
more so than it had been to any
previous governor, and during the first
part of the campaign on up until a few
days before the first primary, conducted
itself in a way to leave doubt as to
just where it stood, although the common
presumption was that It was
snippirfg for Ellerbe.
In the issue of The Enquirer for August
27, 1898, just three days before
the first primary, we find the following,
which explains itself:
The Columbia State has come out
openly for" Governor Ellerbe and all
the other papers are saying, "I tcld
you so."
In the first primary election there
was cast a total of 77,793 votes, of
which Ellerbe received 30,101, and
Featherstone 17,882. The remaining
29,871 votes went to the other candidates.
A few days before the second primary,
the Columbia State made a
strong, personal appeal to the voters
to support Mr. Ellerbe. There were no
arguments in the appeal and no reasons.
It was put on the ground that
the state had absolute assurance that
this was the best thing to be done under
the circumstances. It vehemently
begged its friends to have confidence
in it, and promised to explain the
whole matter to their satisfaction later
on.
In the election immediately following.
the vote stood 37,723 for Ellerbe,
and 33,271 for Featherstone, a majority
of 4,452 for Ellerbe.
As soon as results became known, the
State began to brag of Its achievement,
taking entire credit for the whole
thing; but did not yet give the people,
whose votes it may have influenced,
any intimation as to what they were
voting for.
.Of course the thing leaked out, probably
in private conversation, for in the
issue of The Enquirer of September 21,
1898, we find the following: .
"It is still being maintained as a fact
that in order to secure the support of
certain elements in the second primary,
Governor Ellerbe pledged himself
to recommend a local option bill to
the general assembly. The Columbia
Record claims that this fact can be
sustained by affidavits, and says that
although it has no proof, it lias reason
to believe that the governor committed
his pledge to writing. The thing is interesting
and we will watch for further
developments.."
There were no further developments
until the convening of the general assembly
in the following January, when
Governor Ellerbe sent in a mesage
upholding the state dispensary and
containing recommendations that were
intended to still more securely faster
that institution on the poor whisky
ridden state.
The Columbia State now came out
in an editorial setting forth how
its ante-election appeal had been made,
because of a written pledge from Ellerbe,
to the effect that he would recommend
a local option law to the legislature,
and bitterly denouncing the
governor as a liar, totally unworthy of
public confidence. In conclusion the
State humbly resigned itself to the
jibes and jeers of friends and foes
alike; but promised that it would never
be caught in the same trap again.
Governor Ellerbe died a short time
after that, and many people believed
that his death was hastened by this reproachful
incident.
The State was also severely criticised
because of the incident. There
were those who held that not only was
the secret trade wrong on its face;
but in its appeal to people generally to
vote for Ellerbe on its promise to explain
the matter to their satisfaction,
it deceived many of its loyal friends,
and supporters who were not willing
to support eitner tne aispensary ur local
option; but who were brought to
hesitation about Featherstone on the
assumption that possibly the State had
some good reason other than politics
why he should not be elected governor.
The plain truth about the whole business
is, that it was a bunco game on
the part of both Ellerbe and the Columbia
State, and without much prejudice
to either party, Prohibitionists
were rather inclined to rejoice at the
State's discomfiture.
fYorkvllle Enquirer, August 18, 1911.]
"The Next Campaign."
As we said at the time, that was an
able and interesting editorial that we
recently reproduced from the News
and Courier under the caption of
"Wanted: A Leader." There was
much depth and breadth in it throughout.
and we approved it most heartily;
but we are not In such close accord
with our esteemed contemporary and
very dear friend as to the second Installment
republished elsewhere under
the heading of "The Next Campaign,"
because this last deliverance looks too
much as if its purpose were, "Wanted:
Our Leader."
The Enquirer is profoundly impressed
with the fact that if this state needs
one thing more than another, it is a
strong, able, capable political leader;
but when we say "leader," leader Is
what we mean. The situation is not to
be improved in the least by the mere
finding of a time serving politician,
who might be able to combine enough
of the present contending elements to
control the situation on a basis of satisfying
each faction with such recognition
in the matter of office, honor,
distinction, influence, pull, etc., as it
thinks it should have. By a leader we
mean a man who stands for the hon
est, just and impartial enforcement of
an ine laws, and whose character and
record are a guarantee that none but
jusc and wholesome laws will have his
approvul and support.
