Historical Newspapers of South Carolina

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' ISSUED SEMI-WEEEli^^ ITm. GRIST & SONS, Publishers. 1 % ^atnitQ : Jtr the promotion of (he jpclifat, gocial, ^gficuHurnl, and <Commct;rial gntyests of (he Jeopte. { ? ESTABLISHED 1855. YORKVILLE. S. C., WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 4, 1901. NO. 71. I * * * * * 'A" ~ I ? ? ? ? ? I Ua #aH mi*oA Viof Vila AvrAv?v Q nHnn V?oH NOT LIKE C By Frederick Vai Author of "The Urotlierlioo of a HI i Copyright, 1901, by Frederic Van Rens; CHAPTER VI. "I AM NOT LIKE OTHER MEN. WHY AM I NOT?" m ISLE rode to the old corral at 1 f tLie time toat uraig uau ax' ed- tle f?UU(1 1116 books, but not bis friend, and after waiting until bope of bis arrival was past be turned bis borse's bead homeward, and after tbat be spent mucb of bis time wbiie in tbe bouse perusing bis new treasures. Tbey were simply good, wholesome stories and biographies which dealt with tbe noblest types of women, and to the youth they opened up a new and unexplored field wbicb possessed a strange and unaccountable fascination for blm. Craig Thompson bad selected tbem with great care, and bad he knowu tbe character of tbe mission work tbey were to perform be could not have exercised better Judgment. Tbey contained nothing tbat was calculated to shock tbe awakening faculties of Lisle Maxwell's emotional nature, but to bis Immature perceptions tbey were filled with unthinkable revelations as beautiful and profound as tbey were mysterious. Tbey did what nothing else bad ever done?tbey set bim thinking ?and be began to dream and wonder and surmise upon subjects and theories which never before bad been permitted access to bis mind. Richard Maxwell could guard against outward and visible assaults upon tbe fortress tbat be bad built up around bis son. but be could not con tend wltd tins suDtie roe to uis uieories, and the battle went on under bis eyes without once revealing Its existence. There was one conversation between them which rather startled the father, and possibly it had something to do with a serious Incident which immediately followed It. It Is true, however, that be believed that the Invisible fortress that be had erected about his son was too nearly Impregnable for successful assault "Father," said Lisle on that occasion. "I will be 19 Id June." "Yes, Lisle." was the reply. "You are almost a man grown?and still a child." Richard Maxwell sighed deeply. and his mind leaped backward over the flight of years. "And still a child," echoed Lisle. "Will you tell rae why I am still a child?" "1 mean, my son. that you are still a child to your father. You will always be that. Sons who are loved forever remain as children to their parents. It is one of the elements In the ecouomy of creation." I iclo irtic ctlunt fnr opvprnl mnmpnts: tben. raising bis bead, be said slowly: "I have in mind several things that are puzzling me. I wish that you would discuss tbem with me now." "Tell me what tbey are. You know that 1 am always anxious to reason upon perplexities with you." "I tbluk of three, sir. each one suggested by the replies that you have already made. I will approach them one by oue." "Very well. The first, then?" "I am still a child: not iu the sense to which you refer-that Is. uot solely in that respect?but lu every way. Why have.I uot matured more nearly to manhood? While I was with you In the Smoky valley I saw several young men who wore younger tlmn I am. There was something about tlieni that Is different from anything 1 have ever known or experienced. It was lutaugible. If you please, but It was nevertheless real, because I could not discover that It existed between them individually, only between them, or any oue of them, and me. They were rougher, brawnier, heavier in voice. In manner, in figure, than 1 am. Their features were coarser - everything about them was different. Hair grows upon their faces, as it does on yours. Will you explain this difference to ineV" "Your training has been different from theirs. Lisle." "Pardon me. sir. but 1 cannot understand why that should make ail the difference. There were subtle differ euci's ?11 it'll i uiive nui nuiu.i m c.iplain because I do not know how to define them. hut 1 could feci tlieui. One day, while we were sorting our cuttle, two of them sat upon their horses close beside you. I studied them, and I studied you. Afterward 1 rode up and took a place beside you myself, and then 1 studied over them attain. The same difference did not manifest itself between them and you as it did between them and tue or between you and me. Do I make myself understood? 