Yorkville enquirer. [volume] (Yorkville, S.C.) 1855-2006, September 16, 1880, Image 1

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lewis m. grist, proprietor. J Jnbcpfubinf Jfamiln ftetospper: .for tjje $rontotio? of % political, Social, ^jricnltural anil dommerrial Interests of % Sontji. |terms--$2.50 a year, in advance. voL. 26. YORKVILLE, S. Q-, THUBSDAY, SEPTEMBER 16, 188Q. JSTO. 38. Ipscdliiucous |UaiUng. SPEECH OF SENATOR BAYARD, OF DELAWARE, DELIVERED IN COLUMBIA, SEPT. 7, 18S0. My Friends, my Fellow Countrymen, Citizens of South Carolina : This is the first time that I have entered upon the soil of your State aud taken part in your political counsels, and while 1 am rejoiced to see this great gathering of men, aye of the women of the State of South Carolina, because it shows me that they appreciate the great importance of their duties under a Republican form of government, for without earnest devotion and oit/l /L'-iinforocto/l uMemfirm hv hf?n UliOClllOU U11U UlOillbVlVdiVU j ? est men and honest women in public affairs, we shall have little chance of making this the safe government of a free people ; yet I must beg of you silent attention, for I am here, need I say to you, as the friend of every man and woman upon the soil of this State. [Immense applause.] Standing here surrounded by banners that bear such inscriptions as meet my eye, the names of Marion, of Sumter, and of Laurens, why they tring back to me the struggles in which my own people had their part in common with you. They recall those ancient traditions of American valor and of American patriotism, all of which developed themselves for the common cause of American freedom and independence. It is, I believe, but a matter of thirty miles from the place where we stand to-day to the BATTLE FIELD OF CAMDEN, where on that day, side by side with your own people, a regiment from Delaware, led by Baron DeKalb, laid down their lives almost to a man for the great cause of the freedom and independence of this country. I would like indeed to visit that field of battle. I would like to pluck from that sacred spot some poor blade of grass, some pretty twig or leaf to carry back to my children to show tnera that the American feeling is not bounded by lines or hemmed in by sections, and that common ties will call us to common defence whenever it will be necessary. [Applause ] 73-11 a. i T r enow citizens, me topics upuu niuvu j. desire to treat to day are not local. I do not address you simply as South Carolinians. The issues to which I desire to address your intelligent attention are national. They belong to the whole country. You are here to day in my mind and in my eye, but are only a part of that great army of thoughtful and intelligent men enrolled under the banners ot the National Democracy who are fighting the same BATTLE FOR CONSTITUTIONAL LIBERTY everywhere all over the Uuion. In 1876 this great National Democracy, which is organized in every State, in every county, in every city, in every township, in every State from Oregon to Maiue, from Minnesota to Florida, from Texas to Massachusetts, all were moved by the same impulse that move you to day, and all are marching on to accomplish the same great end to which your organization is dedicated. [Immense cheering-] Fellow-citizens, while I thank you for every expression of your approval, still I had rather have your careful attention than your enthusiastic reception. The matters I have to speak of are not trifling and are not to be settled by cheers, but by the strongest intellectual endeavor that each one of us can exert, and we should give to a discussion of these questions that gravity which so great and holy a cause demands. I say that in 1876 this great party, of which you are members, polled in the Union four ar.d a half millions of votes. There was a popular majority of one quarter of a million that was meant to prevail, and would have prevailed, had not THE SPIRIT OF REVOLUTION and of despotism possessed those in charge or our National Government, and by a mixture of fraud and force perverted the honest results of a great election by the people. [Cheers.] That majority is not to be decreased. The four and a quarter millions of votes polled for Tildeu and Hendricks in 1876 will grow to five millions of votes in 1880 for Winfield Scott Hancock and William H. English. I do not say this as an idle boast. I don't mean this as an excited utterance from the stump. I say that which I believe, that the curreut of au honest public sentiment?what I may term the instinct of selfpreservation, will cause such an expression at the polls in November next, that no one will be so wicked, so daring or so dishonest as to attempt to defeat the voice of the great American people as will then be so positively CApiC99CU. |_i. lUIVU^CU uuccto.j As I said, I address you as part of a great whole, as a National and not a sectional party. The time has never been in my life when I was a member of a sectional party. The time has never been when I have asked any man to accept the unjust domination of another. I have been all ray life not for the Solid South or for the Solid North, but for THE SOLID UNION of the North and of the South on terms ot peaceful and just equality. What task so easy as for me to speak here to-day ? There is nothing that I have to conceal. No portion of ray heart is or ever has been unfaithful to any part of this country, and what I have to say in this pine grove to-day I would say with equal freedom upon the steps of the New York Chamber of Commerce or in Faneuil Hall in Boston. We have no objects that need to be hidden from any portion of our countrymen. We design neither the degradation or the insult of any man who lives under the flag of our country. We speak in the same voice everywhere, everywhere the same principles, in the sunshine and in the darkness, always the same. [Cheers.] THE SOUTH AND TIIE UNION. Now, if I speak to-day of the value of tbe South to the Union, in the same breath must I speak of the value of the Union to the South. The one cannot be separated from the other. The health of the living body is dependent upon the health of all the parts, and if there is a canker in oue part it will spread to the mortification of the whole body. Let me ask you this : What is there in the Republican party to day to give it a claim upon any disinterested voter in America for his support ? What are their claims? If theirs are greater than ours, then in common justice I say that