Historical Newspapers of South Carolina

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fc.. :.r;; ./ ' j&* . . i ' - ' -- ? - ;?*? " " wt^am wRIvsarsT} proprietors. %k JirbtjjtivJwiit Jainilji Iletuspajjcr: Jar % promotion of tjje political, facial, Agricultural anir Commercial Interests of tlje foutjj. ; {?2pbbyeab,inadvanob. YOLUMEI YORKVILLE, SOUTH CAROLINA, THURSDAY MORNING, MARCH 14,1861. NUMBER 11. ?? ???? i ????m??mimm Ib* fjibi* ami jrtorn For the Yorkvlllc Enquirer. ARGUMENTS FOR SLAVERY. VI. Another argument for our system of slavery may be deduced from the character, failure and disastrous results of all the methods adopted either to liberate the slaves, or to provide for them xchen released from bondage. It is incumbent upon those who oppose a system of slavery like ours, and who aim to bring it to an end, not only to provide a method by which slaves can be really, justly and safely admitted to freedom, but also to make that disposition of them, that will secure their alleged rights and promote their interests, and the general welfare of mankind. Until they evince their ability to accomplish these objects, the argument for slavery remains unimpeachable; whilst their clamors against it are proved to be unwise, untimely, nugatory, fanatical and absurd. To establish the position here taken, it is proposed to bring under view some of the efforts made to free and provide for the liberated slaves. These efforts, and the schemes they involve, will, we think, appear objectionable, because of their character and results. The first plan for advancing free1 %a tkftt A Jinliltni) i*Qrr> aora tnai we uuicj 10 tu? ui many of whose features we have already commented upon. It pronounces slavery always and everywhere sinful, and hence, regards its extermination in any possible manner, as justifiable and proper. Every species of violence is approved, and no scruples are felt at the employment of fire, sword, insurrection, and other means for securing the escape and manumission of the enslaved. We need not enlarge much in order to stigmatize this doctrine and system. It is enough to say of it that it is in every aspect, and every step, opposed to all the principles and precepts and examples of the word of God. It is the offspring of infidelity, lives and grows amidst fanaticism, tends to produce the most baleful and horrible results wherever it is attempted to be enforced, and never in tbe whole history of slavery, has it achieved any success that could commend it. Condemned by God, by religion, by enlightened humanity, by reason, by example, by fruits, it has ever failed, utterly and wofully failed, to contribute one iota either to refute the arguments sustaining the institution we advocate, or advance the cause of human freedom. Another method aiming to give liberty to those in bondage, is that which by State and Governmental law would authorize and proclaim, and enforce universal emancipation. As condemnatory of thi3 theory, we urge several facts. First. It would, if carried out, really inflict upon our country and the world, the loss of all the benefits already detailed or accruing from slavery. Secondly. It would either subject the States and Government to an exhaustive and overwhelming debt, or deprive the owners of slaves of property, which they have a valid economical right to hold, until they have been compensated to its fullest value. To lay npon the Government the burden of paying for the slaves it would emancipate, would be to ask it to pay for four millions of slaves, which at four hundred dollars a piece, a very low estimate, would compel it to assume and pay a debt of one billion and six hundred millions of dollars. It would evidently be as impossible for the Government to pay it, as it would be unjust and oppressive to make the present masters of slaves do without it, and yet make the sacrifice required by universal emancipation laws. We can also object to this scheme of liberation, upon the ground that it interferes with the consciences of men. There are thousands of Christian masters who feel that they are morally bound to protect and provide for the slaves of their households, and so to conserve and perpetuate the institution of slavery. In their consciences, they feel that they, and they alone, are responsible for the features and duties connected with the relation under which they bold their negroes. But the emancipation scheme comes, and with a ruthless hand severs this relation, which is as truly recognized and authorized in the Bible as the conjugal or parental relations, puts the slave into a condition in which there is no guaranty given Lo the master that his interests will be promoted, or even cared for. And thus such a scheme would just as truly and really, although, perhaps not to the same degree, conflict with many of tho