1 mean that in some ways those strangers were more like you than 1. who am your son. am like you. The same subtle something which distinguishes those young men from me does not separate them from yon. and the same inexplicable difference that exists between them and me I could discover also between you and me. 1 am not like other men. Why am 1 not?" "Am I like other men whom you know. Lisle? Am 1 like Craig Thompson?" asked Richard Maxwell. "Yes. you are iu the sense to which 1 refer?In that subtle sense which 1 cannot deGue. It is in the air you breathe, in the way you breathe it. in the unspoken understanding between you and other men. or. since you have mentioned a natue. between you and Craig Thompson?an understanding in which I have no part or place. "These subtleties, Lisle, are freaks of ITHER MEN. i Rensselaer Dey, ~ d. of silence," "Tlie Quality Etc. selaer Dey. the imagination which result Trom your habits of study. Your life has been different from the lives of any other young man I ever knew. It is my love for you that has made It so. I have kept you near me and away from the world which I have repudiated. 1 have taught you differently, trained you differently, led you to think differently. Your manner of living, your methods of study, your isolation from strangers, have, combined, created the differences that you discover. Your Imagination has emphasized and magnified them. That Is all." Lisle sighed and shook bis bead negatively. "You do not or you will not understand," he said. "Your reply does not comprehend the question. It Is like building a bouse without windows. 1 am your son. You are my father. Should not father nud son be alike?" "Sometimes they are very much alike; sometimes they are very different. There Is no rule which governs such a condition. Step with me to the mirror. Have you forgotten bow greatly we resemble each other, eliminating the difference In age?" "No; It Is true that our features are alike. Our forms, are different. Frequently I see you at work without your coat. You never permit me to remove mine except here in the house. The men remove theirs and place them across their saddles. Their figures, thus disclosed, are not the same as mine. Yours Is not the same as mine. I have studied myself before my own mirror. 1 know that 1 am cast in a different mold from other men. I know that you are cast in the same mold ns other men. I am as different from you as the day Is different from the night Tell me truly, am I like a woman?" "Yes. you have the best qualities of woman and the best qualities of man. Strangers see and recognize both; hence such remarks." "Again you fall short of a complete response to my questiou." sighed Lisle. "We will pass it for the present. You mentioued my parents. Who are or were they? You are one; who was the other?" "Your mother." "You have always refused to speak of her to me. Will you not do so now?" "No." I "Too nnf mrr mnthor Q hiiiII<? lrllATTl IT CIO UVl UJJ UJVVU\.i * vv?u0 you have taught me to despise?a woman?" "Yes." "Does my mother live?" "We will uot discuss your mother." "1 will Dot urge you, father. 1 have learned to know that the subject Is painful to you. although you will uot tell me why it Is so. May a child during Its growth change from woman to man or from man to woman?" "Human beings come Into the world by the will of God. They live out the period of existence allotted to each of them and pass away in order to make room for others. God appoints that they shall be men or women. Humanity has no power in the selection?a newcomer is not permitted to choose between the" two entities. They growup like the sagebrush, some of them; others like the trees which 1 planted around this house whqn you were very small. You have been In our orchard with rae when you have seen me prune and graft amoug the trees. You have seen me take a tender shoot from one? that is the child?and affix It to another of a different species; you have seen that shoot grow to maturity. Just as you are growing; you have seen it bear fruit different in quality and texture, in size and In shape from the other hr that cnmo tPPP." "Yes. but wbat Is tbat tree to which you attach the shoot V Is It the father or Is It the mother?" "It Is both; It Is the father and the mother." "You are replying now to the third question I would have asked, for it concerned creation. Children are not grafted upon their fathers and mothers as you graft the shoots upon the trees In our orchard." "The principle is the same. Lisle, throughout all nature. The law of creation is the same in all things, from the alfalfa growing on the river bottoms to the sagebrush on the hills, from tlie trees iu our orchard through the auintal kingdom to humanity. You kuow what evolution is. have taught you that. The younger aud weaker plants, whether they are vegetable or animal, are the result of laws which are controlled by the Supreme Father of all aud which are and forever will remain a mystery to all mankind. They evolve into the older and stronger product. Let us end this discussion now. On the day when you are 21 we will resume these subjects. Come to me then." "Is 21 the crucial age of man? Are all things revealed to him then? Will I experience a change when 1 arrive at that age? Will all things be tnade clear