they should be allowed. Rut let us ask why it is that any fair-minded man who wishes to be a citizen, a father, husband, friend, to fill anv relation in life properly and conscientiously, what is there to bind such a man to vote to favor the success of the Republican party ? Is this party a sincere one? Does the past tell the American people that it will be wise and right to continue the governmental power in their hands ? Have they brought business to the American people, or have they injured them? First, Jet me say one thiug?the proper care of property is essential to every good citizen. It is one, perhaps the greatest, object for which government was designed. The law, with its calm spirit of beneficence, was intended to take THE PLACE OF BRUTE FORCE. The poor, weak and dcpendent, all find in the law their best protector. Constitutions are the fundamental laws to protect the weak, to protect minorities not majorities. The strong man with an army at his back needs no aid. It is the poor man, standing alone by his principles, who needs something to appeal to that bids the invader of his rights to pause in his course. Then come the laws for the exchange of property. Then comes money as th?. instrument-for exchange. Men cannot barter and exchange the raw produce always. You have no doubt stores in the country where every thing is exchanged in kind, yet the value of everything that is taken in exchange by the largest to the smallest country store must be expressed in money. Money must be the language of all contracts in this country, and that MONEY MUST BE HONEST, so men, when they deal fairly with each other, ! must they deal in the lauguage of truth. If money is the language of exchange, then moni ey must be honest and true, or else some one j is bound to be cheated. We to-day owe the iuvention of dishonest money and its applica! tion to the dealings of the people, whereby j both creditor and debtor are deceived, to the | machinations of the Republican party. It was that party which, in defiance of all our history of the past, repeated once and over ! again, iu the days of the first revolution, des! pite the piain mandate of the Constitution, I i -i.i. i? xi :?i.i ^ ? nas said uia. v^ougress jihs me ngiu iu mm, a. worthless piece of paper and say that an American citizen must receive it as the fruits of his labor. If any man or set of men were ever to be entrusted with unlimited power, what greater exhibition of unlimited power could there be than this which places in their hands the right to say that a worthless piece of paper shall become nothing or everything? That a farmer shall be paid for his farm by a blade of grass that grows by the road-side, and that the poor laborer, who works all the week, may be paid with a promise to pay that is never paid. Don't you see that there was never a more cruel blow struck at the laboring man than by that party which ESTABLISHED DISHONEST MONEY in this coiiDtry. And this, my fellow-citizens, was done by the Republican party, against the vote of every Democrat in both houses of Congress. They prove themselves false guardians, for they abandon their trust at the very moment wheu they should have most carefully guarded it. They did invent the Greenback and they drove gold and silver, which have value in every nation of the world, out of this coun'ry. Gold and silver have value in every country of the world, and gold and silver is stamped by every nation in the world, I not to give it value, because God gave it value. It was He who told men in every age to value these metals, and since the sun shone they have been the medium of exchange between the people of all nations. It was this party of moral ideas, which claims itself to be the great party of finance in this country, to which we owe the ACCURSED PRESENCE OF DISHONEST MONEY. One of the great men of this country, he who had faculties which were called god-like, it was the great Webster, had said that "an irredeemable paper money was the most remarkable invention to fertilize the rich man's field by the sweat of the poor man's brow, that had ever been evolved from the fertile brain of man," and it is to-day, from this invention of the Republican party, that men must receive money that can be increased by the vote of an accidental majority in Congress. I ask you to carry home the fact that down in th*> hnff.nm nf the human heart lies the value of truth, and he who pays another by j force, for value, that which has no value, j cannot be called au honest man. What ha3 this Republican party done? I could go a little further. After the bounty of Providence had given to this land of ours enormously productive acres, after the same wise Providence had withheld His smile from other nations, and with deluges of rain had injured the crops all over Europe, so that the superfluity of our production afforded bread to those who needed it, and were compelled to pay almost any price you asked?in view of these facts, the American industry, agriculture, the very foundation stone of the nation's prosperity, was encouraged, and by these means, and by the labor of such men as I see before me, the great balance of trade was j carried in favor of the United States and the I products of America were paid for in Europe ! and brought back in precious metals. It was | the industry of the American people, reward. ed by the American people, that enabled this | country to commence the redemption of its j money. The proof that there was no money J was the issue of new notes. A man does not J issue a note when he has the money in his ! pocket. That is a plain matter of fact, and I j say that the evil was this, not that the government in time of trouble must borrow money, j Credit's a blessing, but don't attempt to turn j the convenience into a curse and intc the ar! bitrary rule that shall compel a man to rej ceive as cash that which is but one half credj it. Th& abundant crops with our industry brought us back into the condition to say, ; bring us our money. The notes were brought I forward and the money was there to meet j them. But it didn't stop there. This same disposition to JUGG' E WITH THE TRUTH. I and to deceive the people which has marked j the course of t e Republican party for the I last fifteen years, marks to day the course of i their secretary of the treasury, and has ini duced them, as fast as the note is paid, to I reissue it. What kind of redemption is this? If you know a merchant who owed a great many notes and mistrusted