consciences of pious masters, as if a scheme were proposed by which parents were to be deprived, by arbitrary State laws, of their children whom God has given them. But this fact is not a more potent argument against thfs policy, upon moral ground, than another to be suggested, which operates to give coloring to the social and humane features of it. Slaves emancipated in the way indicated, would have all their interests more jeopardized than they are in servitude. How, consistently with the welfare of all, to dispose of the emancipated subjects, is a problem which all the intellect of emancipationists has not yet successfully solved. To lead men forth from one condition, and that, too, a lawful and convenient one, into another fraught with a thousand incurable evils, is the dictate of neither religion, prudence nor common sense.? This is a second one of the devices, through which certain so called philanthropists would alleviate the supposed miseries of the slaves, and even rid the earth of the institution of slavery. A scheme so unfair, so inefficient, and so perilous, not only sinks with its own weight, but gives strength and permanency to, and even proclaims the wisdom and lawfulness of. that slavery which it presumes to supplant and abolish. A third plan, devised to remove slavery, is what may be called the prospective and gradual emancipation scheme. This contemplates, and requires, that all slaves shall be free at a specified time in the future, or with another modification, all slaves born after a certain designated period, or with still another variation, that all negroes of a particular age shall be entitled to freedom. With either of these three modifications this scheme is projected, and has been applied to demolish the institution of slavery As being adverse to such a scheme, we observe that all the objections urged against universal emancipation are applicable to this. And besides it is objectionable upon other accounts. Its tendency has been to change the locality, but not the relation of slavery. Men holding slaves have antici pated the period at which the law went into operation, and transported and sold them elsewhere. To such an extent was this carried that in some free States in this country, it is doubtful whether a single slave was emancipated under such a law. Says a distinguished writer : "When emancipation laws forbade the prolongation of slavery at the North, there are living witnesses, who saw the crowds of negroes assembled along the shores of New England and the Middle States, to be shipped to localities where their bondage could be perpetuated; and their posterity toil to-day in the fields of the Southern planter." The practical working, then, of such laws, has been to remove slaves from one section and crowd them to their injury into other communi ties. Again. This system tends to excite dissatisfaction and insubordination among the slaves. If some are to be free and others not, or if the period of their enslavement is protracted, the slaves will grow impatient and will revolt under the yoke, and thus are prepared the elements of insurrection and social anarchy. And still further. It necessitates the admission of a certain number of persons to privileges for which they have no qualification. A freeman should be competent to exercise the privileges and rights allowed him. But the negro race is not prepared now, nor would he be under such a law as we are discussing, to discharge the duties of a free citizen.? The law then would but mock him by calling Vlim frno and Vf>t. flyoltldfi him from I ..?6 J ! acting as a freeman. And in addition to al! this, we boldly assert that this emancipation act inflicts a more direful curse upon the Blacks than they ever suffer when in bondage. It leaves an anomalous, repulsive, troublesome, decaying and pestiferous element in society. In view of these facts, who can doubt the wisdom and duty of continuing slavery, rather than resort to an expedient, so precarious, so threatening and so pregnant with evil consequences ? Hence it is plain that the various methods of effecting the freedom of the enslaved Africans have nothing to commend them, but much to oppose and condemn them. The same is true in reference to the at tempts made to dispose of them after beiDg released from servitude. The plan recommended, aud practiced to a great extent by some, has been to leave them among the whites, and let them be treated as free blacks. Such is impracticable for many reasons. It has been in innumerable cases demonstrated by experience, that the negro and white man caunot long dwell in the same community upon any kind of equality.? The prejudice of color, the well known proclivities and habits of the blacks, are permanent barriers to their being recognized and treated as the equal of the whites.? The