to me then?" "All things which puzzle you now will he made clear to you then, my son. 1 dread the day." "Why?" "It can bring no Joy to you?nothing but misery to me." "Father!" "Go. Lisle! Leave me now. Remain as you have been until that time. After that"? "What, father?" Richard Maxwell did not reply, and after waiting a momeut Lisle silently left the room and the house, mounted his horse and galloped away through the starlight alone. He wns not unhappy. far from It. but he was possessed by the spirit of Investigation, and without his knowledge he was borne as rapidly as his horse could run straight toward the Immediate solution of all bis vexing problems. TO BE CONTINUED. THEY ARE NOT TRAITORS. Mr. John C. Carey Defends Mill Presidents. SOME FOOD FOR SOBER REFLECTION. The Politicians Brought on the War; But. the BeHt. Interests of the People Demands That They Be Not Allowed to Play Battledoor and Shuttlecock With the Results. Following Is the speech that Mr. John C. Carey, president of the Lockhart mill, delivered at Spartanburg last Wednesday, and which won more applause than any other speech of the day. It is reproduced from the Greenville News of last Friday. The object of this series of meetings in the upper part of the state, we are told, is for the purpose of discussing before the people, calmly, dispassionately, and without personal abuse of any one, the national issues of the day. I am sorry to say in the very beginning, at T T"1 41%^, nnAolroro QQaoiloH UI1IUU, SUHIC Ul llic opvaavi a the character and motives of an honorable class of gentlemen?the cotton mill presidents?because some of them differ with them on certain issues. Recreant would we be to the trust committed to us by honorable people were we to remain silent before our countrymen and allow these charges to go unchallenged. "Lives there a reptile so low, so base and so vile that would not turn and sting the hand that bruises it." Who are the cotton mill presidents of this state, and what are the charges brought against them by some of the senatorial tourists and instructors of the people? The majority of the mill presidents of South Carolina "are to the maner born." They are the men and sons of men who at the bugle blast in 1861 responded to their country's call and helped to form the greatest and bravest army that was ever organized in any country, ancient or modern? the Confederate soldier. I speak the name with almost hallowed reverence, who during the conflict of arms knew no sovereign nor master except country and duty, and when the conflict was over, laid down his arms, not ir. dishonor, but in glory, and in the gray "all tattered and torn" returned to liis home, the circle of his ancestry, desolated and ruined by the ruthless hand of war. Here with nothing but the smiles and love of the dear ones of his fireside, he began life anew without apology to king or potentate, and with an eye fixed onward and upward, swore he would conquer poverty and carve a name in history. Through all the trials of war and reconstruction of State government, he was at his post of duty; and in 1876 when South Carolina swore she would be free, he was the first to don the red shirt: and when the war of ballots was over and the j state capitol was filled with Federal bayonets, and the command flashed over the wire to every hamlet and town In the state (and to some In Georgia and North Carolina) "Come, bring laborers and tools." (You all know what this meant.) He was the first on the scene of combat to respond, "So mote It be." when Wade Hampton proclaimed in the presence of 10,000 followers, with no other covering for his head except the canopy of heaven, "I am the governor of South Carolina, so help me God." The first man who crossed the threshold of your capitol at that time, broke assunder with Herculean arm the massive doors of the hall of representatives from the hinges, and laid low the state colored constabularies, and over their prostrate forms, followed by his comrades, wrested from the despoilers' hand South Carolina and returned her to you and gave you a white man's government. This man and others who followed hard by are cotton mill presidents today. The man, who while in a foreign country seeking to restore his shattered health. In the hour of blood and cyclone, when the electric flash announced the sad news to him, hastened to the city which loved and honored him, ' IU U1MHUUIC ilic tiiaiuici? \JM. inu wiitinents to suffering humanity, is a cot- ' ton mill president. The man who at * the foot hills of the Blue Ridge, felled ' a dense forest and brought the soil into the highest state of cultivation was one ( of the first men in the state to declare 1 for the rights of the farmer when they ' thought they were being trampled un- : der foot, is today the president of a 1 cotton mill within a few miles of the 1 forest he subdued, and where, as a far- ' mer, he passed his young manhood in * honest toil. The man who in ante-bel- 1 lum days, came to your country from , a northern clime, as a youth cast his > fortune with Spartanburg and plighted ' his love to his adopted country, for- ' sook it not in her darkest days of war 1 and adversity, and aside from building 1 up one of the largest mill properties in < the state, erected a monument to 1 young womanhood which will be as en- ? during as time itself?Converse college. 