when the News and Courier refers
to us as "such a sensible and influential
newspaper," of course it puffs us
ail up to an extent almost sufficient
to make us feel that we have the politics
oi the state in a sling, and softens
us down to the point where we begin
to consider the matter of ordering
tnings as it desires; but after having
nau a little time to get back on earth
again, and to realize that we "couldn't
it we would," we are confronted with
memories of facts and circumstances
which seem to suggest serious doubts
as to whether it would be right to pursue
the policy suggested "if we could."
cue inquirer was not among the
papers that sought to emphasize promtmion
in the late campaign. On the
contrary it recognized from the beginning
that the personal characters and
records of the respective candidates
was the all important question, and it
tried to convince the News and Courier
and the Columbia State of this fact at
the very outset, but they would not
have it so. They persisted in talking I
as if local option were a real Issue, and |
ihey failed to see even arter rne .inquirer
had told them virtually in so
many words that if Mr. Featherstone
was not the next governor of South
Carolina, then it would be Mr. Blease.
It these newspapers had recognized
this fact from the beginning and had
bent their efforts to impressing upon
the people what they themselves felt
of Mr. Featherstone's personal fitness,
instead of trying to make it appear
that in the event of the election of Mr.
Featherstone, somebody's unborn
grandchild would some day die of colic,
because Mr. Featherstone would not
permit it to have a few drops of whisky
to dissolve asafetida in, Mr. Featherstone
would have been elected.
We have more than once cited evidence
to prove that Mr. Featherstone
is more of a patriot and a statesman
than he is a politician. We believe it
was only because Mr. Featherstone
had the patriotism to step aside in
1908, and let Ansel have the right of
way that the overthrow of the old
stale dispensary became possible. Mr.
Featherstone could not have been
elected; but he had beem a small, narrow
man such as many of the McLeodites
and Richardites as voted against
him profess to fear he is, he would
have stood in the way and let everything
go to ruin.
The greatest issue this state has
known since 1876 was that involving
the overthrow of the old state dispensary
and surely the News and Courier
is not going to ask people who worked
so hard in that fight to get behind men
like McLeod, Richards, or even Manning,
who stood by the dispensary to
the last ditch, and in doing so desert
and betray a man like Featherstone
who was one of the original leaders in
the fight and who continued to the
end.
In considering the whole question,
especially from the standpoint of the
News and Courier, we are again reminded
of the old story of the Indian
and the white man when they undertook
to divide their game on returning
from a hunt. The white man said
to the Indian: "You take the buzzard
and I'll take the turkey, or I'll take the
turkey and you take the buzzard." As
the Indian said to the white man, so
say we to our anti-Blease liquor
friends: "You never said turkey to us
nary time."
No doubt the refusal of Prohibitionists
to join with the anti-Blease liquor
men in the election of a liquor governor
other than Mr. Blease is very
pleasing to Mr. Blease: but we have an
idea that it is no less pleasing to Mr.
Blease that his enemies are unwilling
to join with the Prohibitionists. In
fact the situation vividly reminds us
of what Mr. Blease said to the people
of Columbia from the Capitol steps in
August last. It was this: "I tell you
that either Cole L. Blease will be governor
of South Carolina or a Prohibitionist
will be."
As to whether Mr. Featherstone has
the slightest idea of ever being a can
dldate again, we ao noi Know; dui we
beg leave to assure the News and
Courier that Mr. Featherstone is considerably
more than a mere Prohibitionist.
He is an honest, earnest, able
patriot, and if elected governor of
South Carolina will reflect much credit
upon the ?tate. If the antl-Blease local
option people will go to him and
assure him of their support even as he
and those who think as he does assured
their support to Ansel in 1908,
maybe he could be induced to take the
field again. If not, possibly Charles A.
Smith would be willing to carry the
flag. If both of these decline, then the
field will be found to be growing very
narrow, because in view of all that has
taken place up to this time, most whisky
men look alike to the Prohibitionists,
just as all Prohibitionists seem to
look alike to the whisky men.
OIL IN RUSSIA.
Great Geysers Constitute Source of
National Wealth.
No other district in the world can
compare in yield with the great oil
fields of Russia on the western shores
of the Caspian sea. Baku is a city
founded upon oil, for to 4ts inexhaustible
founts of naphtha it owes it very
existence, its maintenance, its prosperity.
The flowing treasure that wells
up from the hidden depths of its subterranean
reservoirs brings occupation
to thousands, wealth to tens of thousands
and light and heat to millions.