superiority of the one, and the acknowledged imbecility and degradation of the other, will give the one always an advantage over the other. And thus the habits and interests of the two would be n<-vnflI/if!ncr Whn drips nnt kridw the ^TV/l vuua?w.ue .. ? fact that even a small quota of free blacks are not tolerated- in a slave community, without their being uudera legal guardianship and an actual surveillance ? Who is ignorant of the fact, that in many of the free States, the negro is proscribed, and excluded from almost every social and civil privilege, and in some, his residence is not allowed, but he is exoluded by law ?? Would these things be thus, if there was not an imperious necessity for them ? Who is unaware that, as a class, the free blacks, with very few exceptions, are the most idle, dissolute, and abandoned of all others, and that the large portion of the criminals and paupers come from them ? This is chiefly true of the free States. If it be so with a i i j few thousands, what would it be with a few, : millions? The history of the world drives) us to conclude, that to emancipate our slaves and keep them amongst us, would be calamitous on every hand. It would pre pare the way for a re-enactment of all the horrid crimes and massacres of St. Domingo. It would eventuate in the extermination of the Afrieau race upon this conti nent. Hence we boldly aver that the man who recommends such a disposal of four millions of slaves, is ignorant of the history of the past, is blind to stubborn facts meetinghim at every point, is incompetent to judge in a case of such momentous issues, and deserves to be branded as the worst enemy ihe negro has. The only other alternative and method proposed is to transport and colonize the slaves when manumitted. This scheme is burdened with many insuperable difficulties. The negro is now at home in America, and it is unfair and cruel, to expatriate him against his will. And there is not one negro in a thousand that would consent either to leave his master or his country. Nor could they be transported in a mass, because of the expense. It would empoverish the South, and the North too, to pay the passage and sustain for a sufficient time, in a foreign country, the whole number of negroes we have amongst us.? To send them away in their untaught and degraded condition would be unmitigated cruelty, for they must perish with starvation before they could have time to relapse into their primitive barbarism. The history of Hayti, and the British West Indies, and even Liberia, only confirms what we have said. The negro is unfit for self-government, he is not civilized yet, and his propensities for vice, and his known laziness and listlessness, render it impossible to put him under a political government, adapted to him, that would not be despotic. Thus we believe that transportation, with a view to foreign colonization, would be the doom, the extermination of our negroes.? Rather than overwhelm them with such a fate, reason, philanthropy and religion plead that the negroes be left under the yoke to their masters, who are their best friends in the judgment of PHILEMON. fpiSalimeMS General Beauregard. There is do name better known for science and worth among army men, than Gcd. Beauregard. The histories of the Mexican War, favorably as they have mentioned him, have failed to notice two of the most conspicuous incidents of his life, and which have gone far to establish his fame. We will relate them, premising that we were not in the war, and that we repeat them from memory on authentic information. The principal facts will be stated accurately, though there may be errors in unimportant details. The first occured below Vera Cruz. Gen. B., then Lieutenant of Engineers, was sent out by his Colonel (Totteu, if we remember aright) with a party of sappers to dig and prepare a trench, according to a profile and plaD prepared by the Colonel. No sooner had Beauregard examined the ground than . i- j .. .t.;..*: ... ..I l?_ ne aiscovereu great uujl'uuulis iu me piau. To assure himself, he climbed into a tree, and with the aid of a marine glass, the engineer's vaile mccnni, he made a reconnoisance and saw plainly that the trench, as planned, would be enfiladed by the enemy's cannon. Here wus a difficult position for a subaltern ministeral officer. lie decided promptly, and returned to head quarters without sticking a spade. The Colonel met him and expressed surpiise that he had so soon performed his task. Beauregard replied that he had not touched it. The Colonel, with the astonishment military men feel in hearing their orders have not been obeyed, inquired the reason. He was soon informed of it. He was incredulous?"the ground had been examined"?"the reconnisance was perfect," &c. The young Lieutenant was satisfied, however, that the re