1 This man was a mill president up to his ' death. But why enumerate further. The I mill presidents of this state were called ' from honorable vocations, and some from the humblest walks of life. The < cotton mills of this state have invaded ' the ranks of all classes?the store, the 1 workshop, the counting room, the har, the doctor's home, the school room and the farm for their presidents. And one Is now about to convert Clemson college into a veritable textile school. These are the men who stand ar raigned before you mis day by a member of this aggregation of office seekers, who at Union constituted themselves prosecutor, judge and Jury, and . upon their own imaginary testimony renderid a verdict against the cotton mill presidents for violation of almost every irime in the decalogue. Though earned in law, they did not open their jrand high tribunal with the usual cerimonles of a circuit court, namely: 'Prisoner, look upon the Juror; juror ook upon prisoner. What sayest thou? 3uilty or not guilty?" But the right of appeal is vouchsafed io every man in this country, and this right I now exercise In behalf of the nlll presidents and appeal to the people ind answer "Not Guilty." Are these men traitors, tyrants, tools of dlshon ?st men for base purposes? Political igents of northern capitalists, who have been furnished money with which to build cotton mills for the purpose of coercing freeborn white men and turnng them over to the Republican party is has been charged? I deny the accusation and brand it is false and an insult, not only to the iilll presidents but to the people who have trusted and confided in them, rhey are true to the land that gave !hem birth; they are true to the people vho have honored them with seats in ;he councils of state and nation; true :o the people who have entrusted to :heir care and management their noney; true to their neighbors; true to heir workers and co-workers, and true :o themselves. Their motto is "To :hine own self be true and it must folow as the night the day, thou canst lot then be false to any man." The accusers say the principles some if us advocate from a purely business standpoint are Republican principles, ind therefore we are not Democrats; md charge us, with the Republican par:y, with all the blood, carnage and hor ors of the Spanish-American war, and ?ven with trying to shoot the religion if the Lord Jesus Christ into the poor leathen. We are further charged by :his circulating library of instruction ,vith all the bad results of the war. Let is look into this a little and see who is esponstble for this war. You rememler that during the Cuban insurrection, ;he United States, regardless of party, Democrats or Republicans, all mixed jp together, cried for war while the iresident and business portion of the country opposed it. The politicians ?ave notice to Spain that she had to ind the war in a Riven time, and also rave Mr. McKinley notice that he had :o begin the war. and after being roaded by members of his own party md members of the Democratic party n congress, reluctantly declared war md hostilities commenced. I want to impress it upon you that vhen the proposition was made in contress to vote J50.000.000 to start the war, :here was not one vote. Democratic or Republican, cast against the proposl:ion, and it has always been doubtful n my mind whether the resolution was egally passed. The members of all jarties were so eager to vote for it, that :hey could not wait for the usual fornalltles to be complied with, and some say that the members voted in regular South Carolina 1876 style?"early, often md late." Then Joe Wheeler and the joys did the fighting. It is said that Senator Morgan, of Alabama, started the war, and Joe CVheeler ended it, and I am not prepared to doubt it. Anyway, the war was vaged at the behest of the politicians, md the business men and the people )f the country paid the cost. Now, I submit, it ill becomes any one who oted to bring this war on. and then loes not try to settle it up the best erms possible after victory has been von. To sulk and Impede a Just settlenent of the matter is not statesmanship but partisanship. We had cause vhen the Maine was blown up to go to var with Spain and punish her. These gentlemen now blame everybody for hese evils who do not think with them, rhey certainly knew what war meant? 