At present Baku produces one-fifth of
the oil that is used in the world, and
the immense output in crude petroleum
from this single city far surpasses
that in any other district where oil is
found.
Oil is in the air one breathes, in
one's nostrils, in one's eyes, in the water
of the morning bath (though not
in the drinking water for that is
brought in bottles from distant mineral
springs), on one's starched linen.
The very dust of the streets is impregnated
by the petroleum with which
they are sprinkled; the soil of the
home garden is charged with oil, and
if flowers are really to thrive, it is
said that earth must be imported from
Lankuran, further down on the Caspian.
The busy wheels of commerce
that roll out from Baku are lubricated
with the native product; the engines
and steamers are propelled by it; the
UUIiei S Ul IUC fel CUi |/ciiuiruiii VW...
panies are filled b ylt, and the bourse
of the city's exchequer Is governed by
its rise and fall.
On entering the fields one becomes
lost amid a maze of towering derricks,
erected over the wells to operate
them. These pyramidic'al wooden
structures are covered with gypsolite
or iron plating as a protection against
fire. The shafts of the wells are often
sunk 1,500 or 2,000 feet to strike the
oil. Metal tubes, from 6 to 12 inches
in diameter, are inserted in the bores
so as to serve as pipes through which
the precious liquid may spring up or
be drawn to the surface by a metallic
bucket, the "bailer," ready to pass in
iron conduits to the refinery in Black
Town and become one of the richest
articles of commerce.
There are over 2,000 of these wells
in the Apsheron (Absharan) peninsular.
on which Baku stands, and one
can hardly conceive of the activity implied
in this wilderness of truncated
pyramids, each in itself a source of
revenue that is a fortune. The stupendous
figures of the annual yield
from these fields is almost staggering.
It runs up into the many millions of
"poods," a pood being approximately
five American gallons. Sometimes the
borings strike "fountains," and then a
tremendous "spouter" is the result,
belching up its concealed contents
with the force of a geyser, and perhaps
bringing ruin instead of fortune
to its owner unless the giant can be
speedily throttled and gagged.?Exchange.
piscfllanrous Jtcaditij).
THE "FALL ARMY WORM."
How to Control Pest Now Ravaging
Many Fields.
A description of the "Fall Army
Worm," which Is now ravaging the
fields of many South Carolina farmers,
and methods checking the Inroads of
this pest Is given in the article, printed
below, prepared by Mr. E. A. McGregor,
of the United States bureau of
entomology, with headquarters at
Batesburg. The article follows:
At the present time there is abroad
In our fields a pest which Is causing
much alarm and wonder among planters.
It parades under several names,
but its true common name Is the "fall
army worm" and Its scientific name is
Laphygma frugiperda. In appearance
It is easily confused with the "cotton
leaf worm," which visited the cotton
belt last fall, and which so completely
aerouatea tne cotton neias at tnat time.
The present pest Is likewise thought by
many laymen to be the genuine "army
worm," which is also not true. It is a
curious fact that though these three
caterpillar pests resemble one another
a great deal, they are very different in
their diet habits, as follows: The "cotton
leaf worm" eats only cotton leaves;
the genuine "army worm" eats anything
that grows; the "fall army worm"
?the pest which abounds at present?
prefers wild grass, corn, sorghum and
millet, but apparently cares little at all
for cotton! These facts should help to
clear the reader's mind in reference to
these much confused pests and enable
him to distinguish between them.
In this vicinity the "fall army worm"
flr$t became noticeable this season
about the middle of July. A severe occurrence
was reported from Anderson
county, which was immediately investigated.
A visit to fields about Anderson
revealed its presence in considerable
abundance in corn fields on low
bottom lands. The worms had first attacked
the crab-grass, and when this
was devoured they began their attack
upon the young corn. The feeding
takes place near the bud, where the
blades are tenderest, and as the leaves
unfold they are badly ragged and
shredded. If the pest is given time it
will devour the young corn almost to
the ground. Apparently the reason that
Jnfestation occurs mainly in bottom
lands is, viz., that in such fields planting
was necessarily late so tnat at the
time of the arrival of the caterpillars
such corn was young and very tempting.
As the stalks become taller and
tougher the worms desert them in
search of greener food, but by that
time the stalk has suffered so severely
that in most cases it will die. No severe
damage has yet been reported in
corn shoulder-high, while mature com
seems absolutely immune to the pest.
