Historical Newspapers of South Carolina

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^ " j " ^ ISSUED SEMI-WEEKL1^ t. m. grist & sons, publishers.} J. Ifantilj 31etrspngcr: 4or A" promotion of the fiotiticat, Social, gjjricultural, and Commeijrial Interests of the people. j t?ebS^^0py! mEl raT8?NeB' established 1855. " " YORK VILLE, S. C., WEDNESDAY, MAY 28, 1902. NoV^sT THE SPUK BY ASUUI Copyright, 1901, by Charles B. Etherlng CHAPTER XVII. HELP FROM THE HEAVENS. racy y V3BCOUTS en me Into Via/1ibonL*Qo nhnnt ft o'clock of the evening with reports of the de'aJ?d Russian force now well under way. The early accounts were thought to be exaggerated, but within an hour the evidence multiplied until doubt was no longer possible. Even Vera, as Darrell was Informed by Colonel Korna. no louger bad a hope of boldiug Vladikaukas. and preparations for falling back to Gredskov were made with haste. Darrell was surprised to find how many things were already prepared. Prudence and discipline bad not been wanting In the garrison. The little army was wonderfully mobile. This march?begun at midnight under frowning skies, enlivened in the small hours by a pyrotechnic struggle In the darkness with the Russians who were attempting to re-encircle Vladlkaukas and finished next day in deadly weariness and the miseries of a drizzling rain?needs no extended description 1q this record. There were small losses. A colonel was shot dead lu his saddle after the fighting seemed to be over, the fatal bullet a mere chance wanderer In the air. Some Russian horsemen dashed in upon a line of baggage wagons and butchered a few teamsters, poorly paid dny laborers without mllitarv asDiratlons. A half dozen soldiers were killed and Qfty perhaps endured the pain of wounds during the long march. Darrell, viewing as much of this as a man could see in the night and particularly the dead teamsters, who chanced to fall in his way. was reminded of the murdered Turkish merchant and of the poor idiot, Musef, shot In the back as he ran, and there arose In his mind a picture of the war god. like a human being endowed with an individual character and com pelled to act according to it. so that whether bawling upon the battleiield. groaning upon the march or sodden with the sloth of the camp, he must kill, and kill aimlessly, for the mere Bake of killing. barren's position was one of painful Isolation. Kor the tirst few miles lie rode not far behind the princess; then after the fighting was over and her safety assuied. as she sent no word to him he fell farther to the rear, and in the last hours of the march, when the rain had begun, he lent some aid to men who were struggling with cannon in the roads that grew always worse. In Gredskov on the second day be formed the acquaintance of an engineering officer and was of some little use In helping to strengthen the city's defenses. He saw Korna occasionally and learned from him that there had been a memorable scene between Vera and Kllzlar and that the prince had succeeded In presenting plausible excuses. The princess, however, had asserted authority, and it was she who Issued paramount orders in the city. - The rain relented long enough to permit the Russian force to take up its position, hemming in the place, and then began again without violence, a slow and steady dripping from the leaden sky. The. besiegers exhibited Indomitable energy. They brought up a surprising quantity of artillery despite the state of the ruuds, yet nut enough to give them any advantage. The guns were too light for the reduction of a well fortified place, and Gredskov was fairly well fortified, though at the time of the Circassian attack It had been very badly defended. The time came speedily when no more cannon could be brought over the roads. Spies reported that the Russians were having all they could do to bring up sufficient supplies In the lightest vehicles and on the backs of mules and camels. The game as It stood was a draw. The Russians could not take the town, and the besieged could not get out. But the enemy had to hold their ground only till better weather, while the Circassians had to hold theirs forever. It is a fundamental principle of war that a town thoroughly Invested must fall eventually unless friends from without arrive to raise the siege, and this the Circassians could not expect. They were doomed, and the thought or it was mauness to uarreu. He saw little of Vera. She was feverishly busy, working day and night upon plans for their useless defense, for it was like holding a hilltop against the flood. Darrell knew that she dreaded to see him because he had foreseen this evil, because he had shown himself destitute of encouragement?a mere