'blood, destruction and death." You ill know General Sherman's definition >f it. Now if these politician* made a aad bargain by waging the war, they should use every effort to correct the vrong and not complain with others vho differ with them in the settlement >f it. This brings us to expansion, which in ;he eyes of our friends, seems to be such a crime against Democracy. Was t not to be expected that these islands should be protected by this country, ind in return for this care yield soveriignty to the United States under the iest form of government we could assist in devising for them? To leave :hese people alone, without the ability ind means of protection, would be cruel md wrong. Expansion has ever been a principle jf both Democratic and Republican larties, and the people generally, ever since the day Columbus set foot on this ontinent. We have been land grabjers from the foundation of the governnent; and all the territory that has seen added to this country has been inder a Democratic administration vith the exception of Alaska. While it ,vas not by conquest, some of it was the esult of conquest. I do not believe :hat any one gave much thought about :hese Spanish possessions before the victory. No one can tell where and In ivhat war between two nations will md. Unforseen emergencies arise and nust be met. The emancipation of the slaves in this country was not the irime cause of the war between the states; but the emergency arose and ;hen followed Mr. Lincoln's emancipa;lon proclamation in 1863. My desire and efforts have been to lefend the character and motives of :he mill presidents against the charges preferred. Expansion is one of the jrave offenses, and is one you are told :hat unfits us for further membership n the Democratic party. It will be i oooooo mr f nf mQ t n rHoonuo thlc mine. icvcooai j i v/i III^ bw uiovuoo tiiio vjuvw lion, and it will be from a purely business standpoint; and right here, let me say, mis involves quite u. uiucicui. course to that necessary to a discussion from a political standpoint. The former must acknowledge no party nor partisan boss, while the latter has for its foundation, no business principle; but the prejudice which is necessary to catch the voter. Business and politics, especially partisan politics, do not mix very gracefully, and if any discussion of this question from a business view has not the snap and fire in it to whoop up the masses, it will be because it Is based upon hard sense, facts and solid business principles. Our friends would have you believe that we mean by expansion war, bloodshed, robbery and pelf. This is not true. Of all men under the sun, business men want peace, harmony and good will, for in these trade is born, nourished, enlarged and expanded. In enmity, hate and discord trade cannot thrive either between Individuals or nations. We must deal with our friends and be friends to those who deal with us. Expansion, as the mill men understand It, is the reaching out from our own shores and extending into the marts of the world, with our own ships sailing under our own flag, ladened with American products of the loom, of the shop, of the mine and of the field. You may ask why do we want this, as was asked and answered by one of the speakers at Union the other day, "sell your goods to our own people at home." This country is producing more cotton goods, more iron, more wheat, corn and bacon and almost of everytning else than we can consume at home, and here the question arises, what are we to do with the surplus? There is only one solution of the question. We must have an outlet for this surplus on terms of equality with other nations that will enable us to compete witn our competitors in foreign countries, or curtail our productions, which means fewer wage earners at lower prices, stagnation in trade and a check to the industries of the south, and especially the cotton mill industry. American inventive genius, skill and industry is producing textile products far in excess of the need of our increasing population and that of the trade we have in other countries. This being the case, is it not natural that we should strive for a wider outlet, establish new trade centers and hold that which we already have and safeguard the same and continue our onward march in material progress? Do the farmers, merchants, mechanics and laborers of this country want any check or blight in the enterprises springing up in our midst dally? I would not rob one industry or business to build up another; but I think with open doors to the world, with a well regulated merchant marine to enlarge the facilities of trade and commerce that will lessen the cost of transportation to the producer, we can compete with the world and build up trade with countries we cannot now reach. I do not say to give a bonus to a favored few; but give the benefit of the reduced cost to the producer. These matters are Important and require statesmanship to formulate laws to meet the emergencies without " ? rv- -i UAMMA 4a lavonusm Io me itirung aim Iianu iu the weak. To these we must look for just and Impartial laws, and at the same time, use every effort In our power to enlarge, extend and expand our