This is the first season that the "fall
army worm" has been known to be
really threatening to a field crop. Naturally,
therefore, neither the planter or
the entomologist has before been "up
against" the precise situation which
confronts the farmer at the present
time. On the other hand, the planter
need not be too greatly alarmed since
he has it entirely within his power to
control?if not completely eradicate?
this pest upon his lands. Every man's
nrnhlam hnoomno hlfl nwn flnfl nflW is i
the time to act
In order to check or to control the
ravages of the "fall army worm" the
use of arsenical poisons must be resorted
to. This poison may be employed
In several forms and applied In various
manners. Arsenate of lead is
preferable since It does not injure the
foliage and adheres better to the surface.
It may be applied either as a
dry powder or as a liquid spray. Paris
green Is Just as effective but must be
applied with greater care lest it burn
the leaves. If Paris green is to be used
wet it must be mixed with an equal
amount of lime and diluted at the rate
of 1 pound of poison to 150 gallons of
water. Furthermore, this solution must
constantly be stirred and aggitated to
keep it from settling or otherwise the
liquid taken from the top of the receptacle
will be too weak and that from
the bottom much too strong.
If possible to obtain it, arsenate of
lead should be used since it will adhere
longer and Is not injurious to the
plants. In using arsenate of lead it
should be mixed at the rate of five
pounds to 100 gallons and may be applied
by means of a spray pump, or,
If a pump is not at hand, the solution
may be sprinkled on by means of a
flower sprinkler or shaken on by a
whisk broom.
Probably the easiest and quickest
method of poisoning the "fall army
worm" is the so-called pole method.)
This method Is used commonly against
the "cotton leaf worm" with perfect
success, and will be Just as effective
against the present pest. The following
description of the pole-and-bag
method will enable anyone to treat his
field with little trouble and small expense.
A pole is taken long enough to
awa nrnn rnm fn fVlo TlfiYt
At each end Is fastened a bag of porus
cloth with a bottom one foot wide and
holding about one-half peck. These are
filled either with dry Paris green, dry
London purple or powdered arsenate of
lead and the apparatus is carried on
horse back, through the fields, dusting
two rows at once. The shakingcaused
by the motion of the ar.imal going at a
brisk walk or at a trot is sufficient to
dust the plants thoroughly. The application,
should if possible be made in
early morning or late evening, ^when
the dew will cause the poison to adhere
better to the foliage. From one to
two pounds are required to the acre,
and from ten to twenty acres are covered
in a day.
In cases where the "fall army worm"
is at work in fields which are soon to
be cut for fodder, it is not always advisable
to apply poisons directly to
the crop. In such cases the use of
poisoned ,fbait" is to be strongly
recommended. In preparing such "bait,*
chop into small bits either grass, corn,
cane or anything of this nature and
stir into it Paris green at the rate of one
pound of the poison to fifty pounds of
the chopped "bait." It may also be
sweetened to good advantage with sugar
or molasses. Place a big tablespoonful
of this mixture at near intervals
about the field, placing lightly
over eacii a small board or shingle to
keep from dying too soon.
The necessity of prompt action at
this time by the farmers cannot be too
strongly urged. Many of the caterpillars
are preparing to form their coccoons.
Out of these coccoons will come
the adult moths which soon will be flying
about laying their eggs by the millions.
It is easy to see, then, the urgent
necessity of destroying the worms
before they can become moths. In this
way "a stitch in time" will save not
1 nine but thousands!
' Take time to read carefully the facta
contained in this notice. Decide which
method you prefer to use in your particular
case. Then get busy?not soon
?but now.
WORKMAN IN8URANCE ACT.
Unfriendly Review of England's Great
Experiment.
On a certain day two weeks ago the
15,000,000 wage earners of England
were expected to devote that day to
capering about In ecstacy, flinging their
caps in the air, building huge bonfires
in celebration and otherwise display
ing the fact that they were ravished
with delight. The day was July 15,
named "Joy Day" by a benevolently
smiling government. Th? occasion for
the hilarity on the part of the 15,000,000
Britishers was the fact that the
national Insurance act had gone into
effect on that day.
But when July 15 dawned a man
with a magnifying glass would have
had hard work to find any traces of the
expected celebration. Not a caper was
capered, not a bonfire bonned. No Joy
on "Joy Day" as scheduled. And the
reason for the embarrassing silence
was that out of the 45,000,000 Inhabitants
of the United lUngdom not a
dozen persons really knew what the
national Insurance act was all about,
nor what It really meant.
