Historical Newspapers of South Carolina

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e * gggsgagsi 1 ?? ' LE WI8M.QRIBT, | fnlitptnlMil Jkmilj lUfos^aptr: gar % |ramotion irf % |oIitital, Ssrial, ^jrituttural <mbComroraal fttfmsfs of % 5#% ' 1 1 1 1 " '' * 1 " ' YOL. 13. YOEKYILLE, S. C, THTJESDAY, SEPTEMBER 5, 1867. 4 NO. 19. _ ; " - - ' -= .i -i . V i ..... 1 * Southern fflrfflnsttttrtiiro. ^ From the Columbia Pbcenli. v' LETTER OF GEN. HAMPTON. *>': CORRESPONDENCE. * CfoLUMBiA, July 31, 1867. General: The undersigned, in behalf of many others of your friends, as welfas themselves, very respectfully crave your advice with regard to their action in the very important matters soon to be submitted to the people of this State. We 'have , no ihtention to oppose the execution of any law, e* ven were it in our power; but under the Reconstruction Act, certain latitude of action is left us, which entails upon us entire responsibility for all conse-. qusnces which may flow therefrom. We believe ( this' responsibility to be very grave, and these con- , sequences vital to every class of our community, , inseparably connected as are the interests of all.? ) Recent events draw that there is no longer a ] possibility of that entire harmony of action among our people, fin: which you and we have heretofore ^ striven. The views of the whole community are t imwBtdwd by the new aspect of affairs, and the people loot to those who oommaod their confidence, for a course of action upon which all may agree, who truly desire the prosperity of the State. Hesitating to intrude upon you in your withdrawal from public affairs, bat believing that your own appreciation of the emergency will excuse oar request ; that your well-proven patriotism will irresistibly plead it; and that your calm and experienced judgment will weigh supreme with your friends, and command the deep consideration of all honest men, we subscribe ourselves, very respectfully, yours, D. W. RAY, WM. H. TALLEY, . J.P.THOMAS, E. M. LAW, Andaboat sixty others. To Gen. Wade Hampton, Colombia. Gentlemen : I beg to acknowledge the receipt of the letter, in whichyou do me the honor to ask my "advice with regard to yoor action in the veiy important matters soon to be submitted to the people of the State.'' Though I cannot but feel that many of those whose names are signed to this comma- e nication are far more competent to offer counsel on r the grave topics now agitating the public mind 1 m T deem it to be the dutv of every man, when called on by his fellow citizens, in times E of peril, to contribute all in his power to promote v the general welfare, or to ward off the common 1 danger, I willingly comply with your flattering re- 0 quest ' Recognizing, then, the duty imposed on me by 1 your call, and impelled, also, by the great respect I 4 feel for those who have thus honored me, I shall v state with perfect candor the imminent dangers 4 surrounding us, and point out with equal frankness r the only course which, in my judgment, we can s pursue with honor, or with anyhope of ultimate 4 safety. Before proceeding to the discussion of the v present condition of affairs, it is proper to let you 8 know what were the views entertained by myself T immediately after the cessation of active hostilities, 0 and what Whs the course I thought our people 4 shouldvthen follow. This cannot be done more ? concisely than by giving to you a copy of a letter t: addresed to James G. Gibbes, Esq., chairman of a 4 public meeting, which was held here in Au- e gust, 1865. Not being in the city at that time, I 4 wrote the following letter, which, yielding to the 1 views of others, I afterwards determined not to 4 publish: c August 20,1865. 4 To Hli Honor June* O. Gibbet, Mayor of Columbia: ( SlE: Having been absent when the late public i meeting was held in the city, I take this method t of expressing my views on the subjects discussed on g that occasion. It is with some reluctance that I c express these views, as I do not ooncnr in the poli- r cy advocated by the meeting. Is it desirable that f the people of the State should take any aotion look- a ing to a restoration of civil government at present? t I think not; and for these reasons: s The State is either a member of the Federal U- c nion, or it is not. If a member, then not only Is it f a work of supererogation for her to ask admission i to the Union, but she is, by the Constitution of the t United States, guaranteed a republican form of a Government, and she has the right to administer v her Government under such a constitution and by e such laws as she chooses. But if she is, ou the c contrary, not a member of the Union, she must be e regarded either as a Territory, or as a conquered r province. In either condition, the United States authorities are charged with the duty of providing s a proper Government for her, and I think the true f policy of the State is to remain passive until such f Government is given to her, or is forced upon her. f If the course indicated by the meeting here is fol- 1 lowed by the State, what will be the result? Will 1 it lead to the restoration of the Union as it existed, ( and to the re-establishmeDt of the constitution and laws of this State? I do not think that such will v be the case. To restore the State to the Union by !1 the plan contemplated in the resolutions adopted t by the meeting here, it will be necessary to call a v ) convention of the State. That a convention, cho- t sen as that" will be, will represent the wishes ot i . the people of the State, is an impossibility. But f passing over this grave objection, there remains j the still graver one as to the adoption of a consti- a tution. Are the people of the State willing, by I the adoption of a new and totally different consti- t tution, to ignore all the teachings of the past, to s subvert the whole order of society, to change, in a i moment, its whole organization, and, in a word, to I commit (if the expression may be used) political s ^ hicide? Yet this is the inevitable tendency of r the course recommended by the meeting. No c one, for a moment, supposes that the State will be < admitted into the Union with its present constitu- t tion. To gain admission, the State must come \ with a constitution representing -not the views and l interests of the people of South Carolina, but those 1 of Massachusetts. It may be urged that the State i must come with such a constitution, or not come ] at all. If such is the fact, then let her not come i at all. The United States Government will hold the country, as it now does, by military occupation ; its troops will be present to inaugurate and < enforce the new system of labor decreed by the i i President of the United States, and the people, 1 though conquered, will not have