Historical Newspapers of South Carolina

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wi^lLm wriesIst. } Proprietors. |n |njjtpeni)cnf /amilg Metospaper: /or tjjc promotion of t|e foltical, Social, Agricultural aitb Commercial Interests of tjjc Soutj). {*2 rEB YEAB-iy advance. VOLUME 7. YORKVILLE, SOUTH CAROLINA, THURSDAY MORNING, MARCH 21,1861. NUMBER 12. L Original ff mty. Hp For tlie Yorkville F.nquirer. J 1 am standing where we stood Years ago?years ago: In this edge of hesky wood. Where the little silver flood. Singeth low. There are lilies floating near To the place where we did stand; And they wave so white and fairAmi they seem to beckon there, j I.ike thy hand. And the roses blushing red. Like their cheeks and finger tips? Now a playful breeze hath shed Many leaflets on my head, And they touch my cheeks and lips. Here are violets meek and blue That have drank from summer skies Thro' their drops of pearly dew Such a sweet, familiar hue? Such a soft ajid tender blue Like thine eyes! O! the very birds that sing In this fair enchanted (trove, | Touch within my heart a spring. And a dreamy memory bring Of the days of early love. But a fearful demon's spell mm O thou dearly loved and lost! On my lips and lyre fell When I breathed that long farewell, And I never more may tell Of the name that I love most! G. L. ?It? IpM? MI jtawm For the Yorkville Enquirer. OBJECTIONS TO^HJR SYSTEM OF SLAVERY. The objections to the Biblical argument for slavery have already been discussed and refuted, and hence our attention today will 1 e 3 * - ? Ao fV?o qqmo nhipp. D6 COUUQeU lU Ul>iicis. iia ?uw ouvuu v.j,. tion is often presented under different forms, we aim to condense so as to grasp and confute the principle that underlies each form without Darning every form of objection. I. It is said that slavery deprives the negro of certain natural and political rights which are inalienable. To this we reply : 1. The objection is based upon what is false in theory and iD practice. Thomas Jefferson borrowed from the infidel philosophy of France the erroneous maxim, "that all men are born free and equal," and upon this, freedom shriek^ ers have been harping for three quarters of a century. But it is an indisputable fact that all are born under subjection to parents and to civil government, and one half of the world has been born as slaves. Hence, the freedom alleged to exist at birth is im ??? ? ^inor itself restrained bv obliea apiua.j, "v-.-e, o tions to parents and to civil government, the ordinances of God and men. As to the equality contended for, it is unreal and visionary as a ground of pleading against slavery, for whilst on the one haud diversity and not equality, characterizes the mental endowment, social and political status and outward circumstances of all the human race, and it is certain that slavery is consistent with these; on the other hand, whatever equality men may have, is not interfered with by their being subjected to bondage. And hence we infer that the assumption upon which the objection is based is false; but, even if true, it could not prove the injustice of slavery, for 2. All admit that every inmate of society is necessarily under restraints, i. e. must give up what " are supposed to be natural rights, for the general good tfo man is absolutely free to do just as he pleases ; for unless he always pleases to respect the interests and rights of his neighbor, the laws of government, under which God has designed) all to be placed, will put restrictions upon him, aDd thu9 curtail his liberty. No sane man denies the wisdom of the arrangement, or contends that for the good of others it is unjust that he should renounce some of what are supposed to be natural rights.? This is just what slavery does : It subjects men to the control of others and deprives them of personal liberty just so far as is for the public good. There is nothing unjust in this privation, for 3. It is in analogy with the practice of all civilized governments. Women and minors are, by law, debarred from civil and political privileges. Who ever complains that the natural and civil rights of these persons are violated, by their not being allowed to vote and hold office in the State ? Foreigners, no matter how intelligent, are compelled, in coming p to this country, to refrain, for a certain number of months or years, from exercising the elective franchise. This is the right the government has, to restrict the liberties of different classes. Why then may not the government deprive the slave of certain political immunities for certain reasons, as well as women and minors and foreigners, for other reasons? 4. It is a wise political maxim that no man has a right to exercise a privilege, or discharge a duty, for which he is incompetent. The duties of citizenship may then be rightfully withheld from all who have not the competency to discharge them so as to promote the public good. For this and other reasons, the right of suffrage is refused to several classes in every community, and for these very reasons, slaves may be justly excluded from many of the privileges of citizenship. 5. By common consent and universal practice, certain laws?which are just such as regulate slavery?are carried so far as to denrivfi men of all liberties and privileges.? r _ f The State claims, aDd has the right to coofine criminals, and compel them for years to give up all theirsocial aDd political rights as is evinced in modes of imprisonment adopted in different States. So, too, vagrants, and paupers and all nuisances to society, can be justly arrested and forced to labor in the work houses and penitentiaries. The very men, and States too, that decry against the institution of slavery, admit and exemplify all these rights in reference to the classes named. G. The famous Dr. Channing, the arch advocate of Abolitionism, admitted just what we plead for concerning slaves. He said "The slave is subject to the community, and the community has a right and is bound to continue all such restraints as its own safety and the well-being of the slave demands. * * * If he canDOt be induced to work by rational and Datural motives he should be obliged to labor, on the same principle on which the vagraDt in other communities is confined and compelled to earn his bread." The same is virtually acknowledged by Dr. Wayland, when he says, "The best form of government for any people is the best that its present moral condition renders practicable. A people may be so entirely surrendered to the influence of passion, and so feebly influenced by moral restraints, that a government which relied upon moral restraint could not exist for a day. In this case a subordinate and inferior principle yet remains?the principle of fear, and the only resort is to a government of force."