As a matter of fact the national Insurance
act is undoubtedly the most
complicated and intricate piece of legislation
undertaken by any modern
government. It is also the most daring
and ambitious. The following paragraph
can give only the barest outline
of the most important provisions. The
enterprise has two main branches:
First, to provide medicines and medical
attendance free of cost to every
workingman or worklngwoman who
falls sick in all Great Britain. The
capitalized value of all the reserves
which must be provided to carry out
this service is estimated to be $335,000,000!
Yet there will be no taint of
pauperization connected with the
scheme; for not a single person will be
aided -who does not in some degree,
commensurate with his means, contribute
to the fund.
Second, to provide employment for
those out of work.
This "stupendous attempt to promote
the health of the English people" will
aid any employed person whose income
does not exceed $800- a year. The enormous
amount neceesary for its operation
will be obtained from three
sources: the government, the workman
himself and his employer.
The proportionate share of the contributing
parties varies. In general,
for male laborers it is provided that
the state shall pay four cents a week,
the laborer himself eight cents and his
employer six cents, a total of $9.36 a
year. In the case of women the state
pays four cents, the laborer six cents
and her employer six cents?$8.32 a
year. However, in case the daily wage
of a laborer does not exceed thirty
cents, he is not required to pay anything;.
the state paying six cents and
the employer twelve cents weekly.
In every case the duty of seeing that
the contributions are paid rests upon
the employer. He is held responsible
not only for his own share, but that of
his employee. He is therefore permitted
to hold out his employee's share
from his wages, provided he does so
immediately.
Every person regularly employed
whose annual wage does not exceed
$800 must, according to the national insurance
act, be insured, no matter
what the character of his employment
ilia; ue uauuiaii ui ucig;nian.
Each insured person may receive a
weekly sum of $2.40?$1.80 in the case
of women?beginning' on the fourth
day of his illness and continuing for
twenty-six weeks. In case of illness for
a longer period, $1.20 a week shall be
paid throughout the period of illness,
either for man or woman. But before
either of these stipends can be collected
it is necessary for the laborer to
have paid his weekly dues for a period
of twenty-six weeks for the $2.40 stipend
or 104 weeks for the $1.20 a week.
This, it should be understood, is in addition
to the free medicines and free
medical attention to be rendered, and
is designed to aid the sick person or
his family while he Is sick or out of
employment.
Not only is an insured person entitled
to free medicine, free medical attention,
and, after the stated period, a
weekly benefit in cash, but, should he
contract tuberculosis or any equally
grave disease, he is entitled to free
treatment in a sanitorium throughout
the remainder of his life.
An insured married woman, or the
wife of a man who is insured is to receive
a maternity benefit of $7.20 at
the time of confinement. The married
woman who is herself Insured receives
this sum in addition to the usual rate
paid weekly to insured women during
sickness. The intention is to provide
with it the services of a competent
physician or midwife.
These are some of the main provisions
of Part I of the oct. Part II is
taken up with a scheme of compulsory
insurance against unemployment in
the following seven trades?building,
construction of works, shipbuilding,
mechanical engineering, iron-founding,
construction of vehicles, saw-milling.
It is estimated that some 2,400,000
work-people of 18 years and upward
will come within its provisions at the
outset. Deserving workmen will be paid
$1.75 a week while unemployed, up to
a maximum of fifteen weeks in any
twelve months, and will be aided in obtaining
employment. A beneficiary
must have been employed In one of
the seven trades for a period of at least
twenty-six weeks during the preceding
five years; must be capable of work
and unable to get it; and must not
have exhausted his right to benefit.
A phase of the endless discussion
aroused by the act is the furious indignation
of householders over the Inclusion
of domestic servants in its provisions.?New
York Sun.
Senator Tillman's Definition of Progressive.?On
being asked the other
day to define the term Progressive,
Senator Tillman did so as follows:
'"When I came to Washington, eighteen
years ago, I was heralded and
hounded as "the wild man from Borneo,"
a kind of Anarchist who was too
radical and ultra to have any one pay
serious attention to him. Those who
denounced me thus have since caught
up and passed me in the race of political
life, and I am now classed as a reactionary
and I feel sometimes that I
am holding the country by the tail to
keep it from going to the devil; but I
have not changed at all. I am still the
same man with the same ideas I held
originally.