trade and commerce with outlying countries. We want to build more cotton mills with more northern capital; make more mills as easily and In the way one of our friends said we could, the other day at Union. He said that all that one of these mill presidents had to do when he commenced to build a mill was to go north and say he wanted to get money to build a cotton mill with which to coerce the poor white men of our state and turn them over to the Republican party, he could get all the Republican money he wanted. This Is not my experience and not true. I have never had the misfortune to meet a northern Republican or a southern Republican who was such a fool as this, and I was surprised to hear the statement from the gentleman. Just here I wish to make this statement, that with all my Intercourse with both northern and southern stockholders, the matter of politics was never discussed. I believe this is the experience of all the mill presidents. These people are not in the business for politics or politicians. It was asked at Union by one of the gentlemen who boasted that he owned $10,000 in mill stocks: "Why don't these mill presidents divide their 100 per cent, dividends with the poor operatives?" I wish to say I do not know of any mills making any such fabulous profits. If such was true, no mill president has the right to divide any mill dividends with any one or to use funds from his treasury for any other purpose than mill purposes. The stockholders declare the dividend and the presidents pay them out. When paid to the individual stockholders they can do, of course, as they please witn their money, even to returning It to the operatives. I would ask this stockholder why he doesn't divide his dividend with the operatives of the mills In which he is a stockholder? The presidents and treasurers stand on the halfway ground between the stockholders and operatives. First comes the taxgatherer, then the operative, and lastly the stockholder. If this rule of copartnership obtained, how would the gentleman do when the mill made no profits, as is the case sometimes? Would he have the operatives pay back to the mill their proportionate part of the loss? No, gentlemen, it is very ooov fnr o nnlltlrlnn tn tell his const! tuenta how they must run their business and how they must vote. I wish to say a word in behalf of the mill operatives who have been insulted by the intimation that they could be coerced into voting in the way the mill presidents dictated. The man who intimated this is certainly ignorant of the sentiment of the very people to whom he proposes to go at night and stir up. They have manhood, independence, do their own thinking, and no man dare to attempt to coerce them at the ballot box or stir them up at night in the mill village. These people love freedom of thought and action and exercise the same. In conclusion, I will ask you to remember that the mill presidents of this state believe in the people's ruling; that every man should cast his ballot according to the dictates of his own judgment without fear of punishment or hope of reward. We believe in building up the waste places of our Southland, in dignifying labor and in obeying the laws of our country and our God; in the education of the masses both of heart and mind: in furnishing the opportunities for honest work for all at remunerative wages, and in making markets at profitable prices for the products of our farmers. But I need not tell you this, for you have the evidence before you every day. Every smokestack towering heavenward, every church spire, every school house and every library or reading room around every cotton mill in this state, which is as much a part of the equipment of the mill as the looms and spindles. is a living testimonial to the truth of what I say. Their motto, whicn they have recorded, is "Sic semper tyrannis," to be translated by mill presidents literally, to the masses, "Hurrah for Gen. Jackson! Human for Gen. Jackson!! Hurrah for Gen. Jackson!!! right or wrong!" Our motto inscribed upon the walls of our mills and impressed upon the hearts of our operatives is "Friendship in marble; enmity in dust." CONFUSION CONFOUNDED, McLanrin Attends Last Session of Summer School. SENSATIONAL EPISODE AT ANDERSON. After an Already Hostile Crowd Had Been Further Frejudiced Against Him, the Outrageously Slandered Junior Senator Puts In a Sudden Appearance, and With a Brave, Manly Speech, Changes Enemies Into Friends. Complied from Daily Papers. The Greenville resolutions, adontv-d by the summe: school faculty to the contrary, notwithstanding the heresies that are being taught by Senator McLaurin, have not been obliterated. That fact was fully demonstrated at Anderson last Friday by Senator McLaurln himself in a way that cannot leave the least possible doubt in the minds of the summer school faculty or of the public. The Anderson meeting was opened In accordance with the previously arranged programme. It was not understood