the additional j humiliation and reproach which they would bring upon themselves, if they consent to destroy their I own constitution, which was bequeathed to them i by their fathers. ' Besides these various reasons against the policy i advocated by the meeting, it appears to me that it i is premature for the people to move at present.? The authorities at Washington have not indicated the course they propose to pursue towards the State, nor have they manifested great zeal in the restoration of that Union for which they have professedly been fighting for the last four years. They have not asked the State to return to the Union, nor have they announced the terms upon which it cau do so. When they have done these things, it will be time enough for the State to take counsel how to act. I recommend, then, with all deference to yourself and the gentlemen over whom you presided the other day, that the people should remain perfectly quiet, taking no action whatever in public affairs. Leave all these matters to the United States Government, which will, doubtless, in good time, pro vide a Government for yon. Until that is done, the-cartridge box can take the place of the ballot box, and the bayonet is a good substitute for the law. It is better to be governed by these than to give to your State a constitution which misrepreresents the wishes of the people, humiliates their pride, debauches their society, destroys their prosperity, and degrades their State. I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your friend and fellow citizen, WADE HAMPTON. It was clear to my mind that the true policy of the South was to remain passive, observing, with the most scrupulous fidelity, the obligations we assumed when we laid down our arms, and making no concessions beyond those embraced in the terms upon which we surrendered. I held that the United States Government had not only offered terms to the South, but its faith was pledged to the observance of thoee terms. Every official act of every department of that Government, during*the war, declared that the Southern States were still members of the Union, and Congress, by on almost unanimous vote, in the most solemn manner, "Retobxd, That this war is not waged, on our part, in any spirit of oppression, nor for any purpose of conquest or subjugation, nor purpose of jverthrowing or interfering with the rights or established institutions of the States, but to defend md maintain the supremacy of the Constitution, ind to preserve the Union vrith all the dignity, ( equality and rights of the several States unimpair id. That as soon as these objects are accomplish- c id, the war ought to close." t The same body gave the strongest evidence that ? hey regarded the Union unbroken, even during ] he war, by their recognition of Mr. Carlisle as Sen- r itorfrom Virgiqja?I mean the noble "Old Do- \ ninion," and not her illegitimate and degenerate c shild, West Virginia?and allowing him to retain ^ lis seat until near the close of the war. The very 0 laroles given to the Southern soldiers promised ( he protection of the United States Government 8 o those holding them, so long as they obeyed the c awsof "the States wherein they resided;" thus E ecognizing, not only the Southern States as States, ? mtthe laws of those States. We had every rea- ? on, as far as we could trust to the faith of our ep- c >onenta, to believe that the Southern States would { >e received into the Union with'all their "dignity, quality and rights unimpaired," as soon as they enewed their allegiance to the General Governnent, and acknowledged its supremacy. It would be foreign to the purpose of this com- & ounication to discuss what faith has been kept- v rith the South?mankind "has already affixed to ^ hat sort of faith the name of Punic. I only touch ^ n these points to show the mistakes committed by t he Southv when it conformed to those demands of ^ he North which were interpolated into the condi- ^ ions after our surrender. Our State Conventions rere mistakes; so were the changes of our Consti- j utions; greater than all others, was the legislation g atifying the amendment of the United States Con- j, titution known as Article 13. I am well aware ^ hat the action of the Southern people, at the time, t ras dictated by an honest desire to secure the'blesings of peace, and by a high sense of honor, c rhich prompted them to show that they were sinere in their wish to do everything that would tend tj o the restoration of the Union on honorable terms. ^ have do hesitation in asserting that the Southern ? Itates would then have been Drought back to the t( Jnion with more of "loyalty-"?to use a favorite t] xpression of the North?than had existed amongst p hem for forty years past, had the North proved j tself to be as magnanimous as it had shown itself Q o be powerful. But it was the misfortune, not t inly of the South, but of the whole country, that t he party which had obtained possession of the government was more intent on securing its own c >ower than of restoring the Union to its own pris- ^ ime glory. After acquiring power, on the sole t [round of bringing back the Southern States to the j, ommon fold, with all their "dignity, equality and < ights unimpaired," they basely betrayed the peo- y >le of the North, by subordinating the interests t did rights of ten States to the effort to perpetuate f he power of their party, falsifying, while they did ^ o, every pledge which they had made during the t ontinuance of the war. The war, which was pro- ^ essedly waged solely for the restoration of the Un- E on, in its progress, degenerated into the open at- y empt, on the part of its authors, to consolidate y ,nd perpetuate radical rule, and a Government, c yhich was founded on the noble mixim, that 'Govxnments derive their just powers from the consent >f the governed,' has been perverted to the base 3 mds of subjecting ten millions of its people to a uilitary despotism. E That I may not be accused of stating this propo- * ition in stronger language than is warranted by the v acts of the case, I beg to call your attention to the * ollowing extract from an article which emanated rem Massachusetts. Bearing the imprimatur of 3 Boston, its language, which, had.it been uttered 3 - - * /i . 