scarecrow In the held, as he expressed It to himself. She had taken up her abode in what had been an Inn. There was a ground floor room In a corner of the house which was her military workshop. Darrell sometimes saw her through a window in the daytime pitifully engaged upon this travesty of war, fighting a battle that was over. He knew that she was In deadly peril; that these wretched days might be all the life they two could hope for. He shuddered at the thought and cursed the scoun''??i im/l liwumtit' Imr fn fills en uiri ? uv uuu mi mv* .v .... larnity, yet curses upon Kilzinr seemed unnecessary, considering the position In which the man stood. One saw little of the prince In these days except when he and Vera made their rounds together that the soldiers might have a chance to cheer. It was not pleasant for Dnrrell to hear their names thus joined, yet he could not J OF FATE. 3Y TOWNE. ton. I help admiring the spirit and the loyalty I of the troops. At night the curtains were drawn before the windows of Vera's workroom, yet the light could be seen, and there was a wretched fellow who often stood loug In the rain to watch it. He was thus gloomily employed one night just beyoud the challenge of the sentries when he detected a dark figure gliding along the edge of a small building that had stood diagonally opposite the inn and had been wrecked and set on fire by a shell on the second day of the siege, wheu there had been considerable artillery practice. Since then there had been only occasional firing, yet the inn had been hit twice, with slight damage. The man whom Darrell had seen entered the wrecked building, and the American's curiosity was excited. He did an excellent bit of stalking and was under the charred wall beside the ruin of a window, so near to the man that he could hear the fellow stifle a cough, yet wholly uuperceived. Suddenly he struck a mntch upon the side of its box and thrust his head and arm into the aperture that had been a window. The rain spared the flaring bit of wood long enough for Darrell to perceive with great surprise his old acquaintance, Kevski, crouching there, with a rifle in his hands. A sentry called from across tue street. "Friend!" replied Darrell. "Merely lighting my pipe." The explanation seemed to be satisfactory, for there was no further challenge. "What are you doing here?" whispered Darrell. "Come out." | Kevski obeyed, though had any other voice commanded him he would probably have resisted or fled. As they stood by the side of the charred ruins there was a sound of voices from across the street, and Prince Kilziar appeared in the doorway of the inn, his figure sharply outlined because of the light behind him. He and some of his officers bad been in conference with Vera and were now about to return to their quarters through the rain. "You hate that man," whispered Kevski. "Release me, and you shall see the end of him." Darrell's grip tightened on the Russian's arm. "You were lying In wait for the prince," he said slowly. "You saw what he did to me," answered Kevski. "You saved me from death, though 1 did not know at first that It was you. I suffered the knout in the prison before that. Kilziar believed you were hidden in this city. I was tortured to make me confess where you were. They got uothing from me." "What became of you that morning when you left me in the wood?" asked Darrell; "captured by Kilziar's men. I suppose, and brought into the city." "I was trying to find food in a house when they caught me," answered Kevski, and then In a trembling whisper. "See how the wretch stauds there lu the light." "You owe me something." said Darrell. "I don't like to mention it. but you do. Here's a chance to pay. Promise me that you will not try to take that man's life. Why waste your time?" be added bitterly. "Are you not satisfied with bis position? He ennnot escape from tills city, and you know what his fate will be If he falls into the bauds of the Russians." "They will never take him." answered Kevski. "There is a secret way out of this city." "Not through the pass?" "No. That Is held by the Russian force from Tlllis. as every one knows." "And the Russian line in front of us." said Darrell. "is a semicircle reaching to the cliffs upon each side." "But there is a way along the face of those cliffs," answered Kevski; "not a road for an army, of course, but when Kilziar is ready lie will move out by that route with a few men and much gold. I know, for one of my friends will act as guide. Where the secret path is I do not know, and there are few in this city who do. My friend will not tell me. It is only from hints when lie had been drinking too much that I have learned what ! have told you." "Learn