that Senator McLaurin would be there; but there had been a special effort to whoop up a large crowd to hear the hitherto pretty thoroughly discouraged summer school faculty, and the audience that gathered in the court house numbered some 500 or 600 people. Mr. Hemphill and Mr. Latimer spoke during the morning, both following the same lines as in their previous speeches. Anderson is in Mr. Latimer's district, and he has many strong supporters in that county. His more enthusiastic admirers were especially anxious to hear how thoroughly he could abuse Senator McLaurin, and the redoubtable candidate was at his best. He accused the junior senator of having been first against the Reform movement, then a Reformer, then a Populist and then a "treacherous traitor" of a Republican. At every thrust his friends would whoop and yell, and to a man who did not know, it would have seemed that the appearance of Senator McLaurin at that stage of the proceedings, or anytime soon thereafter, would have been the only necessary signal for a lynching bee. About the time Mr. Latimer concluded his remarks, the chairman of the meeting received a note to the effect that Senator McLaurin was on his way to Anderson, and was due to arrive at 1 9H nholrmnn m? Ho thp flfl nouncement. The news produced a profound sensation. Many were unwilling to believe it was true; but. upon the whole, the meeting was strangely excited. A conference was held among the summer school faculty and new arrangements were made. Mr. Johnstone?was yet to speak, and It was decided to adjourn the meeting until 1.30, when Senator McLaurln would open in an hour. Mr. Johnstone would follow In an hour and a half, and Senator McLaurln would be allowed a half hour In reply. The train came In on time. It was a special that Senator McLaurln had hired at Seneca for the purpose. After the Greenville meeting, it developed that the members of the summer school faculty were making capital of the absence of Senator McLaurln, claiming that that gentlemen dared not face the people. The senator's friends urged him to go to Anderson. He was on his way home at the time and their telegrams met him at Norfork, Va., where he had just arrived by boat from New York. He determined to heed the wishes of his friends and hurried on to Seneca, where he found It necessary to hire the train, as stated, less than a dozen people knowing of his plans, and a few of them going on to Anderson with him. Within 20 minutes after he reached Anderson, Senator McLaurln was In the court house. He had been seasick on the way to Norfolk, and he was well worn out. But the stimulant that awaited him in the court house quickly made a man of him again. As he entered the hall, his friends sent up cheer after cheer, and notwithstanding the applause that had been provoked by Mr. Latimer, In those cheers there was sufficient sincerity and volume to Indicate that the new arrival would at least get fair play. As though heedless of It all. Senator McLaurln, immediately after his introduction entered into a full, calm and dispassionate explanation of the issues he had raised. He discussed expansion as distinguished from imperialism. gave his conception of what he considered to be our duty in the Philippines, and told of the commercial advantages that may be expected to accrue from those islands and from China. Then also he explained the ship subsidy question at length, making it plain that it is his desire to develop our merchant marine only as a means to the more rapid development of our already growing commerce. During all his speech, he did not once refer to the vicious thrusts that had been made at him during the morning by Mr. Latimer, nor did he refer to Senator Tillman. He explained at length his vote on the Paris treaty, showing how between the time he made his speech and the time he voted, the Filipinos had fired upon a n tmnns jind the comDlications thus brought about threatened a renewal of tne rupture with Spain, and probably the interference of France and Germany on the side of the enemy. He denied most emphatically that he had for a moment considered the idea of organizing a Republican party in South Carolina, or that he had ever lent his name to srch a proposition. been In the interest of the people of his state, and he was satisfied that the next five years would bring him complete vindication. He told also how he could have avoided all.the vituperation anH ohuoo to whlnVi Vio la now anhlpp ? - "I ? ? -? ? ted. by simply falling to do what he knew to be his plain duty, and how his conscience would not let him follow such a course. He referred to the fact that he had said in nis speech on ship subsidy, that he was not committed to the pending bill, and he explained that a new bill on the subject is now being prepared for introduction at the next session of congress. The senator was listened to quietly and attentively throughout, and although it was clear that he made and was making a deep