? These are precisely the facts incorporated and acted upon in slavery, and their admission by such authorities as those quoted, scatters to the wind the objection we are considering. II. It is said that slavery converts men into mere chattels, and so authorizes mas ters to traffic in human souls. This, as every body knows, is one of the hackneyed commonplaces ot ADOlitiOPists, ana may ue met by a positive denial and contradiction. We base this contradiction upon the following facts, a. The fundamental idea of the objection does not enter into any proper definition of slavery. Says a master Tbeo logian, himself an anti-slavery man. "All the ideas which necessarily enter into the definition of slavery are deprivation of personal liberty, obligation of service at the discretion of another, and the transferable character of the authority and claim of the master." (Dr. Hodge). The essence of slavery is the master's right to use and control and dispose of the services of his slave. The master has, and claims, no right over the soul of his slave; that belongs and the master recognizes it, as belonging,* alone to God. No master regards, or treats his slave as any other than a human being, and hence it is mere cant to talk of the slave's being divested of human nature, or even of his rights as a responsible creature. b. In all slave States, slaves are under a regular system of laws, which, however unjust they may sometimes be, do recognize their character as accountable beings.? Men do not arraign and try on evidence, and punish on conviction either brutes or mere things, and yet this is everywhere done upon slaves who commit punishable crimes It is the Abolitionist, and not the slaveholder, that regards and pronounces the slave a mere chattel or thing. The law of South Carolina says: "Slaves shall be delivered, sold, taken, reputed and adjudged io law to be chattels personal, in the hands of their owners and possessors, and their executors, administrators, and assigoees, to all intents, constructions and purposes what ever." This and every other similar law, teaches a very different thing from what the objection assumes. For it is clear to any discerning mind that to declare a man may be held as a "chattel personal" is a very different thing from declaring that he is a mere chattel. The law of no State pronounces a negro to be a mere thing or a more chattel, and hence does not divest him of his human character, nor gives the owner any property in his soul, but alone allows him the right to control his services. c. If the objector means to say that holding the slave as property, necessarily in O * ft ? ' volves the idea implied in his objection, we deny his position. Property is the right of possession and use, and must, of necessity, vary according to the nature of the objects to which it attaches. A man has property in his wife, in his children, in his domestic animals, in his fields and in his forests.? That is, he has a right to possess aod use these several objects according to their nature. When the idea of property in slaves is analyzed, it is found to be nothing more than a claim and control of service for a term of years or for life. This claim is transferable, since there is nothing iu this trausfer inconsistent with the uature of the slave, Dor does holding and treating him as a species of property, in any way rob the slave of his humanity, or allow his master to use him in a way not corresponding with bis nature. The employment of this word property, to describe the claim the master has upon his slaves, has a scripture foundation. In Levit. 25 :45, 46, the slave is called "the possession" of his master, and in Exod. 21 :21 "his money," and in the 10th commandment a "thing" not to be coveted. If such a use of terms does not imply what the objection alleges, neither does our calling the slave the property, "the chattel personal" of his master, do it. III. It is again objected that our system of slavery compels negroes to serve without wages or compensation. To this we answer, that even if this were true it would only be what is practiced by human governments upon a iarge scale. In times of war and calamity, the citizens are often compelled to serve a government without! adequate remuneration, showing that this is a right inherent in society, to be exercised whenever occasion demands. Thus it might be plead in justification of slave AknAottA n/vnin fknf nkiort ry. JUt UUOC1VC agaiu uuai> cm- V/ujgv,tion is untrue. Our slaves do receive wages and compensation. Bylaw a master is required to feed, and clothe, and shelter i his slaves; to provide for them in infancy and old age, in sickness and health, and to care for their families, and this he is bound to do at all times. If put into dollars and cents, the actual value of food, clothing, house room, attention to family, board of helpless children, doctor bills, and besides a large amount of leisure, unoccupied time, would amount to a large compensation for the negroe's services. The form in which this reward is paid, does not alter the char acter of it. It is the same thing whether the laborer is paid as much money as will furnish the necessaries of life, or furnished those necessaries at hand. The one is as trulv reward for labor as the other. Fur thermore, the actual compensation received by the slave is larger than that received by the men and women who do the same menial service in other countries. In Sweden the male hireling receives but twentyfive dollars a year, and the female less, besides board. In other countries and in the Northern States of this, the laboring class| es receive from ten cents to a quarter of a : dollar a day for services. In all these cases there are these essential differences, that ; the hireliug has to labor a greater number ; of hours per day, and do