more. Kevski," said Darrell. "Don't waste your time in assassination. but devote it ail to the discovery of this secret. Do this for me by way of gratitude to win a great reward and to erpf to America, which is vnur dream." Kevski was silent, lingering the rifle and staring across the little square at Kilziar, who, having lighted a cigar, was gathering his cloak about hlin before stepping out into the rain, "I will do what you tell ine," said Kevski suddenly, and, as if it were a part of his promise, he turned his eyes away from the man he hated. Then, without more words, he hurried away down the dark street. The lights still burned in the lower windows of the inn, and those above were durk. "My love is threatened by a hundred deaths," said Darrell to himself as he crossed the road. "This insane and ceaseless toll will burn her with fever. She neither eats nor sleeps, so Korna says." The sentry challenged, and Darrell gave his name. With little delay he was ushered into Vera's presence. She was quite alone and seemed to have been warming herself before the embers of a fire in a broad fireplace. "I am glad to see you," she said. "It is a pleasure I have lacked in these last few (lays. Moreover, you look much more cheerful than when I saw < you last. What is the cause of it?the i weather perhaps?" i "1 have always enjoyed a great reputation for cheerfulness." answered Dar- 1 rell. "You alone seem to have found i my society depressing. Yet that Is not J surprising perhaps. There is a malady I which, according to all the poets, will make any man sigh, and I have never | I had it before." i "That is rather a pretty speech," said I Vera. "I have conversed principally during these last days about corn and gunpowder. A change cheers me. Yet He thrust his head, and arm into the [ aperture. I think yon did not come at this late j hour for that alone." "I came to tell you of a discovery that s I have made, or, rather, hope to make," e answered Dnrrell. "Perhaps you know more of it than I do, yet I cannot as 1 sume that you possess the information. c Let me not waste words. If this place z falls and you are taken, we may grant r that Circassia's cause is lost, may we * not?" r "The place will fall." answered 1 Vera. "But, admitting your supposi- ? tlon, what follows?" "If you, with your best officers and a r small picked force, could escape and 1 return to Circassia, there would still be a hope. I have learned that there Is a 1 secret way along the face of the moun- r tains"? . 8 "And you would have me take It, 1 leaving my soldiers to be butchered," g said Vera. "That Is not my idea of ^ loyalty, which should have two sides." 1 "Read the history of war." answered v Darrell. "Have not princes and patriots saved themselves when their lives 1 were essential to the cause they served? Remember, I speak of the last emer- c gency, when It has become absolutely 1 impossible to hold the place. As for a the garrison, the Russians will treat your troops as prisoners of war." "I do not deny," she replied, "that If I could put myself at the head of an- u other army and continue to fight for 1 my country I should consider It my 0 duty to escape In case Gredskov were 1 taken by assault and resistance here 11 became useless. It would be equally a the duty of the humblest soldier in the 1 army. But we cannot lose this fight e and yet continue the struggle. So I I1 shall remain and share the fate of the 1 troops." F "It is what I expected you to say." he 13 rejoined. "If you had spoken other- 11 wise, you would not have been the wo- 11 man who danced and sang with me at s the students' bail in Paris. I can only d wish that the prince were equally 1 steadfast." "Kilziar?" queried Vera. "Again you c wrong him, my friend. lie may not 0 succeed, but he will die fighting. Of r that I am certain. He may not win 1 his way out of the city, but he will at a least make the trial by the main gate r and not by any secret way. He may c be a man as selfish as you think him, s but it is sure that his selfishness now fights upon the side of our cause." a "For wiiat reward?" asked Dnrrell. a with a tremor of cold fear. e "Even myself," she replied. "My t hand is promised to the prince if he s can lend our army out of this city and v cut a way through the ranks of the be- e siegers." c -* 1.11.1 *,? I n nnv t "DO gouu U SUIIUC-I suuuiu ?