1 lere, might have smacked ot treason, can De regarded only as loyaL s "The principle," says this writer, "on which the * rar was waged by the North, was simply this: r Chat men may rightfolly be compelled to submit ^ o and support a Government that they do not ( rant; and that resistance on their part makes hem traitors and criminals. No principle that is ^ ossible to be named can be more self-evidently ^ alse than* this, or more self-evidently fatal to all . >olitical freedom. Yet it triumphed in the field, * .nd it is no.w assumed to be established, the num- . ?er of slaves, instead of having been diminished by he war, has been greatly increased; for a man thus ubjected to a Government that he does not want, s s a slave; and there is no difference in principle, rat only in degree, between political and chattel r slavery. The former, no less than the latter, de- a lies a man's ownership of himself and the pro- ' lucts of his labor, and assserts that other men may >wn him and dispose of him and his property for :heir uses and at their pleasure. Previous to the var, there were some grounds for saying, that in ? :heoiy, at least, if not in practice, our Government r was a free one?that it rested on consent. But r nothing of that kind can be said now, if the princi- s pie on which the war was carried on by the North f is irrevocably established.'' ( Here we are told in emphatic language, by a I Northern man, whose mind cannot be obscured ' sertainly by the so-called heresies of Southern doc- s trines, what was the principle on which the war i was waged by the North, and we are warned?God i grant that the warning may not be in vain?what will be the result if this principle is irrevocably es- t tablished. Let it be established, and we may bid i adieu to constitutional liberty?republican institu- i tions will be swept away in the stonn that will i arise, and we shall enter on thosS dark and gloomy ? scenes which always precede a nation's death.? i The time will then indeed have come for us to pray, ( in the words of a fearless and eloquent son- of I Georgia, for the speedy advent of "the American 1 Caesar." The whole recent legislation of the 1 fractional Congress at Washington seem3 to have 1 only in view to break down all the barriers of the i Constitution of the United States; to ignore the 1 immortal truths of the great rebellion of '76, and j to convert a Government, which had, as its only < foundation, "the consent of the governed," into I one sustained by force alone. None of the radicals I pretend that the military bills are constitutional.? ] They admit?perhaps I should say, rather, they i trust?that these measures are unconstitutional, i while they endeavor to make the South ratify I them, by arousing and appealing to the basest i passions of human nature, fear and cupidity. They i threaten us with confiscation, on the one hand, if we do not accept these measures; they give them the semblance of law, while on the other they attempt to bribe those amongst us who are so base ind venal as to be willing to purchase immunity for themselves by selling the liberties of their countiy. Are these despicable motives strong enough to ?ttupt the virtue of the Southern people ? Will that people, who have proved themselves capable )f making any and all sacrifices for the sake of their principles, sink so low as to buy the mere privilege to live?even if they live slaves?by givng up all that they have heretofore held sacred, ind all that makes life itself worth having ? Will they allow their action to beinfluenced by threats? rhreats can never govern brave men. Are they ifiraid of confiscation by Congress? If they adopt these reconstruction Acts, they will, most assuredy, suffer confiscation in its worst and most tyranlical form, through the "reconstructed" States.? [t is for them to determine these momentous quesions for themselves. They have already carried soncessions to the verge of folly. Hear what an >ther Northern writer says on this point: "The programme of the rnling party cannot be iltered or changed by concessions. That has been ried in the South. All the demands of Congress lave been complied with by the States lately in evolt - They have altered their "constitutions, a- . lopted the amendment abolishing slavery, attend;d to the condition of the freednjen, repudiated the lebt contracted by them for war purposes, and in his manner Bhowed their anxiety to resume con- < titutional relations with the Federal Government i But each concession has been met with a fresh denand, until, at the present time, ten States have >een turned into military divisions, ten Governors, i ihosen by the people, superseded by five brigadier [enerals, and the will of a minority Congress placed 1 iver and above the power and authority of the 1 Constitution. * * * In order to carry out this cheme, which was concocted by the revolutionary ommittee of Congress, the Southern States are i nade subject to a military tyranny, without limi- 1 ation or responsibility, or other checks or instruc- ' ions, than that it shall use its powers literally to i arry out the political purposes of the ruling party < a the nation." i Has thispolicy of concession to unlawful demands 1 ecn so productive of benefit that we still desire ' o pursue it ? Are we prepared, for the sake of 1 xpedicncy?that fatal fallaoy which has lured us 1 o far on the road to destruction?thatTrojan Horse 1 rhich has brought with it an Uliad of woes?to ' arter away the few rights remaining to us ? Yet I his is the course we must follow, if we accept 1 v:a ? i ???. i eruis wuiiui wc &uuw w uc wuuai/ u; iuc wuur ions on which we surrendered, which are inimical 1 o all true reconciliations, and which are in open ' nd palpable violation of the Constituiion of the ' Jnited States?of that Constitution which we 1 wear to support, at the very moment we are gross- * 7 outraging its most sacred provisions! Would i lot those who vote for these laws, knowing them 1 o be unconstitutional, be guilty of pcijury ? What ;ood can oome of laws which begin in fraud and an be carried into effect only by perjury ? Let me 1 ot be understood as making any reflections on 1 bose Southern men who honestly and conscien- 1 iously advocate our acceptance of these military 1 ills. Any divisions amongst us are to" be depreca- J :d, and it is as unwise as it is unkind to impugn 1 be motives of men who, on many a field, have ' iroved their devotion to tho South. Especially do ' regret the virulent attacks which have been made n that gallant soldier who so long and so ably led 1 he illustrious First Corps of the Army of Norhern Virginia. It has been his hard fate, in peace s in war, to be wounded by his own people. That harity which "hopetk all things," and a natural listrust of our own judgment, should make us reat the convictions of such men with, at least, :indly and proper consideration. But for those 1 'who see the right, and yet the wrong pursue," /ho, while their country seems to be strugfl:iip in 1 ho throes of death, consult only their own base ears and low instincts?who, to save their vile >roperty, or still more vile persons, would degrade heir State?who bid us accept dishonor as the 1 >rice of safety?language has no terms strong elough to brand their infamy. They are as far beond