his financial status because you thought he owed more than he ; could pay, would it strengthen your confii dence in him if he should announce his readi ; ness to meet hie notes and at the same time j reissue new ones ?" He owes as much at the i end of six months as he owed when he began, ; and thi3 is what they call redemption. As I ! said in the Senate once, it is like trying to bail out a boat with a sieve. It flows back one way as fast as you take it out the other, i What I wanted to say was, not that we ! should instruct our Government, not that we should diminish the volume of our cir, culation and restrict business; but I said i this, that 1 would deny the right of the Government to compel the honest man to take dishonest money if he did not want to do it. And I advocate that, from and after January next, no note of paper shall be compulsorily receivable, and to allow the people to take it for what it was worth. Don't compel the man who has worked all the week, and is entitled to his ten dollars, to accept that i which is only worth six dollars or eight dollars. If so you have wronged that man. This was the doctrine -of the Democratic party of Andrew Jackson, of Calhoun, of every man who has adorned the Democratic roll since the beginning of the government. What was the answer of this guardian of the public honor and credit, Mr. John Sherman ? Upon the introduction of that resolution a caucus was held by the Republican senators, and it was resolved that the measure should never pass the Senate. Such was the way that a Democratic attempt to secure honest money was met at the hands of a Republican Administration and Republican Senate, i LAND GRANTS AND RAILROAD SUBSIDIES. Another thing?do you believe it safe and right that this land of ours, upon which we j live and of which all humau power cannot ! create one part, do you think it right and j just, do you thing it statesman-like, do you think it patriotic, that millions of acres of fertile land, capable of bearing glorious crons 1 and filled with mines of mineral wealtn, should be given over to ha'.'dozen artificial bodies called railway incorporations ? Is J the text of the American people "Eat, drink J and be merry, for to-morrow we die?" No, ' wa look to the future, and we say that this great domain shall be preserved for future generations, that they may reap the fruit of our good guardianship and trusteeship. That is the doctrine of the Democratic party. But j the doctrine of the Republican party is to I feed fat those who do not need fattening; to make the strong stronger at the expense of the weak, and to make the rich richer at the expense of the poor, and in proof of this as, sertion I point to these laud gifts by Act ot j Congress from 1863 until a Democratic majority in the House put a stop to them. Fellow-citizens, this is not a subject to be discussed lightly. It is a subject upon which a man might spend more than a day to show the terribly reckless course of this party that | has made these grants for all time without j regard to succeeding generations. I can re-1 j member when I first entered Congress, some) ! twelve years ago, how the lobby flaunted i itself in the face of the public; how men ' wonld sit there and put conditions in the ; ! passage of laws, and they did it by money i ! and that money was the money of the people j : of the United States. Subsidies and grants of j all sorts were distributed with a lavish hand, j i No wonder that the wine flowed freely and j that Washington was a gay place and that; the Republican party was popular with a class. They were FATTENING ON THE CORRUPTION. | When the Democrats came in power in 1875, ' * * Tt ?J _ll iLJ in ine lower nouse, ic put an enu 10 an men grand dinners and their receptions and their influence, and their power was gone. Let any man who was acquainted with the corI ruptiou of those days look at Congress to day j and tell you the difference. Was it the Re-, i publican party that caused this reform ? No, i it was the will of the Democratic party that ! placed an honest majority in'the House of ! Representatives. Another thing I would like to call your attention to is the attitude of the Republican party towards THE COLORED PEOPLE ! of this country. There has been a contemptible meanness by that party and its leaders towards the negroes that meets my most hearty contempt. They knew that they were | ignorant. They knew that they were weak, j and not able to protect themselves, and what j ; have they done ? They have professed to be j ' their warm friends and admirers. They.have J ! told them that they were fit to occupy any j i station in the Government. They told them j I they were the equal of any man in every re- j ! spect. What has it all come to, when the ! | opportunity is given them to give substantial j ; proof of their love and admiration"?^xI dial- | I lenge any man of any color or party to name a single colored man who holds an office under the United States government by the vote of the National Republican party. I have seen so much of this thing that it is very familiar. I have been in Washington for twelve years aud have been a householder, and being a taxpayer and residing in Washington a great portion of the time, and being a member of one of the houses of Congress, I know whereof I speak. In 1870 they began to apply to the Republican Congress and to make the District of Columba what they said was A BLACK MAN'S PARADISE, j a place where he would have to work very i little or not at all, and could support himself | by voting the Republican ticket. Well, it brought a great many there, but things went on so that, they confessed themselves, they began to recoil from the work they had begun. They commenced by destroying the house of delegates in which colored men sat, and then they destroyed the governorship, and the board of public works, and they had anent not less than thirtv million dollars on the streets of that town ; and it was done by the action of the Republican Congress, under a law signed by a Republican President, being no less a man than Gen. Grant himself; and to-day and for the last six or seven years no colored man has been allowed to cast a vote in the District of* Columbia, and no white man either. Here this guardian of the public liberty, this party that sets itself up as a great example and apostle of all that is correct and right in Republican government has stricken down the right which lies at the very basis of our institutions?I mean the