impression, there was little or no applause. JOHNSTONE IN REPLY. When he got up to make reply, Mr. George Johnstone was received with an ovation. This gentleman is not very popular in Anderson because of his past political attitude: but there were no signs of the old feelings in the audience. The applause came to him from all parts of the house, and It was* loud and enthusiastic. It was evident that he realized the importance of the occasion and the magnitude of the opportunity offered for himself. Colonel Johnstone is a master of sarcasm. satire and cutting irony, and for the occasion he summoned all the power of his art. He affected the style of Mark Anthony's speech over the body of Caesar, freely conceding that Senator McLaurin was an honorable man, and then administering a bloodletting stab. While he was willing to admit that Senator McLaurin was not trying to organize a Republican party, he claimed that if the senator's policies hiiuuiu prevail, xvepuuiieaiuaiii wuuiu surely come In their wake. He claimed that were it not for the fact that he thought the Democratic party in danger, he would not be there. There were many among his closest friends who thought like McLaurin, and although he did not desire to hurt their feelings, his duty to the party demanded that he tell the truth let the result be what it may. He undertook to point out the difference between McLaurin's expansion and Democratic expansion; claiming that Democratic expansion only seeks such territory as may be erected into States, with the consent of the people to be governed. He charged that the forces with which McLaurin is operating are establishing a despotic government in the Philippines. He ridiculed the idea that the Filipinos have no government or are unable to govern themselves. H> compared the attitude of the Federal government in the Philippines to conditions that existed in South Carolina during reconstruction ui'der Sickles and Canby. He roasted McLaurin's argument that the islands should be held for trade, claiming that the people did not even wpnr r?lnthoa Moirt Mr Tnhnotnno lumped on the ship subsidy proposition, holding1 that the principle was different from that which gives money to railroads and that farmers have as much right to a bonus of $1 on each bale of cotton they produce. He held that the ship subsidy Idea grows out of a fear on the part of the trans-continental railroads that the digging of the Nlcarauga canal will take shipping business away from the eastern and western ports, and It Is for that reason that these Interests desire subsidies. He was enthusiastic In favor of the Nlcaraugua canal, claiming that herein was the great secret of prosperity for our Southern manufacturing Interests. About here Mr. Johnstone pointed out the fact of Senator McLaurln's fallblllty on account of his change from the alliance doctrines, and some one asked if Tillman had not changed too. So. to the very great surprise of everybody, Colonel Johnstone launched Into a sky scraping eulogy of Tillman, comparing that gentleman to Calhoun, Hayne, Hampton and even Thomas Jefferson. "God knows," he said, that when Tillman and Hampton stand together for a principle, It must be right." [Applause.] In conclusion, Mr. Johnstone, devoted himself to the patronage question, asking if anyone believed that McKinley would use the ammunition ill nis disposal iur uunuing up a nemocratlc party in South Carolina. "It is miraculous," he said, "how these appointments come without solicitation or suggestion, and it is marvelous how McKinley and a special providence coincide with Senator McLaurin's views." [Great applause.] m'laurin in reply It was evident that Mr. Johnstone had made a good impression on the audience against Senator McLaurin, and it was also quite clear that in order i, to hold his own, the senator would have to put up a strong case. Senator McLaurin was not in the least flustered, however. He pulled off his collar and got down to business, opening his speech with a compliment to the fairness, courtesy and ability of Mr. Johnstone. With reference to Mr. Johnstone's statement to the effect that the senator had said that McKinley should be reelected by acclamation, he explained that the war had been brought on by the Democrats and that McKinley had carried it on without making mistakes, as well as the Democrats could have done, and that he did not think there was any justice in trying to defeat Mr. McKinley on that issue. As to Federal patronage, he explained that because of his liberal views, the president had offered him a position on the Philippines commission; but he had refused to accept anything for himself. He did not feel warranted In so doing. He knew his course had laid him open to criticism at nome, and he preferred to go back to his people and give an account of his stewardship. In view of the president's conplimentary offer, he said that he had assured the president that if he desired to do (Continued on Fourth Page).