the reach of adequate punishment in this 1 /orld as they are beneath the scorn and contempt f all honorable men. 1 But to return to the consideration of the Recontruction Acts, from which this digression has led ae. What inducements do the advocates of these measures hold out to us to accept them ? Can they iromise us peace ? Look at Tennessee, and learn /hat kind of peace we are to have. Can they jromise us an acceptable State constitution?one hat will not be interfered with by Congress? Look .t Delaware, Maryland and Kentucky?three 'loyal' nfoo tt?LiIa 1\a An fwnl Kn. I UVUlClgU UlttK>0 TT UlbU tt(V IV t/V |/UU VU uiui l/V ore a Star Chamber Committee, on the charge of lot having Republican constitutions. Can they iromise a restoration of the Union ? The radical ulers expressly declare that their measures arc lot "finalities." Can they promise, even that [oubtful good, representation in the Congress of he United States? I refer you to Kentucky, ' rhose representatives are ignominiously rejected, ecause rebels voted for theni I But suppose that he State accepts the terifis proposed by the mil- ' tary bills ; that she agrees to the permanent and ' otal exclusion from her councils of the intellect, j he experience, the wisdom and the patriotism, 1 rhich, in times past, gave her lustre ; that, intend of these noble qualities and virtues, she com- j aits her political destinies to the guidance of ignoance, inexperience, folly and radicalism; that she 1 dopts a constitution disfranchising forever the men ' rho, in obeying her command to defend her, beeved that they were serving God; that she "Buys?ignominious purchase?short repose, With dying curses and the groans of those ] That served and loved, and put in her their trust." Suppose she does all these things, and that the . adicals then graciously permit her to send her rep- ^ esentatives to Washington, from what class will he select the men who are to fill the places once lonored by Lowndes, Calhoun, McDuffie, Preston, ' }heves, Hayne, Huger, and their glorious com >eers? The same body which has shown such visdom and magnanimity in framing these Recontruction Acts, that arc to bring so many blessings n their train, gives you the answer in the following Vets of Congress: "1. Hereafter anv rrersnn elected or annointed o any office of power or profit under the Governnent of the United States, either in the civil, nilitary or naval departments of the public service, excepting the President of the United States, ihall, before entering upon the duties of such office, ind before being entitled to any of the ealary or >ther emoluments thereof, take and subscribe the ollowing oath: I do solemnly swear, that I have lever voluntarily borne arms against the United States since I have been a citizen thereof; that I lave voluntarily given no aid, countenance, coun*el or encouragement to persons engaged in armed hostility thereto; that I have neither sought nor iccepted, nor attempted to exercise, the functions :>f any office whatever, under any authority or prelended authority in hostility to the United States; that I have not yielded voluntary support to any pretended Government, authority, power or constitution within the United States, hostile or inimical thereto. And I do further swear, that to the best of my knowledge and ability, I will support :ind defend the Constitution of the United States igainst all enemies, foreign and domestic; that I will bear true faith and allegiance to the same that I take this obligation freely, without any men tol reservation or purpose of evasionand that 1 will well and faithfully discharge the duties of th< office on whioh I am about to enterftea help m< God I And any person who shall falsely take sale oath, shall be guilty of perjury, and on conviction, in addition to the penalties now prescribed for thai offence, shall be deprived of his office, and rendered incapable of ever after holding any office 01 plaoe under the United States." ' ; Is representation in Congress so very desirable, that we should send men there who can take thai oath, rather than that we should remain unrepresented longer ? Can the people of the State trusl those who could or who would take it? For the honor of our State, I should prefer that she should not be represented in the halls of Congress until her delegates can enter them as free men, representing-a sovereign State, with all her "dignity, equality and rights unimpaired. " ^Whea that day comes, there may be a restoration of the Union in feet, as well as in theory; when North and South, forgiving tho past, even if they cannot forget it, may meet as equals on some common ground, where the honor, the rights and the feelings of both can be recognised and respected. Bat until that day does come, in the words of Patrick .Henry, "Gentlemen may cry peace! peace/ but there is no peace. /" ./ w It is scarcely necessary for me to say that, enter taining the views I have expressed, I think it far preferable the State should remain in its present condition, under military rule, /than that it should - ^ 1 1. l.l! a. _ give its sanction to measures wnicn we ueaieve mj be illegal, unoonstitntional and liiinous. It is my honest and firm belief, that the voluntary^acceptance of these measures by oar people, would sorely bring, not only to the Sooth, bat to the whole oounliy, evils far greater than any we have yet suffered. The North, flushed with success, and drunk with power, may not be able to realise this fact; but as surely as the South falls a victim to irresponsible and unlicensed power, so surely will the North lose its liberties. Buin to the South will re-act on the North, and if we are orushed into the dost, the Northern people will see bat the foreshadowing of their own certain doom. Recognize as an established principle, the right of any political party that may be in the ascendancy to fix upon all who differ with them laws unauthorized by the Constitution of the United States, and we shall begin that downward career which will lead us steadily through confusion, anarchy and blood, to the certain overthrow of republican institutions and free government. Believing this, I regard it as the dnty of every man, in the exercise of the right accorded to all by these military bills, to oppose their adoption by all lawful means. As the people have the privilege, then, of expressing either assent or dissent on this question, I advise them, earnestly, to record the latter as fully and solemnly as possible. Let every maii register, and cast his rote against the convention^ since the question will be made on that issae. These, gentlemen, are the conclusions to which I have been brought by the most anxious consideration of those "important matters soon to be submitted to the people of the