in the same time a larger amountof work, than the Southern slaves, receives wages only whilst in actual j employment, has to provide for his own farnI ily, take care and sustain himself when sick or infirm, suffer deduction of wages when time is lost, and is liable to be thrown out of service because of fluctuation and depression of business. From all these our slaves are totally exempt. Is it not evident then, in view of these facts, that this objection is not only groundless but absolutely false ?? Our slaves being shown to be the best paid of all laborers io menial service in the world. IV. It is alleged also that slavery interferes xcith and even destroys the marriage, relation among slaves. This would be news to the thousands of happy slaves that are living with their wives and children around them, and who have never dreamed that slaves could not marry and live in families. The objectors are bound to show how slavery destroys or essentially interferes with the marriage union, and that the same things, as difficulties, would not be iucident to the negro everywhere. We admit that irregularities and abuses of ruarriaop exist. ninnnur slaves The same is true I .._e R of all classes of society. The State has not done all in its power to protect the slaves in this respect, but this is only saying that the slave laws admit improvement, as all others made by men As an offset to the objection we submit the following facts: 1. It should be remembered that uuder the Hebrew laws, the marriage of other slaves than those of Hebrew origin, was j ^ not legally recognized. The heathen slave J ^ was privileged to form the conjugal relation j and live in what is known among the Romans as Contuberuium. Rut in certain cases there was provision made for the separation of husbands and wives. Vide Ex. 21:2?6; 7?11. If such a fact did not destroy the insti- , tution of marriage among slaves of Hebrew, ( it need not, and does not do it in our slave- ] ry. 2 The essence of marriage does not ( consist in the employment of certain cere- ] monies, nor in the recognition of the mar riage by civil law. Whilst we regard it as , eminently proper that both Church and , State require a formal marriage, and we would extend this to slaves, yet it is cer- . tain that the Bible does not make this ceremony absolutely necessary. In the sight; of God there have been real marriages where there was only the private and mutual consent of both parties and subsequent ( recognition of one another in that relation. | Such has been the case with ten thousands i_ of slaves whose marriage was thus as valid ( in the sight of God as that of their owners ( The absence of a State and legal recognition of slave marriage does not really destroy the institution in any case, and it will ( not be treated as null and void or even unimportant, where public opinion is sound and where the Church is true to her duty. 3. The fact is, there are as many slaves living in this relation to one another, as ainong any other class of the laboring poor. To illustrate; upon the plantation on which the writer resides, there are twelve couples j who are recognized and treated as married, j Eight of them dwell as husbands and wives ( in their own cabins on the same plantation. One venerable couple have been married j seventy years. The other four have each a companion upon neighboring plantations, j This is not an extraordinary case or an unusual proportion of menial servants, among : the same number. This might be expected ; because slaves are not deterred from marrvine bv fear of poverty upon families; they know this is provided against. Separations | between parties on same and adjoining plautations are rare, more so than in free States ( where divorce laws exist among whites; for masters interfere to adjust difficulties, aud compose strifes if they arise between husbands and wives. As to violent separations ( produced by sale of one party, these in some cases are unavoidable under the dis- j pensation of Providence, but even now!( these are not frequent, and will diminish as ! the slave laws of States are improved and i, as public opinion is controlled by religion. || The idea is fast gaining the ascendancy that ( the union of slaves, as husbands and wives, 1 should be respected, and we hope soon to , see the time when, except under imperious necessity, masters will not for any consideration separate a negro from his wife. 4. In addition to all this it should be remembered that slaves belong to a barbarous race | wtio in tneir natural state na-e no regara for marriage ties. This faot complicates , the difficulties of preserving the institution of marriage among them, and it also shows that some of the defects in reference to it, | charged upon slavery, are due to the char- ( acter and habits of the negro race. If, j however, the slave States could be left to ; manage their own institution, without a malicious foreign interference, they could improve slavery in all its interests and relations. And would do it. V. Still another objection is that slavery interferes with the mora1 and reliyious ditties of the slaves. . Against this we reply : that it is incurnbenfupou those who urge the objection, to show that slavery both presents a barrier to a possession of a spirit of obedience to God, i. p. a spirit of holiness, and furnishes no opportunity for the disohurge of the duties ( of holiness. Such an attempt w )uld meet i a bold contradiction at every step. All who are familiar with the workings of slavery, know that slaves are everywhere found, who do 'ove and serve God. In most communities the proportion of slaves who are pious, and exhibit a commendable consistency, is as great as the masters and freemen, and much greater than the number of free blacks, or even the poor whites of free States. Everywhere the slaves have opportunity of private and public worship of God. And except in rare cases, slave parents have the oversight and guardianship ot their children, and hence are privileged logo the eutire round of religious and relative duties. That they do not have equal facilities with some men in the world is what is true of millions who are not slaves. VI. -'Is a final objection, it is aryued that slavery liohh its subjects in iynorunce and \barbarism. This is a gratuitous and libellous