> iu tinj bnttlo for a prize so exalted." answered 0 Darrell, Lis voice sounding to him as t if it were an echo in the corners of the s room. "We may theu surely expect a e sortie, and I trust you will permit pie 1 to wear a sword when the day comes." <1 lie stepped back toward the door, as a if to withdraw. Vera followed him c with so steady and searching a glance t that he could scarcely endure it. c "I shall not be the first woman of e princely rank," she said, "who has t torn out her heart as a gift to her I country." c "Nor Kilziar the first scoundrel to r exact such a pledge!" he cried; then, A hastily: "Pardon me! I am not myself, i If you have honored him even with a t promise thus qualified, my lips should r be sealed. Command me always." c Outside the rain still fell relentlessly, r At a corner of the street two officers, i meeting by chance, had stepped back t to the shelter of a projecting roof, f Darrell. passing, recognized one of r them as Korna. t "This rain is help from heaven," i cried the colonel. "A few days more j of it, and those Russians will be in t such a condition that we can tear t through them as if they were wet pa- e per." I "You have hope, then?" said Darrell a in a cheerful tone. I "Flenty of it," responded Korna. j "The hills round Gredskov have a fe- r ver of their own that the rain nour- * ishes as if It were grass. Half their c men will die of it, and. as it is particu- a larly hard upon all who are pjist forty, t their generals will all be Hat on their c backs, with colonels and captains by the dozen to keep them company. We c shall curve our way out of;this plage." j ""I begin to believe you," saia bis companion, "but what the devil we shall do afterward with the roads In this condition I don't know." "I asked Prince Kilzlar that." replied Korna, with a laugh. "He winked straight up Into the air, as his habit Is, ind answered me that It made no difference to him." "It made no difference to him," repeated Darrell. "That Is a hard saying to Interpret, yet there Is meanlug in It Good night, gentlemen." TO BE CONTINUED. lUisccUitnrous grading. STATE DEMOCRATIC PLATFORM. 'nper Thnt Wm Adopted by the Convention La?t Thnmdny. The State Democratic platform, as ubmitted by the committee last Wedlesday night, and adopted without disussion, was as follows: That we reaffirm and endorse the ( ilatform of principles enumerated by he State Democratic Convention of 900, with special stress upon the folowing sections: "That we view with ilarm the power which the trusts hrough the Republican party are ex- ( rcising over legislation and national , lolitics, and their ability to control the trices of the necessities of life without egard to the laws of supply and de- i nand. We condemn the hypocritical .ttitude of Republican leaders who ibuse trusts and combines while they ise the money obtained from them ind extorted from the people to de- i tauch the ignorant voters of the counry. That we denounce the imperialstic poucy of the Republican admin- i stration as contrary to the letter and pint of the Declaration of Independnce pnd the constituton of the United i States and as dangerous to the libery and freedom, not only of the people ( >f the Spanish islands: but of the citi;ens of this country as well." The "be ; levolent assimilation" of the Filipinos i las proven to be the benevolence of i nurder and the assimilation or roDtery. We denounce It an outrage up- i in the conscience of liberty-loving i Americans. Our free instituions canlot long survive the destruction of hose principles upon which they rest, ind the spectacle of subject peoples | icing held down by the bayonet and i obbed by carpet baggers, but forehadows the fate of our country, un- i ess the people are aroused to our dan:er. The unjust and cruel war of sub- i ugation now being carried on in the i Jhillppines should be ended at once, i rith definite and specific declarations o the natives as to the intentions of his country to aid them in the estab- i .shment of a free fSTvernment of their iwn choice under a protectorate by the i Tnited States. That we reaffirm and ndorse the corelated section of the Cansas City platform upon the subject ! if trusts and imperialism, as follows: Private monopolies are indefensible i nd intolerable. They destroy compeition, control prices of material and if the finished products, thus robbing ! >oth producer and consumer. They essen the employment of labor and .rbitrarlly fix the terms and condlions thereof, and deprive Individual < nergy and small capital of their op- i fAt? Wtormont ThdV flTP 1 he most efficient means for approbating the fruits of industry for the ; lenefit of the few at the expense of the < nany, and unless their insatiate greed 3 checked all wealth will be aggre- : rated in a few hands and the Republic estroyed. The dishonest paltering with : he trust evil by the Republican party ; n state and national platforms is conlusive proof of the truth of the harges that trusts are the legitimate iroducts of Republican policies, that hey are