State." They have been laid before you at greater length than I intended, bat it seemed to me best to let yon have my premises, as well as mv conclvisions, in ordei * ? i A OX .il T that you might judge 01 tne correctness or doiij. x can only say that I have discussed this momentous question with the single desire to arrive at the truth, and I hope that it has, at least, been discussed in a temperate and dispassionate spirit Let me bring one other subject, suggested by your letter, to your consideration, and I shall tax your patience no farther. You say, truly, that I, as well as yourselves, "have hoped and striven for entire harmony of action among our people." It has been my most earnest desire to secure this harmony, as it has been my constant effort to allay excitement, and to counsel obedience to the laws. This has been the prevailing sentiment among our people, and if it fails of its object, it will not be our fault As it is of the last donsequenoe to maintain the same amicable relations which have heretofore existed between the whites and the blacks, I cannot too strongly reiterate my counsel, that all classes should cultivate harmony and exercise forbearance. Let cur people remember that the negroes have, as a general rule, behaved admirably, and that they are in no manner responsible for the present condition of affairs. Should they, in the future, be misled by wicked or designing men, let us consider how ignorant they necessarily are, and let us, only the more, try to convince them that we are their best friends. Deal with them with perfect justice, and thus show that you wish to promote their advancement and enlightenment Do this, and the negroes will not only learn to trust you, but they will soon appreciate the fact so evident to us, that we can do vnthout them far better than they,can do without us. On a late public occasion, where many of you were present, I expressed my perfect willingness to see impartial suffrage established at the South, and ] believe that this opinion is entertained, not only by a large majority of the intelligent and reflecting whites, but also of the same class among the blacks. I deprecate universal suffrage, not only on general principles, but especially in the case before us, because I deny the right of Congress to prescribe the rules of citizenship in the States. The Supreme Court has decided that a negro is not a citizen of the United States, and Congress cannot reverse that' decision by an Act fhe States, however, are competent to confer citizenship on the negro, and I think it is the part of wisdom that snch action should be taken by the Southern States. We have recognized the freedom of the blacks, and have placed this fact beyond all probability of doubt, denial or recall. Let us recognize in the same frank manner, and as fully, their political rights also. For myself, I confess that I am perfectly willing to see a constitution adopted by our State, conferring the electi? franchise on the negro, on precisely the same terms as it is to be exercised by the white man, guarding against the abuse of this privilege by establishing a slight educational and property quali icatlon for all classes. I have thus, gentleman, endeavored to comply, as fully as possible, with the request conveyed in your letter. A sense of duty to the State, and an eminent desire to show my respect to my fellowcitizens, from whom I have received so many marks of kindness and confidence, are the only motives which could have induced me to take any part :in public affairs. JLf tne cruae views mruwu out for your consideration, are instrumental in arousing any one to a sense of the dangers surrounding us, or if they can be of the slightest benefit to those who have called for them, they will have accomplished their ends. Thanking you again for the honor you have done me in asking counsel of me, and praying that our efforts to save our beloved State from ruin may be successful, I am, with great respect and esteem, your friend and fellow-citizen, WADE HAMPTON. Columbia, Aug. 7,1867. To Messrs. D. W. Ray, W. H. Talley, J. P. Thomas, E. M. Law, and others. t&' A young gentleman, named Harry Turn, recently married his cousin of the same name. When interrogated as to why he did so, he replied thai it hail always been a maxim of his that "one good turn deserves another," and he had acted accordingly. : ^is?llfluei)ttsi Reading. ) " is booth aliye t 5 The following most extraordinary letter has been I transcribed for tho Louisville Journal, by the Hon. > T. Fernandez, of Havana, from the original in ^ possession of the Hon. Stephen Maxwell, Profes- r ' sor of Theology, who has consented to its publica tion. Professor Maxwell, was, when last heard from, August 5th, 1867, at the Inglaterra Hotel, i Havana. He is a warm personal friend of the ^ learned writer Professor Frazer. Bombay, British India, May 30,1867. ' Hon. Stephen Maxtcdl, S T. P., Havana, Island ( of Cuba: ' Dear Sir :?Since your departure a strange in' cidcnt has occurred in this city, something similar in its nature to the affair that created so much excitement in Calcutta some months ago, though ip ' this case the amount at issue is four times greater 1 than in the other. Having promised you that T WUU1U UIBkC UUIgCUIt Cliquujr ttUUUb bUC OUip A/UU of the Ocean and her commander,' it 1 notify so ' 1 happened that I was spared the trouble of extend- * 1 ing my inquiries beyond this city, by the arrival of the ship in question, at this port, on the 26th of 1 March. * 1 The "Bird of the Ocean" having become noto- c rious, through the agency of her commander?the a celebrated Captain W. Martin Tolbert?in conse- c ' quence of having piratically captured several mer- * 1 chant vessels in the South Pacific and Indian E 1 Oceans, aiit has been alleged, attracted no h'ttle r 1 attention upon entering Bombay harbor. Her papere were subjected to a rigid examination by the * custom house autliorities, but no flaw could be 8 found in them, she having creditable clearance for 1 Singapore, and manifest, embracing a full list of 0 cargo, duly authenticated. Her cargo consisted of 8 general merchandise, on consignment to the house ^ of Leuard & Co., which she commenced dischar- c ging on the second day after entering port ' I took advantage of an opportunity of visiting ? her on the day subsequent to her arrival, in com- ? pany with Captain Parker, of the Ship Sea Gull, Captain Hunt, of the Tyrol, and Col. Ferguson, Y the last named gentleman being acquainted with c Captain Tolbert We were cordially received on board by that noted individual, of whom I had * heard so much, but never met till now; and, from his affable manners and genial conversation, I could * scarcely realise that the man confronting me was the celebrated character