charge. Reason and facts on every hand disprove it. The negroes when re- j duced to slavery were the most barbarous of maukind. That they have not been elevated to the grades of perfect civilization, is not wonderful, when the depths of primitive degradation are remembered. But t is opposed to reason to suppose that sur- S ounded by the elevating influences of as- a iociations in the families of whites, restrained from many of the vices to which the ne|ro character is liable, enjoying the bles- t lings of the Gospel extensively, it is absurd I ;o suppose and say that negroes would be r iept in their original ignorance andbarbar- a ism. At every point facts stare us in the r face. Look at the comparative intelligence j af all our house servants, contrast theyoun- 1 *er negroes upon any plantation with the i alder native Africans who are here and see c ;heir intellectual superiority, and above all t jonsider the more than four hundred thous- t ind church members of slaves, and say, do: t :hese things prove that they are kept in o- j riginal degradation. No! The gradual i slevation of the enslaved race is too marked c :o need proof to those^who have eyes to see. { fbe negroes of the South are, as a class, 1 uore nearly civilized than the Africau any where else found. And that the elevation ind progress have uot been more rapid, is ( 3ue to the Abolition agitation. The rigid it ind in some cases unjustly severe, laws en- Ic icted by States and communities, againstP the privileges of negroes, are occasioned by [c the impertinent interference of the enemies t of slavery. These?who profess to be j > friends of the slaves?have proved them-j] selves the worst enemies the negro has, and j 1 they, by Abolition principle, have done j more to retard the enlightenment and ame- ? lioration of-slaves than all other causes com-i| bincd. I But we have said enough iu reference to 1 objections to slavery?none of them disprove j the direct arguments for it; but they all 1 rest either upon some abuse of the iustitu- ' tion, 01 are false in form and fact. h W!?Ii ?li;o Avtnnrlur? unrppu nf t.ho frmnndu i I upon which oar institution can bo vindica-jl ted, these communications are closed?un- I less the writer may hereafter add two articles upon the duties of masters. This will I be determined by another party than PHILEMON. Jktwfcs.! new yorkT^orrespondence. , New York City, March 7, 1861. j Dear Enquirer : After a silence of some two months, I again make my bow, hoping, that if I neither amuse nor instruct, I will ' be able to tell you something corncerning < iffairs in Gotham. Among other things, < the weather must have a place in every let- ; ter; for who ever wrote to a friend, a broth- i cr, a sister, or any'other man's' sister, with- { jut saying something about that changeable < thing?the weather. During the last ot i February and the three first days March, we < had the most delightful weather that we ev- 1 cr experienced in this latitude?neither too '> sold nor too hot?not too damp nor too I dry?but real good weather?weather that i 5eemed to suit every body. For a time it appeared that we had traded off climates? instead of being on the Atlantic seaboard, it appeared as though we had been trans i ferred to the more delightful and milder regions of the Pacific, where :here is no need 1 cf overcoats, mufflers and like appendages 1 for human comfort. But stormy old March I has commenced his usual fickle pranks, and > reminds us that if it is "Spring time," that < he has yet his pa rt to play in the "caste" of < seasons, as overcoats and mufflers feel very ' comfortable this morning. i Business continues very dull, and I have but little hope, in the present agitated state if the country, that it will be anv better i sooD. Among the working and laboring < classes, the suffering has been very great; ? caused from the want of employment. Peo- I pic now seem to think that when business < does open, it will be better than ever before. < In the way of charity, according to publish 1 sd reports, there has been a greater demand ? this winter, at the public institutions, than < ever before, not even excepting 1857?'58. Trade in the mercantile line, during the ' last ten days of February, was good, owing < to a desire on the part of buyers and sellers | to avoid the new tariff' regulations of the 1 Southern Confedt'acy. Since the 28th ult., < little or nothing has been done in the way * of shipping to the South. t There is considerable excitement here, i caused hv a disnatch on the bulletin boards -J - ?r of the different newspaper offices, to the effect that Fort Sumter had been attacked by the Southerners ; also, another, that Presi- ' dent Davis had ordered the troops of the 4 Confederate States to concentrate at Charles- 1 ton. I do not believe there is any truth in ' either; as we are continually being duped 1 by sensation diBpatohes and letters oonoern- 1 ing the war movements in the South. ( Lincoln's message had a very salutary 1 effect on the people of this city, generally ; ' nearly all seeming to think it conciliatory, ' and leaning towards any thing but coercion ; J while the reports from the South indicate 1 that it is taken as a declaration of war. As for my own part, it appears so contradictory, 1 I cannot arrive at any oonolusion. If I could ' see through a pair of Black Republican 4 eyes, I might make up my mind that it is 1 :onci/iatori/. If it is, "I don't see it."? ' n 1 *' ? ?1? ? I. ^ 1? 7"lrt.rto/w.7.o mnlllrl 1 JLclKC 11 Oil Hie IVUUIUj aa x/voohl^o nuuiv* ?ay : "It is a big thing"?for the Repub licans. More anon. P. B. G. ' ? *!