connoisance of his old chief had not been made like his, "from up in a tree." The Colonel, like a sensible man, concluded to uiuke another examination?the plan was changed in accordance with the young Lieutenant's views. The work done from these trenches is matter of history?but its pages nowhere inform us to whom the credit is due. Our second incident occurred before the city of Mexico. A night or two before the attack, a council of war was held. There were assembled all the big folks, from the (now) Lieut. General (who practices Mexican tactics from the house tops in Washington), including Worth, Twiggs, &c., down to our friend Beauregard, the youngest officer in the room. The debate went on for hours. Scott was solitary in his opinion.? Every other officer present, except one, had spoken, and all concurred iu their views. The silent one was Beauregard. At last Gen. Pierce crossed over and said, "You have not expressed an opinion." "I have not been called on," said Beauregard.? "You shall be, however," said Pierce ; and soon resuming his seat, annouuoed that Lieutenant Beauregard had not given his opinion. Beiug then called out, he remarked, that if the plan which had received the assent of all but the commanding General was carried into effect, it would prove disastrous. It would be another Churubusco affair. He then detailed the objections to it at length?and taking up the other, urged the reasons in its favor with equal earnestness. The Council reversed the decision. The City of Mexico was entered according to the plan urged by the young Lieutenant; aud it would seem that his reasons influenced the decisiou. A few days afterwards General Scott, in the presence of a number of genera! officers, alluded to Lieut. Beauregard's opinion at the Council, and the consequences which had followed from it. We refer our readers for further information on this poiot to "The life and Correspondence of John A. Quitman, page 353. Some justice has been done to Beauregard in the histories of the Mexican war? but in its completeness we have been reminded of Byron's satire on military glory: "To be shot dead on the battle field, and have your name misspelt in the Gazette." The position now so promptly assigned to Gen. Beauregard is a just tribute to hii worth. It is a great satisfaction to our people that the enemy can bring no talent against us which we cannot match with its equal in our Southern land; and amongst "all the brighi: galaxy, no one could be more acceptable than" our native born Louisiana Beauregard.? Charleston Mercury. From the Charleston Courier. ODE ON THF. OCCASION OF THE MEETING OF THE SOUTH F.RN CONGRESS. by hkn'ry t1mr0d. j I Hath not the mot nine dawned witli added light ? And will not evening call another star Out of the infinite regions of the night, To mark thin day In Heaven ? At last, we are A nation among nation*; and the world Shall *oon behold in many a distant port Another Flag unfurled! Now, eoine what may, whose favor need we court ? And, under God, whose thunder need we fear.' Thank Him who placed us here i Beneath so kind it sky?the very sun Take* part with is; and on our errands run All breezes of the ocean ; dew nntl rain j Do noiseless battle for us; and the Year, And all the gentle daughters In her train, 1 March in our ratfts, and in our service wield Hong spears of golden grain ! A yellow blossom as her fairy shield, ^ June flings our arure banner to the wind, While In the order of their birth ' Her sister* pass, and many an ample field Grows white beneath their steps, till now, behold ( Its endless sheets unfold The ssow of Southern summers ! Let the earth Rejoice!?beneath those fleeces soft and warm ' Our happy land shall sleep j Ill n repose as deep, * j As If we lay entrenched behind Whole leagues of Russian lee and Arctic storm ! it. I And what If mad with wrongs themselves have wrought, f In their own treachery caught. , By their own fears made Isold, And leagued with him of old, Who long since in the limits of the North 1 Set up his evil th -one, and warred with God? I What if, both mad and blinded in their rage, i Our foes should filng us down their mortal gage, And with a hostile step profane our sod ! ' We shall not shrink, my brothers, but go forth I To meet them, marshaled by the Lord of Hosts, And overshadowed by the mighty gliosis ( Of Moultrie and of Eutaw?who shall foil Auxiliars such as these? Nor these alone, But every stock and stone Shall help us; but the very soil, And all the genetousvffealth it gives to toil, And all for which we love our nohle land, Shall fight beside, and through us, sea and strand, The heart of woman, and her hand, Tree, fruit, and flower, nnd every Influence, Gentle, or grave, or grand. The wind.' in our defence Shall seem to blow; to us the hills shall lend Their firmness and thrir calm ; ' And in our stiffened sinews we shall blond The strength of pine and palm! in. Look where we will, we cannot find a ground For any mournful song : Call up the clnshing elements around, | And test the right and wrong! On one side, ple.Jgos broken, creeds thnt lie, ( Religion sunk in vague philosophy, Empty professions, Pharisaic leaven, Souls that would, sell their birthright In the sky, Philanthropists who pass the beggar by, . And laws which controvert the laws of Heaven ! And, on the other?first, a righteous cause ! Then, Honor without flaws, I Truth, Bible reverence, charitable wealth, And for the poor and humble, laws which give, : Not the mean rijhtto buy the right to live, Rut life, end home, and health. To doubt the issue were distrust In Cod ! If In His Providence He hath decreed That to the peace for which we pray, Through the Red sea of War must lie our way, Doubt not, Oh! brothers, wo shall find at need A Moses ivtth his rod! tv. , But lot our fears?If fears we hnvo?lie still, And turns us to the future ! Could we climb Some mighty Alp, and view the coming time. The rapturous sight would fill Our eyes with happy tears! , Not only for the glories which the years Shall bring us; not for lands from sea to sea, v And wealth, and power, and peace, though these shall be; I But for the distant peoples, we shall bless, And the hushed murmurs of a world's distress; I For, to gi re lalior to the poor, The whole sad planet o'er, ! And save from want and crime its humblest humnn door, i Is one among the many ends for which God makes us grent and rich! ^ The hour perch inee Is not yet wholly ripe When all shall own it, but behold the type Of what we are and shall be to the rest ' Of the broad ea/th, in our own gulf expressed, , Which through die cold iintempcred ocean pours Its genial stream, that far off Arctic shores ' May sometimes catch upou the softened breeze 1 Strange tropic warmth and hints of summer seas! I it**' j Interesting from Port Piokens. j February 20, 1861. i Dear Brother :?As a special messen- i ger will leave here for.Washington to-morrow, I will ask him to carry some private < letters, with his public ones, and let you i know some little about Fort Pickens and i the inhabitants thereof. I only wish it were not so much of a one-sided arrange- | ment, as we need letters down here more than you fortunate people up North can.? t The papers come through sometimes, but t letters never. It quite surprises me to see my name figuring so extensively in the j newspapers. I have simply done my duty; but I suppose the doing it under such a pressure of opposition, makes it appear creditable. The troopB are leaving the op- c posite shore, disgusted at playing soldier, I e suppose. 1'Uey say mere are ooiy aooui j three hundred remaining, and these are regulars, having enlisted for one year. My c messenger to the yard, this morning, said i they were afraid we would attack them now. j We could do so, and get possession again j of every thing in an hour, if we were only t permitted to take such a course. r I have now mounted nearly all the guns I ?that is, all that are really necessary to f enable this work to be defended by a force t of five hundred men. We have worked j like horses to accomplish this, but great r things can be done t>y small means when 1 one knows how. This small command has c done more t han Chase or Lomax could have a done with their two thousand men, and they i know it. Having seen our guns go up so t rapidly, they swear we have had reinforce- f ments. In fact, the papers say, nothing r else could be expected?that we have smug- * gled in men from the vessels. It is true t we could have done so, and they be none a the wiser; but not a man has been added c to this command from them. In fact, so c particular a::e we, that not even an officer 1 has come ashore, with the exception of Cap- ctain Vodges, and he only once, when the r vessels first came. c These Southern papers are publishing all r sorts of false reports about me. One is that ( I was heard to say that if they had attacked 1 he fort aDy time during the first fifteen lays, I would have surrendered it without king a gun. Of coarse this is not true. Vly men stood at the guns every one of hose days, and if they had come they would lave learned the definition of one kind of ;rape. The people on the opposite shore think ve are in much more defensible condition ihan when they first came. The moral effect of the guns on top is great. When the nove was first made I worked most where ;hey could not see me, and they thought jut little was doing; but when my men were put to work on the barbette guns, and ;hey saw them go up almost like magic as ;hey thought, (they could scarcely move their own gans,) they began to think troubous times were coming. There are only, is I said