whose daring deeds have oftimes produced such a furor and excitement in ? the East Indies. The very embodiment of grace and politeness, excessively lavish in manifestations a of hospitality, and brim full of dry humor, my first ? impressions could not be otherwise than favorable ? ?for, to my amaaement, I discovered in him evidences of the refined gentleman instead of the a "blood-thirsty pirate" which the "Times of India" * has been pleased to term him. In compliance with the request of Col. Fergu- 8 son, Captain Tolbert narrated the particulars of 8 the manner in which he won the wager in Calcutta?"that Booth was alive;" and in reply to a remark ventured by Captain Hunt, as follows: "Well, , Captain, I must say you did humbug the Calcutta folks pretty badly, really, it was a shame!" "Hum-. [ bugged them! there was no humbug about it, sir I ? ^ I fblflHed my part uf the uwuraei, uud famished i ( proof that Booth was alive! Why do you term it a humbug? I desire an explanation, sir!" The j following conversation then ensued, which (having . taken down on the spot) I give verbatim et literalim: "The reason why I call it by that name is sitnply this : I do not believe that Booth is alive, c nor that, if your opponent had seen proper to have C, contested the matter, a fair decision would have given it in your favor." Whereupon, Captain 0 Tolbert becoming somewhat excited, remarked: J "Captain Hunt, if I am not mistaken in you, you ^ are a man who will back any assertion you may ^ make with your money; ami correct?" To this Hunt replied: "I believe I am, sir, if I know myself." "Well, then, sir, if you believe Booth is , not alive, how many pounds would you be willing to back-that belief with; otherwise, what do you value your opinion at?" "lvalue my opinion very highly, Captain, but that is not saying that I I would risk a bet on a thing unless I thought I had some chance for a fair shake!" "Please name li your own conditions, and the ainountyou wish to 3 mi* nn vmi shall be accommodated in each."-? (IMV J ,/ "The only manner in which I should be willing to r stake anything upou the matter in dispute, would t be this: I must see Booth with my own eyes, and ii have an opportunity of conversing with and ques- y tioning him in order to satisfy myself whether he t is alive or not, as it so happens I know him quite intimately and could not be deceived. If the per- n son whom you allege to be Booth should prove to t: be a humbug, the money at stake will be mine; o but if I recognize in him the genuine John Wilkes v Booth, it will be yours. I know Booth so well that I could not fail to identify him at first sight, u even through his disguise?if he should wear one. f If you will grant me this liberty I would be willing ii to draw a draft in favor of the winner, for two t thousand pounds sterling at thirty, sixty or ninety days'sight." "Your proposition is accepted, pro- y vided that you have no objections to going before b a Magistrate and taking an oath of eternal secrecy, I the nature of which I shall then and there make fi known to you." "Having no desire to profit by ii giving information to the United States. Govern- p raent of his whereabouts, in case he is alive, I have p no objection to taking an oath of secrecy so far as d divulging Booth's place of residence is concerned, a Firmly believing that he is not alive, my only ob- a ject is to fully satisfy myself of the fact If I lose a I shall have sufficient sense to hold my tongue, and I if I win, of course I "will do the same. In either t: case my curiosity shall have been fully satisfied.-- v Is that satisfactory?" "I will take you at your s: word, Captain. But hold!?perhaps it would be better to have all this in black and white, as we arc strangers to each other;" whereupon, having u gained Hunt's assent, CaptainTolbert hastily drew u up an article, specifying the terms of agreement, tl to which both Hunt and himself signed their names, requesting the remainder of the party pres- i< ent to witness it, and then gave it to Col. Fergu- t] son, requesting him to keep it until the question k was- decided. Tolbert then said : "Let us now p proceed to a Magistrate's office and have the other n articles drawn up at once.'' h Everything being in readiness, we, all above, p started ashore a few minutes after the spirited con- d vernation transpired, Captain Tolbert going in his own boat, (a handsome little gig, with which his r ship was supplied). We were not longin reaching the quay, and, being invited by the two Captains t to accompany them to the Magistrate's office, Col. e Ferguson, Captain Parker and myself, were wit- g . nesses to all that transpired between them. Upon a reaching the, office the following oath was adrainis- b tered to Captain Hunt: "You do solemnly swear v in the presence of Almighty God, that you' will t not betray the confidence reposed in you by the p two individuals with whom you are about to enter v into an agreement, so help you God." Tolbert then suggested the following more secure form, which was drawn up: "I Charles Newton Hunt, t do solemnly swear, in the presence of Almighty r God and these witnesses, that I will forever conceal s i and never reveal the name of the town, city or t t country where lives and breathes the mortal body v [ of John Wilkes Booth, so help me God." Tol- o bert then drawing a sharp-pointed stilletto, very t coolly presented it to Captain Hunt, asked him to t ' f prick his arm till the blood came; then, handing aim a pen, requested him to catch a drop of the slood upon the point and write his signature to the ibovfe oath. Captain Hunt very reluctantly complied, signing his name in full, written with his >wn blood. The Magistrate, Mr. Samuel Roboliet, Colonel Moses D. Ferguson, Captain Joseph H. Parker, and myself, then witnessed it, and Capt rolbert, sealing it up, handed it to Mr. Roboliet, equesting him to .put it in a place of safety, and leliver it to no person save himself The Magisrate then drew up the following article of agreenent: "We, the undersigned, being equal particirants in the question at issue, do hereby bind ourelves to deposit two thousand pounds sterling ?2,000) each in the hands of the President of the Bank of Bombay, in the City of Bombay, British 'ndia, this, .the 21st day of March, 1867, the aoresaid sum total of four thousand pounds to be leld by said President of said Bank till the expiation of ninety days, to be subject at such time to he order of either of the two parties whose sigratures are hereto affixed:" (Signed) W. Marin Tolbert, Chas. Newton Hunt Done before ne at my office, in the city of Bombay, this, the list day of March, in the year of our Lord one ' . , . i 4 . 