right of suffrage. No man, for five or six years past, white or black, could go to the ; | palls and express hi3 opinion in the District ! of Columbia as to whether he is well or ill governed. [Applause.] I went DOWN TO MISSISSIPPI i in June, 1876, as the minority member of a i committee of investigation. The majority of : that committee was composed of Mr. Boutj well of Massachusetts, Mr. Cameron of Wisj consin, and Mr. McMillan of Minnesota. | They called up the colored people to ask | them whether they had been deprived of the right to hold office, and what had been done ! to them in elections and about their rights, j and I had some conversation with those peo ; pie, and I wish to call your attention to the fact that there is not to day in the State of Massachusetts a single colored man holding any office, nor in Wisconsin nor in Min| nesota, and therefore when they are down here, expressing solicitude that the black | man should have office, they are deceitful because in their own homes they take carc that nothing of the kind shall happen. [Cheers.] | So that I think we have a right on the score | of common sense and justice to arraign this i party for its gross insincerity in those very : things of which they proclaim themselves the ; | especial champions. I said just now that i I this party was insincere about money, about (public credit. Today the secretary of the i treasury is making speeches through the North ' declaring that the Democratic party is not | to be trusted by people of property, by the men of substance of the land. Now, to put : this question of public credit in a short form : Public credit is nothing but an aggregate of 1 individual credit. The public credit of South Carolina is the private credit of every individual in South Carolina, and if he does not see the immediate and instant result of a stab against THE CREDIT OF TIIE STATE he will find it in his individual fortune shortj ly. In Virginia there has been much distress , and trouble. Frankly, I do not think their affairs were so wisely managed as they might! have been. They temporized with affairs | they ought not to have temporized with, and ' I believe that State lost more money by tera| porizing with its public credit than the whole principal and interest of its public debt would | amount to, and being a friend of Virginia and loving the people, I do deplore the uuI wisdom of their course in this matter. But 1 who has been to blame for it ? Do you mean ! to tell me that Gen. Mahone, who has been | | most prominent among her citizens who ad-1 : vocated this course, is to blame ; for who is ! Gen. Mahone, what is he, compared with the ; I Federal Administration, at the luad of whose finances we find John Sherman? It was the action of the administration at Washington ! that is to blame for this state of affairs in ; Virginia ; for there is not one endowed with I Federal power in that State, high or low, that did not lend the aid of his power, official and norannnl t.n fnutpn THE FANGS OF THE REPUDIATIONIST3 ! upon the vitals of that old commonwealth. ! ! [Cheers.] Talk about this Republican party j being the friend of honest government, and we see Virginia, that old State, the State of Jackson and Washington, branded with the attempt to escape from her honest obliga tiong. I turn to the City of Washington and there I see John Sherman, the immaculate I protector of the public credit, and Ruther[ ford B. Hayes, the fraudulent President, i [cheers.] I see them lending their aid to , elect Mahone and them claiming that they are the party par excellence of public faith. I say that this is the party of insincerity. It ; is not to be trusted. No man, whose objects ! are those of the good citizen, no matter what may be his condition, has any claim to supi port this party. , Whether our hands be hardened by daily labor, or our brows he wrinkled by toil at the midnight desk, we have the same interest in having a government that will make us respect ourselves and secure our liberties to us and our children. But there is another danger, my friends. The Republican party is A SECTIONAL PARTY. It would create that division of the house against itself which is sure to cause its downfall. To-day, washed by the waters of the St. Lawrence on the north and the Gulf of Mexico on the south, two oceans pouring their tribute on both shores, the United States presents a most magnificent example ot free trade. There is na customhouse between the States. Any man who wants anything produced by nature or born ot man's labor or ingenuity can get it simply by adding the cost of freight and transportation, and that is very cheap at the present day. I saw the other day a most interesting statement of that?that it required but one day's labor of an operative in a manufactory on the Atlantic coast to transfer all the meat and flour that she can use in a single day from the granaries and meat depots of the West. For one dollar and a quarter a mechanic in New York or Boston can have a barrel of flour or meat transported from Chicago. Then, now, this beneficent rule prevails that whatever can be produced on our soil and in our climate is open to the people of that soil and climate to make a favorable exchange. This is the beneficence, the CHRISTIANITY OF HUMAN INTERCOURSE that it gives to each man the superfluities and the results of other men's labor in exchange for the superfluities of his own labor. 1 .-.L-i .. > V I1UL H Sill Hill! WI1UI rt UlllJiU 13 It kllCIl tnut those who have the power in their hands should set up a barrier between themselves and their fellow countrymen. How can men in one Christian church that I know kneel in prayer to their Father in Heaven and then maintain their hate and animosity towards their fellow countrymen. False money is a bad thing, hypocrisy and deceit are bad things, but surely this spirit of hate that comes into a country like ours and seeks to, array brother against their own kin is worse. I confess, that all the thoughts of argument and illustration fade away before this broad sense of humanity. I am making the appeal here to you, the same appeal I make to the people in the little State where I was born, the same that I would make to vaster audiences or elsewhere, but coming back to what is the result of this sectionalism, I to-day arraign the Republican organization as the great obstruction of American prosperity. I say to day that they are indulging their animrtoiftr of flio /^ncf c?f ftio nprsnnn.1 u-elfara nf every