"My definition of a Progressive, then,
would be one who really believes in a
'government of the people, by the people,
and for the people,' and whose religion
is that there shall be in America
"equality of opportunity and equality
of burden' and 'equal rights to all and
special privileges to none.' In other
words, a real Democrat according to
the ideas of Thomas Jefferson, and not
a hypocrite, or liar, or Socialist, or
'bull moose.'"
? M. L. Smith, who Is a candidate
for re-election to the house of reprej
sentatlves from Kershaw county, declines
to express himself as between
Blease and Jones, saying he is running
on his record. At the county campaign
meeting at Kershaw Wednesday, some
people called Smith a Bleaselte and
others a Jonesite; but he paid no attention
to either.
THE QUESTION OF TICKET8.
Some Interesting Correspondence Between
Governor and Chairman of
Executive Committee.
Governor Blease Is afraid that there
Is going to be an effort to count him
out under a plan that leaves all the
.tickets in the hands of the opposition,
and is seeking the right to have a lot
of tickets of his own. The following
explains the situation as far as it has
developed:
Governor Writes to Evans.
"August 2, 1912.
"John Gary Evans, Esq., Chairman,
State Democratic Executive Committee,
Spartanburg. S. C.,?Dear Sir:
It is common rumor, which has been
told to me and written to me, from
different parts of the state, that
there is going to be a scarcity of state
tickets, caused by my enemies at the
cotton mill preclncta, at the country
boxes and at such places as they And
that I am particularly strong?the
purpose being to keep the Blease men
from casting their ballots.
"In order to meet any such emergency,
Mr. Dominlck addressed a letter
to Secretary Benet, which reads as
follows:
"'July 25, 1912.
" 'Christie Benet, Esq., Secretary,
State Executive Committee, Columbia,
O. V^. L/Cttl Oil . AO JTUU HO|/o ?V"
call, from the public prints, two years
ago there was a scarcity of state tickets
at several of the boxes in the state
in the first primary election, which
forced me to order an additional quantity
from Gen. Jones for the use of
myself in Governor Bleaae's campaign.
" 'In order to provide against any
such contingency this time I will be
glad if you will furnish me 26,000
tickets, together with bill for same.
" 'Please let me know if same will
be furnished and when I may expect
them. Yours very truly,
" 'Signed) Fred H. Domlnlck.'
"And has this day received the following
reply:
"'August 1, 1912.
" 'Fred H. Dominlck, Esq., care
Governor's office:
" 'State House,
" 'Columbia, S. C.
" 'Dear Sir:?
" 'In regard to your request for
tickets for Governor Blease's use in
the first primary, I beg to say that I
am instructed by the chairman of the
Democratic executive committee *to
state that the committee is only authorized
to furnish tickets to the
county chairman, and, therefore, cannot
furnish any candidate with any
number of tickets. You, of course,
know that no tickets can be used or
counted except those that are issued
by the Democratic executive committee.
" 'Regretting that I cannot comply
with your request, I am,
Yours very truly,
" '(Signed) Christie Benet,
" 'Sec. State Dem. Ex. Com.'
Makes Personal Request
"Gen. Jones, when state chairman,
has heretofore allowed us tickets as
requested and I now personally request
that you furnish me twentyfive
(25,000) thousand extra tickets,
which I will pay for out of my individual
pocket
"If you decline this request, I shall
be forced to believe the reports that
there will be an effort made to keep
my friends from having a sufficient
number of tickets with which to cast
their ballots.
"This letter and your reply will be
printed in the public press in order
that the people may see how far and
how low and contemptible certain
methods are being carried, in order
to deprive the people of the right to
vote and deprive me of the ballots
which they wish to cast for me, and to
put my friends on notice so that if it
is attempted to deprive them of their
right to participate in the primary,
they will know by whom it is done.
Reports of Counting Him Out.
"It is also being publicly talked that
if I cannot be beaten, I will be counted
out, and I have seen no denial from
you or no statement asking that the
couniy cnairmen, mom 01 wnum ure
under your control and my political
enemies, give me representation on
each board of managers, which they
will have the power to appoint
throughout the state. This is a courtesy
which the Republican and Democratic
parties ,ln close states, grant to
each other, and surely In a Democratic
primary in South Carolina it
should be granted to me.
"I know of your bitterness towards
me and I do not make this request of
you individually, but as state chairman.
"Please give me an immediate reply
as to whether you will furnish me the
extra tickets and request the respective
county chairmen to allow my
friends representation on the boards
of managers.