4 . ^ nousana eigne nunarea ano sixiy-seven. loiguea; Samuel Roboliet, Notary Public." Two duplicates if the above agreement were drawn off, signed, ind one delivered to each of the Captains, the iriginal being held by the Magistrate. The costs taving been paid, etc., we proceeded to a refreshDent saloon, and after partaking of a sumptuous epast at the expense of Captain Tolbert, our pary dispersed to arrange the preliminaries of the iet, making an appointment at the Royal Exchange 13, p. m. - ' * Capt. Parker, Col. Ferguson and myself, were n the ground promptly at the appointed hour, nd found Tolbert already there. Hunt arrived aout fifteen minutes later, and thence we all proeeded to the Bank of Bombay, where the two Japtains deposited Bank of England notes to the mount of two thousand pounds each, andfreceivd Bank certificates therefor, payable at ninety ays' sight, with the understanding, expressed in rriting, that the whole amount should be paid to ither party, on the presentation of both receipts. A few days after this the papers announced that be ship "Bird of the Ooearif' Tolbert, master, lad sailed for Colombo, Ceylon. Meeting Capt taker the same evening, I enquired if Captain lunt had gone. "Yes," he replied, "he went as lassenger in the "Bird of the Ocean," and left his ret mate in charge of the "Loyal" till his return, le told me he would be back in about six weeks, nd appeared quite jubilant over his lug bet; said ie felt confident of winning, as he believed*Tol- .1 ert was only a "blower," and was determined to ; 'bluff" him; that be still felt sure Booth was not ] live, and when he found out where the "hoax" < ras, be would expose it I told Parker I was fearul Hunt would lose bis money; that it did not eem reasonable that Tolbert would recklessly bet 0 large a sum on an uncertainty, and that he must j emember that he won in Calcutta, , Nothing was heard of the ship for seven weeks, rhen it was announced by telegraph that the 'Bird of the Ocean" had arrived a? Madras. On he following day Captain Parker received a telejam iff these words: "I have lost( The man Booth is actually olive. I should have been at Bombay ere this, but we have encountered heavy veather. Shall be there soon.?Charles Newton lunt" Neither of the parties can reach here for some ime to come. When they do arrive, there will be onsiderablo excitement, in their immediate circles if rcquaintance at least Thus, it seems, has Captain W. Martin Tolbert won another large sum if money upon this most mysterious of all the nysteries of the nineteenth century, leaving no loubt in the'mind of any thinking person that J. Vilkes Booth is alive. I have given you the full leiails of this strange affair, so far us I know, and rill write you again as soon as Captain Hunt reurns, if I gain any farther particulars as to how le lost the wager. I still remain your sincere friend, WILLIAM A. FRAZER, F. R. S. NTERVIEW WITH *JEFFERSON DAYIS. A correspondent of the Missouri JDemocrat, the jading Radical paper in St Louis, writes from ilontreal, under date of August 8, as follows: Through the politeness of Gen. Carroll, a Ten- ' lesseean, who figured largely during the war in 1 he Confederate service, and whom I had known a 1858, in Memphis, an arrangement was made esterday morning, resulting in my having an inerview with Jefferson Davis. Taking a carriage at St Lawrence Hall, a few i ainutes' drive found me in front of an unpretenious building, 249 Mountain-street, the residence f Mrs. Howell, mother-in-law of Mr. Davis, at 1 riiose house ho is temporarily staying. Accompanied by Gen. Carroll, I was shortly ishered into the presence of Mr. Davis, whom I aund reclining on a lounge in his study, engaged a a familiar conversation -with Col. Picket, late of i he Confederate service. Mr. Davis is a man of apparently about sixty , ears, and if it were not for the furrows on his . row, and innumerable wrinkles islanding his face, , would take him to be a person not over forty- 1 ve summers. The veins of his hands are burst- , ig full of blood, and I should judge he wouldn't iress heavier on a Yankee pair of scales than 130 ounds avoirdupois or English sterling. He was , xessed in a very neat but plain manner, without ny attempt at show or tbo attracting of unusual Mention. His hair is semi-grey, cut rather short, , nd withal his appearance is that of a well-to-do - - ? -V rA? iiiglish merchant, ramer man tnc man ?uw wu- ^ rolled great armies duriDg the war, whose word ^ ras omnipotent in the South, but who to-day is a j tranger in a strange land. WHAT WA8 SAID. ] Visiting the ex-President of the ex-Confederacy ( nder the circumstances which I did, 'twould be < n pardonable in me to make public use of much iiat he said in a three hours' conversation. I told him that my visit was not one made out of ] lie curiosity; that I had not come simply to see lie President of the "Confederate States of Amer- < jathat I had been opposed to him and his peo- . le during the war, but that, in common with the i lajority of the Radicals of the North, in whose 1 ands the very destiny?life itself?of leading and ] rominent Southern men was held and placed, I I esired to hear his views on reconstruction. 1 When I broached that matter to him he cut me 1 ather short, though in a veiy gentlemanly w&yf ] He laughed immoderately when I asked him as < o the opinion of the Southern people with refer- j nee to the Reconstruction Acts passed by Conress. He answered me, however, in seven words, | nd I would to God that Andrew Johnson could j iave heard the reply as dispassionately. Mr. Da- , is, with a wave of the hand which, although in- i ended not to be gesticular, carried with it an em- . basis which I shall never forget, in a measured ( oice said: "We have nothing to do with it." < EXCHANGE OP PRISONERS. , My conversation with Mr. Davis was unrestrio- i ed, and, during the course of it, I had occasion to efer to the sufferings of our prisoners at Ander- i onviDe, Belle Isle, Libby Prison, etc., as well as o the exchange of prisoners. Mr. Davis said he ras always anxious to be relieved, of the prisoners : n his hands. He said his ports were blockaded; hat he was without supplies or the means of ob- < aining them even for his own soldiers; and find - " ' ~' ' ' r -1 ing himself in that strait, he proposed to derat, with or without exchange, all the sick, wounded and disabled soldiers held by him. I then, remarked to Mr Davis, '.'Why was not an exchange effected?" He stated, "There was one man in your country who prevented it" I replied, "Do ydu refer to Mr. St^atbof' He said, "I do no*^ it was v 1 asxea mm to allow me to mate use of the name and circumstanoes oounected with it But he said, "Occupying the position that I do,Jt would be improper." I / Next I commenoed talking with Han shoot an Alderman from Tennessee, now loafing in