- t The Iiincoln Cabinet. I We give below brief sketches of those | members of the Cabinet of Lincoln, with i whose history many of our readears may not i be familiar : i SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. ] Hon. Salmon P. Chase is a native of N. , Hampshire, born in 1808, and at an early j age emigrated to Ohio, but leaving there < after a year's residence, graduated at Part- | mouth College, N. H., and studied law in < Washington city under the celebrated Wm. i Wirt. He sustained himself during the i years of his professional studies by impart- ' iug instruction to a select school for boys, j He was admitted to the bar at Washington | in 1829, and in the following year returned i to Cincinnati and eqtered upon the practice of his profession, in which he soon rose to eminence. He was subsequently elected a i member of the United States Senate, and i nnnn the exniration of his Senatorial term -r~~ ? ?i he was put in nomination for Governor of Ohio and elected. He was again put in i nomination for Governor; and was again elected to that position. Recently he was a second time elected to the United States Senate, and took his seat at the called sesion on Monday. SECRETARY OF WAR. Hon. Simon Cameron served an appreniceship to the printing business at Harris>urg, and subsequently worked as a journeynan in Washington city. In 1821, when i joung man. be declined the offer of a lomination for Congress; in 1828 was Adutant-General of Pennsylvania; in 1831 ie was appointed by General Jackson a Vistor to West Point; aud in 1838 he again leclined a nomination for Congress. For nany years he has been prominently identiied with the works of internal improvenent in Pennsylvania, aud for twenty Heven rears was Cashier of the Middletown Bank n that State. He was also formerly Presilent of the Lebanon Valley Railroad Coni)anv. and President of the Commonwealth f * insurance Company. SECRETARY OF THE NAVY. Hon. Gideon G. Welles is a native of Jonnccticut, and a well known contributor o the partisan press. He formerly held the )ffice of Postmaster of Hartford, under Mr. lran Huron's Administration, and left the >fficc soon after the election of Gen. Harriion in 1840. During a part of Mr. Polk's Administration he occupied an important position in the Navy Department. Like nany other prominent Northern Democrats, Mr. Welles disagreed with his party on the subject of the repeal of the Missouri compromise. The territorial question boing :he chief one at issue, he beoame identified jnth t.hfl Renuhlican Dartv soon after its or " ? "? ?r r . * >anization, aDd has since been one of its leaders, taking a prominent part in its Contentions, State and national. He was a ielegate from the State at large to the Chijago Convention, and constituted one of the Committee to proceed to Springfield with of icial notice of Mr. Lincoln's nomination.? He was also one of the Presidential Electors. SECRETARY OF THE INTERIOR. Hon. Caleb B. Smith is well known in [ndiana, and is reported to be possessed of i vigorous intellect, and considerable administrative taot and ability. He has been fequently a Whig member of Congress, and tvas a commissioner on Mexican claims. He is now a Republican of moderate views. POSTMASTER-GENERAL. The Honorable Montgomery iiiair is a ion of Francis P. Blair, one of the editors }f the Globe, the organ of General Jackson, during his administration. For several pears past he has resided with his father, n Montgomery county, Maryland. He graduated at West Point, went to the State )f Missouri, practiced law in St. Louis, was made judge, and was appointed by President Pierce Solicitor of Claims, from which place he was removed by President Buchloan. Judge Blair is now in the prime of life, and a warm Republican. He is sonin-law of the late Hon. Levi Woodbury, of New Hampshire, and brother of Frank P. Blair, jr., Congressman elect from the St ijouis district. ATTOIi^KY GENERAL. Hon. Edward Bates was born in Gouch!and county, Virginia, in 1793, and in the war of 1812 served as a voluoteer at Norfolk. About 1814 hesct out for St. Louis, ind crossed the Mississippi for the first time jn the 29th of April Here he studied very liligently in the office of llufus Eaton, a Connecticut man, and some time a delegate in Congress from Missouri Territory. Mr Bates came to the bar in the winter of 1816-17, and practiced with fair success as i beginner. In 1853 he was elected Judge 3f the Land Court of St. Louis county, and ifter serving in the office about three years ae resigned and returned again to the prac:ice of the law. He acted as President of ;he lliver and Harbor Improvement Contention which sat at Chicago, and in 1852 acted as President of the Whig National Convention whioh met at Baltimore. In L850 he was appointed by President Fillnore and confirmed by the Senate Secretary )f War, but declined the appointment for sersonal and domestic reasons. Mr. Bates vas complimented with the honorary degree )fLL D., in 1858, by Harvard College.? Some years before he had been honored with ;he same degree by Shurtleff College, Illinois. Northern and Southern Nations. The Washington correspondent of the Charleston Mercury says that Cassius M Clay, of Kentucky, now in Washington, s one of those men who believe what the hoys id toe iNortnem scnoois ana colleges ire taught, namely, that the destiny of Southern nations is to be conquered and hverrun by Northern races, just as the Gernans overran the Romans. He said as nuch in conversation with Elwood Fisher Why," replied Fisher, in a quiet way, "I lave read history very differently. The civilzed world has been conquered seven times ?five times by Southern men, and twice by Northern. The Greeks !e J on by Alexander, vere Southerners and slaveholders; so were ;he Romans, under Cresar; so the Arabs, inder Mahomet; the Spaniards, under Philip; and the French, though not slaveholders, are Southerners. I need not tell fou what they did under the great Napole> , nor what position they hold at this day, inder his nephew. Have you forgotten how ;he Moors penetrated to Vienna, and but :or the valor of John Sobieski, would have mastered all Europe ? And do you forget ;hat Roman legions, siding with the Ger? - ?" A ]* * MAM P Ama 9 uaus, uuuer .n.iaiiu, uuu^udicu huui? > [f history teaches anything, it teaches that i united South has always defied the world in arms, and never knew defeat till dissections, took place among themselves. Finaly, to bring the matter home, see what Southern men?Italians commanded by jaribaldi, and fighting for their liberty? ire doing to the Austrians, Northern men. When you, gentlemen, talk of coercing the South, you had better lay to heart lessons ;aught by historians who are not Yankees." Clay was completely nonplussed?used up. Postmaster Huoer.?Tho following reference to this gentleman occurs in the Charleston correspondence of the Richmond Dispatch: I will state a fact that may put to blush office seekers who may see it. There has been but two