before, about four hundred men at :he barracks, Fort Barrancas and old McDree?only enough to garrison them. They ire very much afraid that some fine mornng they will find the ships in the harbor, with the intelligence to them that they 3an leave within two hours, unless they jrefer to be food for powder. Colonel Chase and Capt. Randolph are joth in Montgomery, leaving Col. Forney n command. He is a West Point gradutte, and was engaged in putting up the latteries before that work was stopped Colonel Chase was putting up a battery aear the light-house, and mounting eightinch Columbiads on it. This battery would have raked our front, so I wrote protesting igainst its continuance at present, and also against the erection of all batteries bearing on the fort Colonel Chase told the Secretary of War that if he would not land the troops in the Brooklyn, he, on his part, would not attack the fort, and would im mediately discontinue all preparations for jo doing. Of course this battery building violated the agreement; and they have admitted it by not going on. They think I have no right to mount any more guns either, but that is all they know about it.? rhere was no armistice on my side at all, except about the landing of the troops, and that was the Secretary's. I am at perfect liberty to mount every gun in the fort if I ehoose, and to make such other defences as [ oau invent or oopy. * * * * A. J. SLEMMER, First Lieut. First Artillery, comd'g Fort Pickens. War Terms. The Columbiad of Paixhan (pronounced pay-zan) is a large gun designed principally for firing shells?it being far more accurate than the ordinary short mortar. A mortar is a very short cannon with a larce bore, some of them thirteen inches iD ? 0_ - - , diameter, for firing shells. Those in use in oar army are set at an angle of 45 degress, and the range of the shell is varied by altering the charge of powder. The shell is caused to explode at just about the time that it strikes, by means of a fuse, the length of which is adjusted to the time of Bight to be occupied by the ball, which, of course, corresponds with the range. Th5 accuracy with which the time of the burning of a fuse can be adjusted by varying its length is surprising; good artillerists generally succeed in having their shells explode almost at the exact instant of striking. In loading a mortar, ti e shell is carefully placed with the fuse directly forwurd, and when the piece is discharged, the shell is so completely enveloped with flame, that the fuse is nearly always fired. The fuse rr.orU Ktt fill inor ?i wondan nulindpr with iO UJUUV K> J MKiU^ t* ff WVWUM V T ikMUV> tf fuse powder, the cylinder being of sufficient length for the longest raDge, to be cut down shorter for shorter ranges as required. A Dablgren gun is an ordinary cannon, except, that it is made very thick at the breech for some three or four feet, when it tapers down sharply to less than the usual size. This form was adopted in consequence of the experiments of Captain Dahlgren, of the U. S. Navy, having shown that when a gun bursts, it usually gives way at the breech. The Niayara is armed with these guns, and at the Brooklyn navy yard there are sixty, weighing about 9,000 sach, and six of 12,000 pounds weight sach, the former of which are capable of carrying a nine ipen, ana tne latter, a ien inch shell a distance of two or .hree miles; ind there is one gun of this pattern which weighs 15,9lG pounds, and is warranted to send an eleven itfch shell four miles ! A casemate is a stone roof to a fort made sufficiently thick to resist the force of canaon balls, and a casemate gun is one which is placed under a casemate. A barbette gun is one which is placed on ;be top of the fortification. An embrasure is the hole or opening ;hrough which guns are fired from fortifiua;ions. Loop holes are openings in walls to fire nusketry through.?Scientific American. The Closing Scenes. We take the followiug description of the (losing scenes in Congress, on Sunday svening, from the New York Times, Black Republican : "Congress did very little on Saturday (alculated either to advance the material nterests of the country or to promote a jeaceful settlement of the national troubles, in fact, the proceedings in the Senate, alhough protracted until near midnight, nay be considered as absolutely worse than irofitless?the session being entirely wastid in foolish discussions as to what ought o be done. Finally, it was voted to adourn until 7i o'clock last evening. On eassembling at that time, the Senate galeries were unprecedentedly crowded, and irnwflfl xnava fnrnor^ qhtott nnnhlA tn rrnin ? "'"V J e idmission. Mr. Crittenden, after presentng the credentials of Mr. Breckinridge, yho is elected to the Senate for six years rom to-morrow, proceeded to speak on his esolutions, bat the noise in the