fosted by Republican laws nd that they are protected by the Republican administration in return for , ampaign subscriptions and political i upport. i We pledge the Democratic party to n unceasing warfare in nation, state i nd city against private monopoly in very form. Existing laws against i rusts must be enforced and more < tringent ones must be enacted, prodding for publicity as to affairs of 1 orporations engaged in Inter-State i ommerce and requiring all corporaions to show, before doing business utside of the state of their origin, hat they have no water in their tock and that they have not attempt d and are not attempting to monopoize any branch of business or the pro- : luction of any article or merchandise, .nd the whole constitutional power of 1 ongress over inter-state commerce, i he mails and all modes of inter-state ommerce, shall be exercised by the i nactment of comprehensive laws upon he subject of trusts. Tariff should < >e amended by putting the products 'i if trusts upon the free list to prevent nonopoly under the plea of protection. Ve are opposed to private monopoly . n every form and view with apptelension the increasing power and disegard of the interest of people by the ombination of corporations, especially if those chartered by other states. It t s the duty of the general assembly of his state to pass more stringent laws or the control of all corporations, donestic and foreign, and for the prevenion of all trusts and combinations be ween corporations carrying on cum etitive business. We claim the right 11 the part of the state to control all orporations, whether domestic or forign, engaged in business within her orders. We deny that congress has my legitimate power to regulate cor orations except as they may be enraged in foreign or inter-state comnerce, and demand that the National rovernment confine itself in bestowing orporate existence to such agencies ts are required to exercise such funcions as the constitution specifically ronfers upon the United States. We are unalterably opposed to any imendment of the Federal constitution ooking to any enlargement of the pow ers of congress In relation to the regulation of contracts of citizens of a state or in relation to the corporations, and we demand that laws be enacted further restricting the power of the Federal courts to interfere with the Internal affairs and administration of justice in the state. We condemn the Dingley tariff law as a trust-breeding measure, skillfully devised to give the few favors which they do not deserve and to place upon the many burdens fhoxr ahnnlH nnf hAflr. We re affirm our belief in a tariff for revenue only and that taxation should be so regulated as to meet the demands of an honest and economical government. We condemn all class legislation, such as the ship subsidy bill, which we believe to be a rich man's raid on the public coffer, and we also condemn all sectional legislation, such as the Crumpacker bill, which we believe to be intended to arouse sectional animosities. We hold, with the United States supreme court, that the Declaration of Independence is the spirit of our government, of which the constitution is the form and letter. We declare again that all governments instituted among men derive their Just powers from the consent of the governed; that any government not based upon the consent of the governed is a tyranny, and that to impose upon any people the government of force is to substitute the methods of imperialism for those of a republic. We hold that 1 u" ?nni>?itiitinn fnilmvn the flae and LUC tUilouiuwivii ?w..v..w ?_ denounce the doctrine that an executive of congress deriving their existence and their powers from the constitution can exercise lawful authority beyond it or in violation of it. We assert that no nation can long endure half republic and half empire, and we warn the American people that imperialism abroad will lead quickly and inevitably to despotism at home. We condemn and denounce the Philippine policy of the present administration. It has involved the republic in unnecessary war, sacrificed the lives of many of our noblest sons and placed thej United States, previously known and applauded throughout the world as the champion of freedom, in the false and un-American position of crushing with military force the efforts of our former allies to achieve liberty and selfgovernment. The Filipinos cannot be citizens without endangering our civil-1 ization; they cannot be subjects with-J out imperilling our form of government, and as we are not willing to surrender our civilization to convert the republic into an empire, we favor an immediate declaration of the na- j tion's purpose to give the Filipinos, first, a