Very respectfully,
"(Signed) Cole L. Blease."
GUARDING GOLD AT 8EA.
How Ocsan Linsrs Carry Enormous
Sums in Absolut* Safaty.
The natural assumption would be
that in the safeguarding of the treasure
which the various countries are constantly
sending one another by the
big ocean liners there would be required
the vigilance of many men.
{This, however, is not generally the
case, since, once the gold is stored
away in the rooms set apart for that
purpose on the big ships and the vessel
is well out to sea, no armed guards
are necessary.
Taking the specific case of one liner
sailing under the British flag, we find
that it has two strong rooms, the
smaller of the two being in close
proximity to the captain's office. This
one compartment has no doubt sheltered
gold enough to pay the cost of
the liner many times over. The walls,
the roof and the celling are lined
with two-inch steel plate, and the
room contains nothing in the way of
fixtures save shelving. The locks,
which are of the double variety, are
still more secure by steel hasps cover
ing the keyholes, and they are provided
with massive padlocks. The
strong rooms, being in the most frequented
portion of the vessel, where
persons are passing them at all hours
of the day and night, thus receive the
best protection after all. There are
two sets of keys, one of which is retained
by the agent in charge of the
consignment of gold and the other of
which remains with the captain.
In the case of the British vessel mentioned
there is another and larger
specie room, situated next to the provision
department. This is about
twelve feet In length by four in width.
It frequently happens that both rooms
are filled to their utmost capacity, and
on one occasion this liner carried
some J60,000,000 in gold bullion,,
packed in small kegs bound with steel
hoops.
Gold usually is brought to the vessel
on which It is to be shipped the day
before the date of sailing, and it Is
stored away carefully before passengers
embark. It arrives at the pier
in ordinary trucks, under the guard
of armed men. The customary method
of getting the gold on board is
to haul the kegs up an inclined chute
to the deck by means of a hoisting
engine, but this method Is not followed
invariably. Sometimes each keg
is placed in a sling and carried on
board by men detailed for this service.
The receipt given by the steamship
company sets forth that so many kegs
have been received for shipment, not
for any stated amount of gold to the
value of so much. The kegs bear the
government seal in many instances,
and in such cases, when they have
been safely put in the strong room, the
iron doors thereof are sealed with
government wax, the impression being
broken only when the official on the
other side comes to receive the gold.
The kegs are checked thrice?when
they are taken from the trucks, when
they reach the gangway and when
they are placed in the strong room.
Although no armed guard stands by
the strong room, two men watch the
the room constantly so long as the
ship Is In sight of land. As a matter
of fact there Is little danger of any
one stealing gold in transit on a ship.
It would be necessary that he should
shoulder a keg weighing some two
, hundred pounds and vanish with It
without being seen. Masters of vessels
declare gold Is the safest cargo of
any to handle.
The total weight of one consignment
of gold shipped by the Brltis <
vessel In question amounted to something
like 30,000 pounds, or 16 tons,
and the freight charges amounted to
$12,000, or, roughly speaking, one
eighth of 1 per cent. 8pecle thus
shipped Is insured at its full value.?
New York Press.
COTTON CONDITION.
Report for July Puts 8outh Carolina at
75 Per Cent.
The condition of the growing cotton
crop of the United States on July 26
was 76.6 per cent of a normal, compared
with 80.4 per cent on June 26 this
year, 89.1 per cent on July 26 last year,
76.6 per cent in 1910, 71.9 per cent in
1909, and 80.6 per cent, the average
normal condition on July 26 for the
past ten years according to the third
cotton condition report of the season
Issued by the crop reporting board, bureau
of statistics, department of agriculture,
estimated from reports of Its
correspondents and agents and announced
at noon last FYiday.
The area planted to cotton this year,
as previously reported by the department
of agriculture In its preliminary
estimate. Is about 34,097,000 acres, or
93 per cent of the acreage planted last
year.
Comparisons of conditions, by states,
,with the percentage of last year's acreage,
planted this year In each state fol* ,
low:
State 1913 1911 1910 avg. age
Virginia .... 85 102 80 83 98
N. Carolina .. 80 87 71 80 94
S. Carolina .. .75 88 70 80 93
Georgia 88 95 70 82 90
Florida 75 95 70 84 89
Alabama 73 94 71 80. 92
Mississippi ... 88 88 71 79 89
Louisiana .. ..78 84 89 78 95
Texas 84 88 82 80 98
Arkansas .. ..74 94 78 82 89
Tennessee .. ..71 92 78 84 94
Missouri 75 98 72 85 83
Oklahoma .. ..80 88 87 82 88
California .... 99 99 98 .. 90.