Washington. I seldom so far forget myself as to talk about men whodiave filled "all the poritfonawp/' but couldn't restrain from telling Mr. Davis that the controlling party in the North regarded Mr. #1 Johnson as the worst enemy of the Southland that he was the stumbling block in the way, of reconstruction. Mr. Davis was quite frank in talking with me on this subject I may be overrtepping the bounds of my interview when I give publicity to only one of a nnmber of significant; leniitfha that he made, hot Mr. Davis sa?d* to rhe that he "believed he\jo\uma) was doing what he thought best fbr the South, but it had resulted badJy/VThere was much that was mentioned in this connection which I am not at liberty to make use of at present, although by way, of paieutheas I will state that no utterance was given to any expressions disrespectful to United States feringas widely as the poles witbMr. Davis, 2$d not hear him utter an unkind smd'lvftDflthaiy one, especially Mr. Johnson, and must admit that T was mnto r>Viormod with lw. unnmii ? linn dim that of soy prominent man whom ithas beeumy fortune to meet . HAMPTON BO ADS AND CHABLK8 XJHS FIRST. I remarked to Mr. Davis that the sopporfempf our Government were surprised that the Steven*Hunter-Lincoln-Seward interview of 1865, at Hampton Roads, should have resulted as it did.? He said the meeting was a proposition from the North, whieh.was freely accepted by the South. I think in saying this Mr. Davis intended to convey, without mentioning names, the idea that the proposition came from a Conservative Bepubfictmstaiidpoint, and would be-adopted by the main body of the Badkal party. Any bow, a fitmiSiS whs had, termindfing, as all know, m is failure. At Hampton Roads, Mr. Davis told me that Hunter proposed to treat for peace on the basis of at least a quasi reoognition: To this Mr, tincoln replied, "that it would not do." Hunter then referredio the action of Charles the first in trestmgjrith the rebels of Ireland?that the King had aecordod the Irish rebels certain privileges, and that ah burnable peace had been effected. Mr. Lincoln (so Mr. Davis says), replied that he didn't know much about history, and that all that he* knew shout Charles the Firet was, that hfe lost his head I ' ANDERSONYILLE, ETC. I informed Mr. Davis that the people of the ' North held him, as representing the Confederacy, largely responsible for the sufferings, and deaths of our prisoners at Andersonvi&e, Ltbhy and. other 1 wr .11 1 .1 a AT : > rmau places, ne replied inai nouung in oouuecuou wiva the war gave him more pain than that soph statements shcr]oUd be retailed about Without going into any defence in extauo, he stated that he believed there was a Proyidepoe and a just God who righted everj^hing, and-that the whole matter would shortly be ventilated. I asked 'hankow, and in reply he said that the records oTAnderseoville, Ac., had been providentially preserved,'and would shortly be made public. "Ton will then see,*" says Mr. Davis, "who is and who is not responsible for lives and sufferings." I told him* it would be little satisfaction to oar own people to have saddled on them that which was as the possent time resting on and bKsteted into the people of the South. He again replied that the whole history would in a short time become ptdb&b, : jj$pcrty, and that then judgment could be formed, and the responsibility fastened. , ' ABOUT THE NEGROES. Mr. Davis said they were getting educated, and * in the United States were far in advance of the Liberians. Accepting their reported progress as a fact, he thought the fotore augured welL I don't think he has any superior love for the negro, and without looking into a man's heart, am of opinion that, at present, he hasn't pinch hatred towards them. I am more convinced of this from the fact that hethld me he was in correspondence with one of his former slaves, now cultivating a plantation in Mississippi on his 'own account,, with none to molest or make him afraid. , : . ' Tit *!OT 8URRATT 8 CAS*, . ^ I made mention of to Mr. Davie He ignored, any connection of Southern men with either the proposed abduction or assassination of Mr. Iindofa^ He skid he would have been gratified if the evidence of Glen. Ed. Lee had been admitted, and the dispatches to him while in Canada made public, as it would have shown plainly that Soirott's mission had nothing to do with the assassination. This is Mr. Davis' statement, and you can take it, an well as everything else he stud, for what it is worth.* THE CULTURE OF COfTON on the alluvial lands of the Sooth he regards as well nigh done away with, and expresses himself that the most of these lands, on account^ defective leveeage, will revert into forests. In addition, he stated that in a fow years there would be do exoess of cotton raised; that the supply would be mainly for family use (none for export, ) as was the case and is yet in Florida and Texas. ' Now that I have recited this much of an interview, which I said was not prompted out of idle curiosity, I leave it for the idle curiosity of those who may read it There is much that I am res- -" trained from writing, which, I think, would do good. Those from whom I received it think differently.. ty." During the approaching Presidential canvass, however, some matters, although reported by rebels, will be brought to light, which, true or ftlse, will startle the country. German Papers Rkpudiahnq Negro Suffrage.?The Cleaveland (Ohio) Plamdealereaja: "Quite a large number of the German papery reeently devoted to building up the interests of the Radical party, have repudiated the negro suffrage md disunionism of that faction. In Boston, Carl Meinzer, editor of the moet ultra German Radical paper in the North?the Pioneer?gives notioe hat he will no longer act with the party of Stevens, Sumner & Co. The Pittsburg VoUablat, au influential Radical paper, says that the German Republicans must form an alliance with the Democracy, in order to defeat the puritnuism which is orrn/111 oTIv fnlrinff hold nf the nartv. "The German Radical papers in Iowft Bakft similar declarations. Even Carl Schuxz, in the St Louis WestKche Pxt, urges the German Radicals to vote for Democratic candidates for legislative and municipal offices. His list might be greatly extended; bat the foregoing is sufficient to show that bat few of oar German fellow-citizens caa any longer be made the dnpee of the Radical demagogues who would use them for their own selfish purposes, and then kick them aside and persecute them because they reftise to place themselves on a level with or below the negro." Belle Boyd, who figured in the Spotti during the late war, is stopping at the Maltby House, Baltimore, on her way to St Louis, wbereshe oommenoee her theatrical toar atDeBar's Opera House. - y