individual of the land. I will not say every individual perhaps, because I know that in the rear of every array there are CAMP FOLLOWERS AND CARRrON CROWS that feed on the public distresses and make merry over the sufferings of ^mankind. But they are not worthy to be spoken of, they are exceptions to humanity that will be borne down by the tide and flood of execration. But I speak to those who love their homes and children and love their fellowmen, and I ask how can such men support such a party ? So that if there was no other fault to find with their fellow-countrymen apart, that alone would be enough for me to decline to favor it, and that is the question, too, all over this land of ours. Go where you please and you will find SECTIONAL HATRED AND JEALOUSY. Why, who is safe from it? What will they not do to invoke it? If there be on the face of the great earth a man who would not tell a lie to save himself or his friends, that is Wade Hampton. [Cheers.] Wade Hampton is not a man to hide his thoughts or fears, to look a man in the eye and tell him what he thinks. You know him. He has been since he went to the Senate a free, candid, outspoken, conscientious representative of his people and of the Constitution. He has had nothing to hide. There was no thought in his heart that would not bear God's sunlight, and yet when he made a speech the other day in Virginia and was talking with those people whom he had fought lor and whom he loved, he advised them to stand upon the public faith and not to tamper with their public reputation, and he said that if Lee and Jackson were here would you not do as they would do in such a case as this? Can you doubt, said he, where Lee and Jackson would have stood had they been spared to live under a condition such as this. And what did those partisan spirits do with his speech ? They declared that the man whose honor is unsullied as the sun intended to reinvoke the spirit of military resistance to the government. And they knew that was a lie. [Cheers.] They knew that when Hampton sheathed his sword and signed the terras of submission and when he went into tne service of the Government of the United States he did it with a clear conscience and an intent to keep his word, and he has always kept it. [Cheers.] But it is useless to defend him here where you all know him. But all over the North they have tried to spread falsehood and injure the.man among people who delight to honor him and love him. And how shall we meet it ? There is an old saying that a lie will travel a league while Truth is putting on his boots, and- so I suspect we are content to be silent, except to make the denunciation that I make to-day, and such as I would make anywhere where that falsehood met my ear. But this shows the desperate efforts of that party who would sow THE SEEDS OF DISCORD and arrest the tide of prosperity in our midst. I think that these efforts will be in vain. I think there is a divine purpose that does not intend these people to remain at war with themselves. Everything speaks to us to oppose the party based upon these things. The love of our country, the love of peace, the very hard material gains of our daily labor, all warn us that a sectional party is a foe to the prosperity of a country, and that every man is equally interested in putting an end to any such attempt. Sometimes it was a convenient thing for Garfield to resort to such topics just as the sailors say "any port in a storm," and it strikes me that any man, with the Congressional record to answer to that Garfield has, is wise if he flies to anything to avoid its explanations. [Cheers]. One other thing and I am done. When the government was founded we were a poor, hardy, industrious people. We had stripped ourselves for a hard fight. I mean our forefathers had, and they came out of the struggle with their self-respect and independence, and very little else ; they framed this government and they avoided kingly rule. They determined to distribute the power in small parcels and for short terms. The whole object was that a small amount of power should be placed in the hands of plain and simple men. Scholars and philosophers and men trained in statecraft were few. They consigned the government to plain people, and they gave to each j man only a limited amount of power, and : they placed the power of the government in departments, and only gave it to men for limj ited terms. The object of that was this : It was, in my judgment, the safety valve by which they could hope to make this govern: ment a success. The people, in choosing their rulers, would inevitably make mistakes. The people in followiug certain policies of govern[ ment would necessarily find themselves iu er| ror, but the election was the path which they left open, by which they could retreat. We were to be enabled to change our rulers when we found that they had violated our | confidence, and to change our policies when they were found to be unwise. But in order to do that the elections must be free, and today, one of the dangers which confront us is the declaration of the leaders of the Republi cun party, that the safety and welfare or the Republican party require the power to be kept-in their hands, and to serve their country under that pretext, they have resorted to official interference with elections, that threatens to make our elections 110 longer free. We must check it now. There are 105,000 names of officials on the blue books of this country. Each one of those men is armed with some such power and authority, and has so much of the public money. What was it given to thera for? To serve the public? Was it given to them to keep them in their places, to resist the popular choice, or to give them the power to prevent the public from changing their rulers ? If so, then the whole object and intent of our elections have been destroyed. The safety valve of the American government is free elections, because the people are given the chance of relieving their mistakes and are not apt to make the same mistake twice. The officeholders say you people of the United States may think a chango desirable, but we think it better to remain in power, and therefore, we will use all the official power given to us, more than was intended to be given us, to continue ourselves in power beyond the term for which we were elected. Tilden received 250,000 more votes than Hayes, and yet he was cheated out of the election. These 105,000 officials were told to bring so many voters each, and