postmasters in the city of Charleston since the days of Washington. Gen. Washington appointed Mr. Bacot in 1797, who served until his death, when the present incumbent, Mr. Huger, (pronoun ced Uger,) was appointed by Mr. Monroe, Mr. Huger is now over seventy years, ol Huguenot blood?a gentleman ol command' ing and venerable appearance, about six feel high, well proportioned, line Roman face, full head of hair, and as whitens snow, line black eyes, heavy eyebrows, very erect, and one of the most bigh-toned gentlemen in all our city. One peculiar trait he has, and that is he is remarkably fond of the com' pany of young persons, aud whilst they show groat deference to him, uo one, howevei young, is at all oramped in his society. Ir many respects he greatly resembles the lat< Governor Barbour, of your State. From tlic N'uw York Herald. The Polioy and Prospects of the South' ern Confederation. Tbe Southern Confederation is march ing steadily on with its organization, anc the policy which it is inaugurating promi ses to add stability to its existence anc dignity to its future. There are raanj features about this new Government whicf are calculated to invest it with advantage: superior to those which the Northern Con federacy enjoys. In the first place it ii maintained by able statesmen that we a the North can boast of more of the dema gogue class in the composition of our Gov ernment than of that higher order of pa triots which shine so brilliantly in th< ranks of the oarly founders of the republic Jeiferson Davis, the President of th< Southern Confederacy, is a soldier as wel as a statesman. lie is firm. bold, nuicl and dariug. Mr. Stephens, too, is giftec with a fine intellect, and the wisdom whicl dictated the selection of conservative mind for the Cabinet to the exclusion of the mor* ultra politicians of the South, forms a stri king contrast with the party animus tha inspired the elevation of certain extremist to seats in the Cabinet Council of the ad ministration at Washington. The South em Confederacy now comprises sevei States, with a total population of over fiv< millions, and should subsequent event drive the border StateB into coalition witl those already seceded?a consummatioi which the latter are endeavoriug to brioj about?the Confederacy will be compose* of fifteen sovereign States, with a popula tion of 12,433,409?or nearly two-third of the population of the Northern Confedt rnrtt) nf ninofoon fitotac Thfl nrtnnluhM ftuvjr \jl uiu^nvou x ii^ pu^utuuu of the seven States now united under on goverenment is distributed as follows : South Carolina, 715,371 Georgia, 1,082,730 Florida, 145,685 Alabama, 955,916 Louisiana, 666,431 Mississippi, 886,058 Texas, 600,956 Total, 5,053,134 The Southern Government, it will b seen, is making active preparations to atren<; then itself in case a difficulty should aris with the Northern administration. A army is now being rapidly organized am enuinned. llv the adoption of the old am -t ? r i j r somewhat equitable tariff of the Uoite< States, the South has gained an immens' advantage over the North, as mauy arti cles of foreign merchandise will be exclu dcd from our ports by the exorbitant am in some oases prohibitory duties imposei by the Morrill tariff; and thus, while im portations will fall away iu the Northeri cities, they will increase and are even nov increasing in the ports of Savannah, Mo bile, Nr.v Orleans and Charleston. Attb> same time teat foreign nations are seekinj more friendly ports with their goods, thi products and manufactures of the Northeri States w'll be subjected to an equal dut; with foreign manufactures on the Southeri border?a measure whioh will prove pro tective of Southern industry and enterprise as well as productive of considerable reve nue to the South. A ? n ?Vi n rv< <> ?C mwmamaS AM f V\ . -n^tnu, iii buc uiatLci ui CApauoiuu, tut Souihera Confederacy has inuoh the advan tago over the Northern. There are tbi cotton lands of Mexico, which, in the ordi Dary course of things, may probably be ab sorbed by the Southern section, and uiti mately, no doubt, Cuba also may be annex ed to the adjoining free States on this con tinent, and thus enjoy that independence as a member of a self governed empire, fo which her people have been so long pining in which event the Gulf of Mexico will b< transformed, as it were, into an inland lake and the commeroe of the tropical States o: both North and South America will find t ready aud profitable mart for their product in the various ports on the Gulf. The ricl resources of Mexico and the South Ameri can States can thus be develoned for th< benefit of the Southern Confederacy, in stead of being converted, as they are now to the profit of England and France, bj means of the regular steam communicatior kept up between them and these lattei oountries. The statesmen of the South art not blind to the importance of a closer in timacy with Mexico and the republics o! Central and South America, which hat been restricted heretofore by the selfish policy of Northern politicians; and now that they are at liberty to aot for them selves they will no doubt endeavor to di vert the trade of those countries from Eu ropean channels into their own ports, ever if their policy should not involve immedi ately measures of annexation. And to counterbalance this adhesion o commercial or territorial strength to th< Southern Confederacy, what has the North em Confederacy to fall back upon ? Noth ing but the annexation of the Britisl provinces. And what reason is there t< expect that anything short of annexatioi will increase the advantages which our con tiguity to British America now insuns us! We cannot hope for any inordinate growtl of inter-trade with the British possessions Unlike the Southern .Government, we a the North can open up no new fields of en terprise such as the unfallowed fields o Mexico, Central Amerioa and the Soutl American Republics afford to the sagacit; of the Southern States. Wanting a conve nient market for their products, much o the most valuable resources of these tropi cal countries, both in mineral and agricul tural wealth, have been neglected ; bu with the adoption of a liberal policy am i | the establishment of a regular communi cation on the part of the Southern Confed , eracy, there may be no limit to the riohe F they are capable of developing, most o which will certainly inure to the benefit o i that Government which encourages its de , velopmeot. Apart, then, from the mer ! question of territorial acquisition?whicl , would seem almost inevitable?the Soutl i has a splendid opportunity of building he! , self up by availing itself of the commorcia resources of adjacent countries. 