stable form of government; second, independence, and third, protection from outside interference. We are not opposed to territorial expansion when it takes in desirable territory, which can be erected into states In the Union and whose people are willing and offer to become American citizens. We favor expansion by every peaceful and legitimate means, but we are unalterably opposed to the seizing or purchasing of distant islands to be governed outside of the constitution, and whose people can never become citizens. We are in favor of extending the republic's influence among the nations, but believe that Influence should be extended, not by force and violence, but through the persuasive power of a higher and honorable example. The burning issue of Imperialism growing out of the Spanish war involves the very existence of the republic and the destruction of our free Institutions. We regard it as the paramount issue of the campaign. DO WE WANT IT f RenNoiiN Why We Shouldn't Have n Stntue of Frederick the Great. Not since the Greeks made the Trojans a present of a wooden horse has any gift been offered more calculated to make trouble all round than the Kaiser's offer of a statue of Frederick the Great to the city of Washington. U>" to 1776, there were in this eountry a few statues of kings, which were, one and all, knocked down, and the men who did this knocking down never had the least expectation that tne statue of another king should be set up in this republic^ It is perfectly safe to say that such is the temper of the American people today. They can foresee what seems to have escaped the president in his expansion letter to the Kaiser?tnat the acceptance of this statue would put it out of our power to decline a similar offering from anyother power. As the Kaiser's proposed gift was, no doubt, inspired by the fact that a statue of Marshal Count Rochambeau is about to be erected in Washington, so it may be expected that other powers will not wish to see Prussia monopolize the business of assisting in decorating the capital of the United States. Austria-Hungary may offer us a statue of Marie Theresa?a sovereign as great and as brave as Frederick of Prussia, and infinitely more worthy of esteem. Russia may give us a statue of Peter the Great?that extremely able, dirty and disreputable Muscovite, who was no more Czar in his own dominions than Frederick and his predecessors and some of his successors were in Prussia. If there is a European state which is directly opposed to all the ideals of a republic, it is Prussia. It is the embodiment of brute force. It came by the sword and it lives by the sword. Its government today is medieval, its constitution a travesty, ?n,.iir,rt,Ant V-?o o-Vinaf nf th<i sharlnw of the shade of a parliament. William I?the old gentleman whom the present Kaiser has decorated with the title of "the Great"?William the Great, at his coronation in 1861, declared that he "ruled by the favor of God, and no one else." And one of his first political declarations was that he meant to rule without reference to "those pieces of paper called constitutions." If the statue of Frederick the Great is accepted, it may not be long before tne Kaiser presents us witn a statue of that respectable old blunderbuss, his grandfather, William; "the Great," and then what a spectacle shall we present! If Frederick the Great had all the virtues of a man as well as a sovereign, his kingship alone would disqualify his statue In the United States. As a matter of fact, he was a man of lofty military genius, without civil capacity, totally without respect for his own civil courts, and one of the most remorseless robbers who ever lived. The story of his tiger-like spring upon Marie Theresa; his cynical announcement that as she was young and helpless it was a good time to rob her; his alleged evil private life, of which Carlyle, his apologist, can only claim the Scotch verdict of "not proven"?all these and many other things make it additionally improper that his statue should be placed in a government reservation in Washington. His sympathy for the struggling colonies of America amounted to nothing more than a mortal hatred of his cousin George of England, whose subsidies to Austria enabled Marie Theresa to keep up an heroic fight against Prussia. To say that Frederick of Prussia had any sympathy with or understanding of republican Institutions is in the highest degree grotesque. It has long been a fixed notion of the Kaiser's that he could create a state within a state in this country?a German-American state warranted to be tne handmaid of the ruler of Prussia. The visit of Prince Henry in his royal capacity of Brother of the Sun had this end