to give their money and the public time in aid of the campaign. They bring a man from Austria, who is paid one thousand dollars a month to represent this people in Austria, and he is earning his money by stumping Iowa for his own election. They are calling upon the clerks to pay part of their money. They are to pay two per cent, this month. What does this amount to ? If you take into consideration the enormous mass of officials, and calculate that even if each of these men only controls five votes, you have an enormous number of votes cast, not in the interest of free elections, but to keep these men in power. The single case in which the Constitution speaks of officers elected under its own provisions is the case of president and vice-president, and it expressly forbids any man who holds any office of profit or trust under the United States government to serve as elector, and yet this is one of the evils and one of the dangers to which I call your attention ; because now is the time for you to make the struggle. These evils will intensify themselves. Every success of the Republican party drives the ship of the Constitutional party FARTHER OUT TO SEA and makes it more difficult than before to return to the rock of the Constitution. I do not see that there is any reason why I should tax your patience farther, and yet I would not like to close this visit of mine to your people here in Columbia, right here in the heart of South Carolina, without congratulating you from the bottom of ray heart upon the kind of men you have chosen for your leaders in this contest. [Cheers.] I tell you, gentlemen, it is as fine a thing for you Southern men to vote for Winfield Scott Hancock as it is for him to.receive your votes. There is something in this very choice ; this splendid figure in American history; this fine straightforward gentleman who never did an uusoldierly thing in his life; a fair square specimen of an American. It is a fine thing to see you men of the South coming and standing by him for the sake of your united country. It cannot but make you feel the dignity and privilege of American citizen ship, and teei a scorn ior the oaa ana sman sectional feelings with which the Republican party emblazon their banners and affect to call torth the prejudices of their people. These thoughts and aspirations must raise you in stature of American manhood. It was a wise thing to nominate him ; and it will be a wise and a blessed thing to elect him. It may be that on this scene ray eyes may never rest again, and those who hear me now may never hear me again ;and to-day if you, young men, you upon whom the active work of this life and this canvass depends-^depend upon it that, in all this line of American history, from the battle of Camden to this day, there never was a time in which it was more necessary for you to give a steady, upright, and I had almost said religious, devotion to the task that shall secure to your country peace, and to yourselves and your posterity happiness and prosperity. A SCOUT'S LONG FAST. "Big Foot" Wallace, the noted Texas scout, tells the following strange Btory: In the year 1862 I was in the north-western portion of Texas, a private in Company K, Duff's regiment, C. S. A., and stationed at Fort Davis. While on a scout two companions and myself became detached from our company, aud camped on Providence creek, a few miles northwest of the fort. We were attacked at night by the Indians, my two companions killed, and our horses stampeded. I escaped in the darkness with only the clothes on my back, and my revolver and bowie knife. The next morning while attempting to reach a pool of water in a rocky ravine, I fell and fractured my leg about midway between ankle and knee, both bones being broken. At the edge of the water pool was a deposit of tough, tenacious ? T kaim/1 *v*rr KhaItan llmk ttm V* tyix7 WCt Ultiji A UUU11U LUJ U1UQCII illuu ntuu iuj shirt torn in strips, and then plastered it over thickly with the clay, keeping the limb as quiet as possible, and frequently renewing the clay poultice. After the second day I experienced no pain from the fracture. During the first three or four days I suffered much from hunger. I used water sparingly, and kept my belt comfortably tight about my waist, which apparently afforded me relief from the griping pains that occasionally annoyed me. For one day only, I think it was the ninth or tenth, I became flighty at intervals, but not sufficiently so to banish from my mind that absolute rest of the injured limb was necessary. The twenty-first day after the accident I removed the bandage, and found, to my great joy, the broken bones were reunited. After a few efforts I raised myself erect, and stood on my feet, holding on to a little tree until I became satisfied I could trust the injured limb. I then cautiously and slowly, with the assistance of a forked stick that answered as a crutch, worked ray way for several hundred yards, when I became exhausted and sought the shelter of a shelving rock where I soon dropped into a fitful sleep that I was aroused from by the howling of a cayote wolf which was but a few yards from me. I took as good aim at him with my revolver as my nervous and exhausted condition permitted and blazed! away, providentially killing him ; then I cut his throat and sucked his blood until I had swallowed a pint or more, when I was compelled to stop by violent cramps in ray stomach. After suffering untold agonies for an hour or more the pain gradually subsided, and I fell into a sound and refreshing slumj ber. This was the first food that had gone into ray stomach for twenty-one days. When i I awoke it was late in the night. An almost insatiable desire seized me to fill my ' stomach with the raw flesh of the wolf. I knew, however, it would be death to do so, and partially relieved my hungry cravings by chewiug the flesh and only swallowing the juice. As soon as day light appeared I coli lected brush and wood, made a rousing fire, and soon roasted the hams of' the wolf, on which I subsisted for the next two days, swallowing very little of the flesh, but all the juice I could extract by constant chewing. During the twb days I walked eight miles [ and reached the fort, where I was received as ! one of the dead. I was put in the hospital and under the kind care and skillful dietary management of Dr. Arthur Stevens, surgeon, C. S. A., I slowly recovered ray health and strength. My ordinary weight prior to my starvation was about*2G5 pounds. The