11 Thus, by the calm and dignified actio; r of the new Government, by the enrolmen i of a numerous and patriotic army, by th ? odoptiou of a favorable tariff, by all tbe ad vantages which surround it, the Souther Confederacy to-day gives promise of a pei manency and prosperity which those wh reiy upou tne success* ui coercive measure to bring the seceding States back into th " Union, cannot well despise. And yet, w 1 can find nothing foreshadowed in the dii * and half defined policy of Mr. Lincoln be ' coercion, so far as the ambiguous languag r of his inaugural stands the test of analysi 1 ?coercion if he can, toleration if he inus: 3 mn Ail Editor on Editing. 3 Artemus Ward, alias Brown, late loci t editor of the Cleveland Plaindealcr, giv< - the following advice to young men who a; - pire to become editors of newspapers: Before you go for an editor, young mai 3 pause and take a big think ! Do not rus . into the editorial harness rashly. Loo > around and see if there is not au omnibt 1 to drive?some soil somewhere to be tille i ?a clerkship or some meat cart to be filie j ?anything that is reputable and health; i rather than going for an editor which a hnrH fit hpat. e We are not a horse, and have consequen - ly not been called upon to furoish the m t tive power for a threshing machine; bi s we fancy that the life of an editor who - forced to write, write, write, whether I - feels right or not, is much like the stee a in question. If the "yeas" and "neighs e cuuld be obtained, we believe the intell s gent horse would decide that the threshic ti machine is preferable to the sanctum ed q torial. * The editor's work is never done. He d drained incessantly, and no wonder he dri i- up prematurely. Other people can attei s banquets, weddings, &c., visit halls of da . zling light, got inebriated, break window n linlr o mun nnr>aqir>nnl I o nnrl Aninv t.liftl e selves io a variety of ways; but the edit caonot. He must stick tenaciously to h quill. The press, like a sick baby, must be left alone for a minute. If tbc press i left to run jpjclf even for a day, some absu persou indignantly orders the carrier boy stop bringing "that infernal paper. There nothing in it. I won't have it in the house! | The elegant Mantaliui, reduced to ma gle-turning, described his life as a "dem horrible grind." The life of the editor c all that. ; But there is a good time coming, we fe e confident, for the editor?a timo when I u will be appreciated; when he will have d front seat; when he will have a pie eve i day, and wear store-clothes continuall; d when the harsh cry of "Stop my paper! e will no more grate upon his ears Courag * Messieurs the editors Still, sanguine as we are of the comic d of this jolly time, we advise the aspirai d for editorial honors to pause ere he taki up the quill as a means of obtaining h a bread and butter. Do not, at least, do i I? until vmi have hflpn lilted several dozf > times by a like number of girls?until yc e have been knocked down stairs and souse i in a horse pond?until all the "gushing e feelings within you have been thorough 3 subdued?until, in short, your hide is i y rhinoceros thickness. Then, 0 aspiran 3 for the babble-reputation at the pres mouth, throw yourselves among the in] , pots, dust and cobwebs of the printing-o - fice, if you will. From lite South Carolinian. 0 _ Jttemimscences 01 me uoixoii juug. b When I was six or seven years old, the: - was a rule adopted amongst the young pei - pie of the neighborhood, that each or - should pick his or her shoe full of cotto - before going to bed, so that the female . should have enough to spin without wastin , their time in picking. This was observe r only during the fall and winter, when th nights were long. The planters had to b 2 careful to make cotton enough to olotb , their families. Some few planted and mad f a little flax for shirting, but the cotton i i Virginia and the Carolinas was the mai * stand-by for clothing. i In the winter of 1786,1 went to Georgir . My father rented land in Burk County, o ; the waters of the Ogeechee River, fort . miles from Augusta. We planted a patcfc , (as W9 had been doing in Norib Carolina; j we called it always the cotton patch.i There was no other object in view but t r make cotton sufficient for the family use ; but, to our great surprise, when the cottoi . was picked out of the patch, we had cot f siderably more cottoo thau we had any us 3 for, aod it was not known at that time tha i there was any demand for cotton any when r This was in 1788 or '89. However, befor any disposition had been made of our supei - abundant crop of cotton, we got news tha there was a firm in Augusta that bough i cotton, and would give four cents perpoun - for it in the seed. Our cotton found it way to Augusta, shortly after, and it strike f my mind that about this time was the fin ?l Unln nf nntfnn onnf tn Knrnnft that ever wa z UAIC 171 UUUW/u uvuv ?v ~ - put up for exportation from America. Som . time after the sale of our cotton, I was a 1 Augusta, and saw a parcel of hands at wor ) in a cotton-picking factory. They were gic i ning cotton with little wooden rollers. Th - saw gin had never been introduced at tha }, time, nor do I believe that it was used fo 1 ginningoottontill 1798 or'99, at which tim . I was living in York District, South Cart t lina, minding a mill, and a man who had - saw gin for cleaning cotton, came and gc f liberty to drive his saw gin by the wate i power of the mill, and he paoked his cotto: f in round bales, by driving it down with - crow-bar. I think his gin was not the bet f quality, nor was his mode of packing a| - proved of, for the staple of the cotton ws - injured. This, however, was about the b< t ginning of the cotton rage in Carolina. I i 1801 or 1802, I think the State of Sout - Carolina gave Mr. Whitney $500,000 for the right to make saw gins after his model, 8 which gave a spar to the genias of maehif nists in the Soath, and finally brought the f saw gin to perfection, and caused the col! tare of cotton to increase with sach astone ishing rapidity, that in sixteen years from h the time of the exportation of the first bale b of cotton from the Southern States, in 1788 ' to the year 1804?two years after I came to il Columbia to live?I was reliably informed that the cotton crop of Col. Wade Hampo ton that year, netted him $120,000. Cott ton then, and for some years after, sold here e at twenty five cents per pound. But when I- the war of 1812 came on, and the embargo n and noo-intercourse laws succeeded, the price of cotton fell so low that a great deal o was sold at six and seven cents per pound, a Col. John M. Creyon, who had been trae dinff in Onlnmhift fnr nnmn vpato nrpvinns. ?o ? ? j r? ?