in view, and this was admitted with much simplicity by the Kaiser. It is unnecessary to say that it tickled the American people hugely. They jvill not, however, be tickled by his statue business which is properly their affair and not that of eitner Kaiser or president. and if congress does not nip this scheme in the bud, the people will not be bashful in speaking their minds on the first Tuesday in November, 1902. This is as true as the forty-seventh Euclid.?Washington Post. DEATH OF COL. JASPER STOWE. I.nne and Useful Life Ended Last Thursday. Col. Jasper Stowe, who has been In feeble health for a long time, died yesterday afternoon at the home of his brother, Col. William A. Stowe, near Belmont, in Gaston county. The funeral services will take place at NewHope church this afternoon at 2 o'clock. Col. Stowe was In his 82 year. He was born in Gaston?then Lincolncounty. His father was Larkin Stowe, a prominent citizen who had several times represented his county in the legislature. His mother was a sister of the late Capt. A. G. Neal, of Steel Creek. When quite young, Col. Stowe came to Charlotte and clerked for Irwin & Elms. After a few years residence here he moved to Lincolnton and clerked for Hoke & Childs, who owned the first cotton mill built in this section of the country. After being connected with this mill for some time, Col. Stowe purchased the property on which is now located the Long Shoals mill, and erected a cotton factory, which he operated succesruuy. Dome years before the Civil war he moved the machinery of this mill to the locality where Col. Thomas H. Galther, of this city, now has a cotton factory. Before and during the Civil war, Col. Stowe operated this factory to great profit and became a very wealthy man. Mr. M. P. Pegram, of this city, relates that just at the close of the war he visited Col. Stowe and the latter showed him about $300,000 in Confederate money, which he had refused to use in the payment of his debts. He declared that his debts were just debts, and should be paid in good money. During the war?and always when able?Col. Stowe gave freely of his means to any deserving causes. He was ever the soul of generisity. His big-heartedness, in fact, was probably the cause of his failure and his retirement from the cotton mill business in 1875. As a man of keen intellect and much patriotism, Col. Stowe was always interested in public affairs, and was an active and prominent figure in many political campaigns. Without shadow of turning he had been a Democrat all his life: had been a Democrat when Whigs were the chlefest enemy; was a Democrat durine the reconstruction; was a conservative Democrat through a thousand vicissitudes and ill-fortune of the party. And he died a Grover Cleveland Democrat. In larger part of his nature, and without taint of fear or retraction, his politics was his religion. Before and since the Civil war, Col. Stowe represented his county in the state senate and in the house of representatives, and he was a useful figure in debates and counsels that boded much good or evil for his native state. His reminiscences of his legislative experience were most interesting. With Governor Morehead and other distinguished North Carolinians, he was a member of the legislature that passed the bill providing for the Danville connection?the railroad connection between Greensboro and Danville. Near the close of the war he was lieutenant colonel in a regiment of Home guards. \ ii'kink Pontoln A H lil'On i f\f Charlotte, was colonel. A number of other minor offices Col. Stowe filled with credit, if not distinction. He was a man of singularly genial and attractive personality; a readyworded, direct man who courteously, but firmly, spoke his mind on all things. He was the soul of honesty ] and honor in deed and speech, and he had a grim, gentle humor that won the hearts of all with whom he came in i contact. He was of the old tvpe of < gruff-smooth gentlemen; and his talk I was flavored, at once, with ante-bellum ] persiflage, and the jargon of today's anairs. f or aespue ms own laugmng jioe, he never approached his dotage. He was a young-old man, whose spirit and mind were never less than young. So it was that he found a great respect and liking wherever he went; and in a hundred homes there was for him a glad welcome. He will be greatly missed here. Up to a little while ago he used to come to town, leaning but lightly on his staff, and the crowd? his friends?always came to him to hear his stern, unflinching gospel of Democracy, his jest and his word of good cheer and kindne?s. He bothered nobody in the world, and he pleased and blessed a great many people in a long, straight life. He was quite brave and