For the purpose of comparison, the
condition of the cotton crop in the
United States monthly tot the past ten
years is given below:
Tears May June July Aug. Sept
1912 78.3 80.4
1911 87.8 88.2 89.1 73.2 7L1
1910 82.0 80.7 76.5 72.1 86.9
1909 81.1 74.8 71.9 83.7 58.6
1908 79.7 81.2 83.0 78.1 89.7
1907 70.5 72.0 76.0 72.7 87.7
1908 84.8 83.3 82.9 77.3 7L8
1905 77.2 77.0 74.9 72.1 71.2
1904 83.0 88.0 91.6 84.1 76.8
1903 74.1 77.1 79.7 81.2 85.1
1902 96.1 84.7 81.9 64.0 68.8
ACQUITTAL OF MR8. GRACE.
Plenty of Evidence of Guilt but Jury
Fails to Conviet.
Out of the sensations of the Grace
case in Atlanta comes a moral which
people will do well to contemplate,
for it furnished an' object lesson of
the repudiation on the part of the
rmhllc nf a man without character
hand stamina.
From the testimony at the trial it
appears that Mrs. Grace shot her husband,
though why and how she did
it was not brought out Her eleventh
hour plea of the struggle with him
in which he was trying to shoot her
but fell across the bed and accidentally
shot himself bears little resemblance
to the truth. On the very face
it has the marks of a "framed up"
story by herself and counsel. If the
story had been true it would have
been told at the beginning and there
would have been practically no case
against her.
As a reason for delaying this explanation
of the shooting Mrs. Grace
ascribes the agreement between herself
and husband to keep the matter
secret lest they both be placed in a
bad light But why did she not tell
it when Eugene Grace made a public
accusation of her? The agreement was
no longer binding when one party to it
had broken the conditions. The conclusion.
prompted by common sense is
that she did not tell the story of the
struggle sooner because it had not been
hatched up until the trial was well under
way.
Since evidence pointed to her guilt
and she was acquitted, some reason
must be found for the action of the Jurors.
This reason, we believe, is not
far to be sought, for it obviously lies,
in part at least, in the poor showing as
a man made by Eugene Grace. His
record proves that he has never troubled
himself with efforts to become
self-sustaining. His very indolence
and lack of manhood militated against
his case, and herein lies the moral. The
jurors reflecting the mind of the public
were not inclined to punish a crime
against a man who fell so far short of
wimi me aiciogc uwu m.?umuimo
News.
Features of ths Torrsns Systsm.?
The Ton-ens system proposes once and
for all to look up a title?to settle the
questions of the past and to assure the
present owner that his title Is good.
As matters now stand, every time a
piece of land is sold or mortgaged a
lawyer has to go over the same ground
that was gone over the last time the
land was sold or mortgaged. And every
lawyer so doing gets his fee. I was
looking up a title last week. I traced
the title back to 1830. I had to read
some twenty deeds, and examine about
forty mortgages; Investigate judgments
against six individuals; look
Into the settlement of two estates, and
see that the taxes had been paid for
twenty years. A year ago this same
land was mortgaged. Some attorney
did then just what I did last week. The
year before the land was purchased.
Some lawyer then went over the same
ground that I did last week and the
other lawyer did last year. The year
before that, thla land was purchased
by another man. Again a lawyer
to go over the same ground. Every
time It was mortgaged some lawyer
went over the same ground. I suppose
investigations of the title to this lot
had cost all told about $200 and twenty
day's time. The tax valuation of the
lot was less than $1,000. In other
words, probably one-flfth of the tax
value of the land had been spent In title
investigations.
What the Torrens system proposes
is to close up the past; to go over the
title once for all, and to put an end to
the expense and waste of time required
by this eternal procession of lawyers
going over the same beaten path,
each taking a fee for his work. One
lawyer will not and should not take
another's statement of title; but any
lawyer will take the state's or county's
judicial assurance of title.
So the sum of the proposition Is that
the state or county shall employ a
lawyer to look up titles, and so far as
possible clear them of question (by
judicial process, of course) and have
the land-owners pay the state once
and forever for the service.?J. W.
Bailey, In Progressive Parmer.