> e bat on rather a 9mall scale, daring those a dull times, bought ap and took in for debts it due him together, at a very low price, cote ton to a considerable amount; and after is peace was restored in December, 1814, he t. had enough cotton to freight a vessel, and went to Europe with it; and sometime after his return, I heard him say that on his trip ri be made 852,000 clear of all expenses. 59 When the treaty of peace was signed at s' the city of Washington, December24,1814, there was an express sent on to N. Orleans. When that express came to Columbiait was k after 12 o'clock. Mr. Ainsley Hall, who k was then a merchant here, started a man on 19 a fine travelling horse, to go to Augusta, Q Georgia, and to engage all the cotton he d conld before the express could reach that place. John B. Thomas was the agent.? IS He rode to Augusta in seven hours, and I heard Hall tell some gentlemen that the trip of Thomas made him some ten or ?" twelve thousand. Now, although the cotton regions of the South are blessed, in an 19 eminent degree, in the production of the le King Cotton, yet, like all other enjoyments !(* which nature presents to us, it requires 1 wisdom and prudence to make the best of it: for if five millions of bales would son 'S ply all the demand there is for it, it would l* be very foolish to make tea millions, when yoa would get no more for the ten than yoa 18 would for the five. If yoa employ all yoar ea land and your labor in making King Cotton I(* why, then, he will have to feed yoa, and z* the harden may soon get heavy enoagh to 9> break him down ; and when there is nobody D* got bread to sell, neither King Cotton or or any other king, can get it BENJ. RA.WL8. is Payment op the British Debt.?The rd human heart pulsates about seventy or sevto enty-two times a minute in a young person, >'s say once in a second. Now, should a dollar " be coined by every pulsation, what an enorn mous pile the whole would make iu the 'd space of a year! Many will perhaps supis pose that the product would fill a ten-acre lot in the course of a single year. No, the el amount would not be so very large. On /i/\nti>Avn if fit a nmnaoo vara Iranf T1 T% J g tUC uuutimjr j A* vuv |/ivvw?Ai nw*v uv^/? % Y a from the first day of a child, both day and ry night, to the day of bis death at sixty years p; of age, it would Dot pay the public debt of |" Great Britain! The coinage of a dollar a e, second for sixty years would produce only two thousand millions of dollars ; where,g as the English debt is double that sum, or at about four thousand millions of dollars !? 3S It will not all be paid this year, that is is certain. To do this will require more than 30 a dollar to be made at every click of a sewing >n machine. The debt might then be paid, ,u though not in less than some ten years perjj haps, provided the machine never stopped in all that time. ^ Progress of the Slave Population. t ?The returns of the national census show ] a very material growth of the slave popula? tion during the last decade. In every Snnthern State, excent Delaware, Mary if. ~ ' r ' * land and Missouri, the increase of the slave population has been nearly in the same ratio as that of the free population, white and colored; and in the aggregate the growth of the slave population in the fifteen rc Southern States has kept pace with that of the whole population of the United States >e ?that is to say, it shows an increase of n about thirty per cent, in ten years. And 3 very curiously even in Missouri?surroun| ded on three sides by free States?where we were told that slavery was rapidly dying e out, the number of slaves has increased 6 from 87,422 in 1850, to 115,619 in the 6 year 1860, and this, too, with abundant op6 portuDity of ranning them off, and a very ? great loss from this cause. Pedigree in America.?Dr. Curtis, in his last State Registration report, speaks of D a marked neglect of the American people y as follows: "More attention is given in l> this oountry to the pedigree of animals than ) of human beings, and many persons can tell the exact genealogy of a favorite horse 0 for several generations, who do not know the maiden names of their own grandmothQ era, nor would it he possible for them to '' ascertain the fact fiom any legal records.? e It would probably be impossible for a large lt portion of the middle-aged men and women !< in the United Sttates to prove that their 6 own parents were ever married, and that they have any legitimate right to the name lt they bear." d AN JtiVIL UMEN.?xne IOllOWlDg SlDgua lar incident of Lincoln's inauguration is is recorded in the New York Times. it Early in the forenoon, when the flag was .s unfurled upon the Capitol, one of the hale liards gave way, and, splitting in two, the it flag flung out like a pennant. For a long k while it could not be taken down, though i- finally an adventurous man olimbed to the e top of the staff, and tearing away the illit omened standard, replaced it with an entire t flag of the Union. e Paper Neckties. Application has been made by a firm in New York for a pata ent for paper neokties, printed in imitation of silk and gingham with great exactness r and beauty. The Scientific American says D this firm sold last season, of one single style a of cloth neokties, seventeen thousand dozen. it nftti >- I?* In olden times, women were prohibiis ted from marrying until they had spun a j- set of bed furniture, and henoe they were n called spinters until they were married.? h Now-a-days they spin street yarn. ft