second day after my return to the fort I weighed 126} pounds. My height is six feet one and a half inches. THE CATTLE HERDERS OF FLORIDA. . A letter dated Fort Myers, Florida, says: The Caloosahatchee at this point is a deep and wide stream, affording easy navigation for ocean craft. From here eastward the river narrows, and drains an open prairie, or savana-country. This region is a vast cattle range, and inhabited only by herders and the remnants of the Seraiuoles; Some of these cattle raisers are wealthy, and pride themselves on their acquisitions. Cuba affords them a market and their available wealth is mostly in Spanish doubloons, though a great deal of it is in Mexican dollars. The silver money is kept in sacks representing $50, $100, or $200, and never untied?passing from hand to hand, for the amount marked on the tag. T?irorr man ia liia'nurn Konl/fli? on/1 Ma nni 11 la m?ii ? li.o un" uuunw, ? a good deal safer under his own roof than it would be in the custody of any bank. It would be impossible to rob one of these cattle men of his money and get away with it. The weight of the coin would prevent rapid flight, and there is no place to fly to, if flight were possible. Hemmed in by swamps and ocean, there is no safety for him who would rob his neighbor, for he could not get away or make use at home of what was another's. If theft were attempted swift punishment would follow the offense. No useless judge or superfluous jury would consume time in determining the magnitude of the crime. The offender would die with his boots on, and there would be no cumbering of a court record with the transaction. The people of this region are honest from a desire to be so. Everybody's house is open. The merchant, who is always his own clerk, leaves unclosed the door of his store when he goes to dinner. If a customer should come in during his absence and want a plug of tobacco, he would take the tobacco and leave the value of it in coin in its place. If he couldn't make the exact change at the time, be would mention it afterward and square the account. There is no such thing as cheating on the part of a merchant. He couldn't keep store if he was known to cheat, and he never attempts it. There is unlimited mutual conhdence on the part of buyer and seller. One of these "cattle kings," as the herders designate each other, is a miser and lives in a miserable hut, with no company but dogs. He has boxes of doubloons in untold numbers secreted about his premises, has no visitors and no neighbors, for, in addition to being a miser, he is a hermit. Perhaps fancy has credited him with more wealth than he actually possesses, but he is reputed the richest man in Florida, and marvelous stories are told of the gold and silver he has buried. As poorly as this miser cattle king lives, there are none of them who live much better. Bacon is their staple meat, and with all their cattle, they have neither milk nor butter, and fresh beef but seldom. With a climate and soil that would produce fruits and vegetables the year round tbey have nothing of the kind, except what is gathered in a wild state. One or two families at Fort Myers have done something in the way of producing fruit, but elsewhere about here no efforts are made in this direction. The Caloosahatchee is a favorite home of the alligator. Thousands line its banks, basking in the hot sun of April. Deer are found in abundance, and bears and wild cats are too numerous to make the rearing of hogs or sheep possible except in enclosures. Fish of 6ne quality can be had for the catching. Birds of gaudy plumage and ravishing song enliven the forest, and bush and tree of exquisite flower and foliage make a picture on which the eye delights to linger. Class Rank of Noted Soldiers.?The following table, prepared from official sources, giving class, rank and year of graduation at West Point, of noted Federal and Confederate soldiers of the late war, will be found interesting : federal. Class No. in Name. Rank. Class. Year. Grant 21 39 - 1843 Sherman 6 42 1840 Sheridan 34 52 1853 Thomas 12 42 1840 McClellan 2 59 1846 Burnside 18 38 1847 Hooker 29 50 1837 Hancock 18 25 1844 Schofield 7 52 1853 Meade 19 56 1835 Halleck 3 31 1839 McPherson 1 52 1853 Lyon 11 52 1841 Rosecrans 5 56 1842 Franklin 1 39 1843 Heintzelman 17 41 1820 Gillmore 1 43 1849 Warren.- 2 39 1850 Custer 34 34 1861 Sedgwick 24 50 1837 McDowell 23 45 1848 Porter 8 41 1842 Pope 17 56 1845 Smith, A. J 36 45 1835 Anderson, Robert.. 15 37 1828 confederate. Lee, R. E 2 46 1829 Jackson 17 59 1846 Johnson, A. S..:.. 8 41 1826 Johnson, J. E 13 46 1829 T.rmrrsf-.rppi, f>4 56 1842 Hood"7."......... 44 52 1853 Beauregard 2 45 1840 Stewart, ".. 19 46 1838 Ewell 13 42 1854 Early 18 50 1837 Ilardee 26 45 1838 Polk 8 38 1827 Pembcrton 27 50 1837 Magruder, W. B.... 15 38 1827 Smith, Kirby 25 41 1845 Lee, Custis .T 1 4(5 1854 Lee, Fitzhugh 46 49 1856 Davis, Jefferson 23 33 1828 Van Dorn 52 56 1842 A Farmer's House in China.?Crossing a small stream, we prepared to enter a farmhouse for rest and refreshment. As usual, our first salutation came from the dogs, who were speedily quieted by the men. These were Chinese settlers who had intermarried with Mongols, and although the elders retained their Chinese traits of countenance, the offspring were clearly of a mixed race. A number of Tangoats were stretched upon the ground sleeping, having arrived in the morning with a number of sheep for the market town of Liang Chu, to the west. The buildings, in lieu of possessing an inner and an outer wall, consisted only of a quadrangular courtyard. On the upper side was the dwelling house, with large open windows, On each side of the doorway the wo men of the family sat sewing and mending clothes. Mules and ponies were engaged in the open space threshing out the wheat. This rude operation consists of dragging a heavy stone roller to within a few inches of the head of the grain. The grain was winnowed by men with wooden shovels, who gather it up and toss it against the wind. In the house we saw an old cone grind-millet and wheat for family use in a hollow stone mortar with a heavy wooden pestle. The straw was packed in heaps at the angle of the yard. Agricultural implements of a by-gone age were lying around ; square harrows with long iron prongs ; plows with immense shares of a peculiar shape, the rough carts used tor transport, neaps ot manure were lying around for future use when dried. The dung of camels, or angol, as it is called, which is used for fuel, was to be seen in one of the outhouses. Having obtained permission to enter the house, we found ourselves in a square room. The furniture consisted of a round pine table, with some two legged stools of the commonest kind. The picture of the Buddha hung immediately opposite the door.?Or. San Francisco Chronicle. Origin of "A Wild-Goose Chase."