simple in his ideas, and very dear and lovable. Just before the war, Col, Stowe married Mrs. Parks, of Beaufort county, who died some years ago. Two sons survive: Larkin Stowe, who is connected with a coal company In east Tennessee, and William Stowe, who is employed by a railway company in Mexico, Mrs. S. S. Pegram, of this city, is a step daughter of the deceased. Other relatives who survive, are Col. William A. Stowe, of Belmont, who was colonel of the Sixteenth North Carolina regiment, and Mr. E. B. Stowe, of Mt. Holly, and four sisters, Mrs. E. E. Sloan, of this city; Mrs. Hannah Mason, of Enquirer, S. C.; Mrs. George Hanks, of Belmont, and Mrs. D. H. Stowe, of Steele Creek, this county.?Charlotte Observer, Friday. Mr. Cannon Call* a Bluff. Among numerous anecdotes of congress in Henry Loomis Nelson's paper in the June Century, on "Making Laws at Washington," is this of the chairman of the house committee on appropriations: One of tne attributes of the senate is a large and generous feeling of utter irresponsibility of expenditures. The senators give and take munificently. "If one wants a million-dollar court house, why, let him have it, if our streams can be deepened, our pools widened, or our fields watered. Are there not millions in the treasury? And since the constitution gives to the house the sole power to originate money bills, our brethren, the members, can stand the outcry: we spend, and they take the consequences." Therefnrn tho aanatnra lo ro-nl v innrnoao tha appropriations In which, in the language of political commerce, there is "pork." And the house conferees must pare down or throw out what, in the same vernacular, are known as the "steals." It had been a long and weary struggle when, toward 4 o'clock of the morning of a certain conference, Mr. Cannon said to the conferees of the senate: "The house will yield no further; the bill must go without the other amendments of the senate." "Well, well," exclaimed the expert senator, rising and buttoning up his coat, "if the house is to domineer, if our "propositions are not to be listened to, we might as well report a disagreement. We can't tolerate dictation." "That is so," said another senator; we can't yield to a threat, even if we compel an extra session." And the third senator also murmured of an extra session. "Shall we call the old bluffers?" whispered Mr. Cannon to his young colleague, who was serving on his first conference committee. The young colleague assented. "Well, gentlemen, do as you please. The house will not consent to any further robbery. Let there be an extra session and the senate will be responsible for it." So the conferees separated. The senators made doleful speeches about the tyrannical house, even going to the length of declaring that they were In danger of sinking to the level of the British house of lords: but at length they yielded. King Edward's Name.?A question is at present agitating the minds of the enlightened inhabitants of Sioux City, Iowa, U. S. A., which (as a correspondent from that somewhat remote locality kindly Informs us) it is thought Modern Society alone is competent to solve. The question at issue is: What would the name of King Edward VII be If he ceased to enjoy his kingly title? In other words, what is the family name of his august house? Not a very easy question to answer, considering that his majesty's forbears were sovereigns centuries before surnames, as we now understand them, were used at all. However, here Is our answer to the conundrum: Dynastically, King Edward belongs to the Hanoverian line, or (to speak more exactly) to the line of Brunswick-Lunebourg, a branch of which became the royal line of England when George I, son of Princess Sophia (granddaughter of James I.) and of Ernest Augustus, elector of Hanover, ascended the English throne in 1714. The family name of the elector was Guelph, and Guelph, therefore, has been the surname of all the monarchs of England from George I, to Victoria, inclusive. Queen Victoria married, as we ail know, her cousin Albert, Duke of Saxony and Prince of Saxe-Coburg Gotha, of the senior (though not now the kingly) branch of the house of Saxony. The family name by which this house, which dates from the middle of the tunth cunturv. came afterward to be known was Wettln; and this was, and Is, the surname of both branches?the Ernestine and Albertine branches?of the house of Saxony ever since. Our present gracious sovereign, therefore, though maternally a Guelph, is paternally a Wettin; and were he to become nn American citizen (is Sioux, we wonder, anticipating this as a result of the great Morgan combine?) he would presumably be known as Mr. Albert E. Wettin.?London Modern Society.