?A writer in the Troy Times says: "Wild-goose chase" was a term used to express a sort of racing on horse back formerly practiced, resembling the flying of wild geese, these Tt?irds generally going in a train one after another, not in confused flocks as other birds do. In this sort of race the two horses, after running twelve score yards, had liberty, which horse soever could get the lead, to take what ground the jockey pleased, the hindmost horse being bound to follow him within a certain distance agreed on by the articles, or else to be whipped in by the triers and judges who rode by, tttiiohevor tinrno pnnlit distanrA t.hfl nthfir won the race, This sort of racing was not long in common use, for it was found inhuman and destructive of good horses when two such were matched together. For, in this case, neither was able to distance the other till they were both ready to sink under their riders; and often two very good horses were both spoiled, and the wagers forced to be drawn at last, The mischief of this sort of racing soon brought in the method now in use, of only running over a certain quantity of ground, and determining the wager by coming in first at the winning post. The phrase "wild goose chase" is now employed to denote a fruitless attempt, or an enterprise undertaken wi th little probability of success. ? ? a Well Warmed.?Russian houses are universally well warmed, so that there is no damp to be found in them. Theinmar-es may dress indoors in the lightest of garbs, which contrast oddly with tfce mass of furs and wraps which they don when going cut. A Russian c&q afford to run no risk of exposure when he leavea his home for a walk or drive. He exposes only his nose to"the air, and that h? rnha frpmiont.lv. A Rt.r&ncrer. who is ant to forget that precaution, would often get bis nose frozen if it were not for the courtesy of the Russians, who will always warn him if they see his nose "whitening," and will, unbidden, help him to chafe it vigorously with snow. In Russian cities walking is just possible for men during winter, but hardly so for ladies. The women of the lower order wear kneebooia; those of the shop keeping classes seldom venture out at all; those %of the aristocracy go out in sleighs. This mode of conveyance is not pleasant to nervous people, for the Kalmuck coachmen drive them at such a terrible pace that tbey frequently capsize; but persons not destitute of pluck find their motion enjoyable. It must be added, that to be spilled out of a Russian sleigh is tantamount only to getting a rough tumble on a soft mattress, for the very thick furs in which the victim is sure to be wrapped will be enough to break the fall. Desperate Fight With Rats.?A German named Grossman keeps a lager beer saIcon in Franklin, Pa. Two of his sons were sent into the cellar a few days ago to get some Swiss cheese, which was stored in a vault formerly used by a brewery. An army of starving rats disputed their passage, and while the elder of the children fought the animals with a piece of iron, the other returned to the saloon and screamed for assistance, saying that his brother was in the vault surrounded by rats. Mr. Grossman and two * neighbors armed themselves with clubs and hastened to the rescue of the boy. The sight that met their eyes as they had entered the vault was one such as they had never before witnessed. The army of rats seemed to number thousands. The men joined in the contest, but so numerous and persistent were the rats that they were more than an hour in conquering them. Dead rats lay piled on every side, and their number was so reduced that their survivors were driven to their holes. Eight hundred and nineteen dead rats wore carried from the vault The carcases filled a large two-horse wagon box, and were a large load for a good team to draw away. t&~ Ole Bull was one of the greatest violinists the world ever saw, but. he believed in simple forms of expression, and did not cuff, kick, mutilate, smother and assassinate a plain air until its own father would not recognize it, although it was then called "classical." A competent critic says "he lived to contend with a tashion in music which for the most part wa3 mere affectation. Nobody with a single musical fibre in his soul could help enjoy every note that came from his .violin, and so what was the use of grumbling afterwards because another performer would Unt\1o?ta/1 oAmafUtn/v qr/11 tt ontrKn/lu in tflA UOVD UVLWMHig bo use could understand." + *aT It is amusing to watch a slim man weigh himself. He steps on the platform as an elephant steps upon a bridge, with an awful fear of breaking the thing down, and then puts the 300 pound weight on the end of the beam. Of course he takes it off again, but he does this unostentatiously. Having found what he weighs, say 110, if you watch him carefully you will see him slide the weight along to 175. "By George!" he will exclaim as he goes out," "I've lost ten pounds since last week." He doss not say how much he weighs now; if you wish to know there is the scale. He knows you will look. . ?? ? fciT Thrift is one of the Iowa virt vis. A Davenport clergyman was called upon to marry a couple one night last week. They were nicely dressed, in their twenties, and evidently well-to-do. After the ceremony had been performed the groom thrust his hand in his pocket and fished out three quarters, which he held in the palm of his hand, saying to the minister: "There, take your pay from that!" "Lot us see, mused the minister ; "the publishing of the marriage notice will cost half a dollar!" "0, will it," replied the groom : "well, then, take the whole of it! It. ain't much matter, anyway!" A South Carolina Baptist Church contains in its old records the mention of a woman's being excluded from the church for the offense of doing "too much talking in the neighborhood." This would not work well in this community, for if carried out there would in a short time be none left to turn the other out.?Exchange. StarTimg a Horse.?Always start! horse with the voice, never ;itiih the cut of the whip. In starting, turn A little to one side ; in stopping, when going up a hill, do the same.