galleries vas so great that it was found impossible o proceed with business. The Sergeant .t-Arms, at the order of the presiding offiicr, made an endeavor to clear the galleries f all those who did not occupy seats, but le soon reported the task impossible to aclomplish. Mr. Douglas moved to elect a lew Sergeant-at-Arras, who could do his luty; but, comparative quiet having been estored, ho withdrew bis motion, and Mr. Crittenden proceeded with his speech ? He was followed by Messrs. Trumbull, of Illinois, Wigfall, of Texas, and others.? In the House an effort was made to su9 pend the rules in order to take up the bill providing for the collection of revenue at the port9 of the seceded States, but it failed for want of a two-thirds vote. This, probably, kills the measure in the present Congress, and whatever is to be done by the new Administration towards the collection of the revenue must be done upon its own responsibility. The resolution censuring Mr. Toucey, Secretary of the Navy, for accepting the resignations of those officers of the Navy who resigned for the purpose of taking service in the seceded States, was passed after considerale opposition?95 to 62." What Mr. Buohanan Proposes To Do. "K. B." writes from Washington to the Express as follows of the closing days of Mr. Buchanan's administration, the reflec tions in which he indulges, how he proposes to ride with Old Abe to the Capitol, on Monday, and, then go home to Lancaster and join the church The little sketch of "E. B." is pregnant with instruction to those in high place, who unnecessarily abandon life-long and tried friends to gain some trivial point of trifling importance : "It is popular to abuse Mr. Buchanan, for he has no power, and but few friends The Republicans delight to call him tyrant, knave and rogue, and democrats denounce him as an idiot, rogue and an imbecile.? But, in sober truth, he is none of these, but one who, after over forty years of public service, bas made and lost more friends than perhaps any man who ever before held public office in the country. In six months after his election he quarrelled with some of his best personal and political friends, and later, with thousands more. Of a party of thirty-five life-long and attached men with whom he dined in Philadelphia, after his election and before his inauguration, not one now remains to call him friend, or to feel au interest in his future. "The genius of the President saeuis to hnve been in repulsion rather than attraction, and hence no one honors the setting sun Mr. Buchanan has (and to his credit he spoken) felt all these ohanges of personal fortune much less than the sad condition of the country, which distinguishes his Administration above all which ever preceded it. Intimate acquaintances have seen, for three mouths past, that a real sorrow has been wearing upon the mind and heart of the President. He has declared for many weeks, here, that he should see the President elect inaugurated, hear his oath to support the Constitution, and then go to his home. "In the midst of the great excitement and threatening danger here, he has said : ?I shall ride beside Mr. Lincoln, from the White House to the Capital, even if it rains bullets. I shall then go to Lancaster, pass my days in retirement, and seek to find consolation and religion in the Church.? Bitter sorrow has taught me that happiness can be found no where else.' Mr. Buchanan, therefore, purposes at once, upon his return to his old homestead, to become a member of the Presbyteriun Church, in which be has usually worshipped. He feels ?and let us attribute it rather to good than bad impressions?as deeeply sorrowful for the condition of the country as the rest of us." - - From tin* Richmond Dispatch. New England and South Carolina. The New York Post, noticing the late departure of the steamer South Carolina, from Boston for South Carolina, says that while she lay at her wharf she displayed the American flag in the main rigging, and the Palmetto ensign at the fore. The Massachusetts, the other steamer of the line, u-itla linrtor rtio Rfafo flat* ATncaaphuapt fa The especial wants of theseceders, says the Pasty as indicated by the freight list of the South Carolina, are shoes, rum and pianos. The rum was branded with a Palmetto tree on the heads of the barrels, and is supposed to be equal to the Armstrong gun in the length of the reach at which it is warranted to kill. A single individual?one of the steamer owners?shipped fifteen hundred cases of boots and shoes by this vessel, and the fortifications of South Carolina will be increased by the addition of a considerable number of piano-fortes. The Post and other papers of its kidney have been threatening the South with starvation if it should separate from the North. It has been swearing that they would noc sell us anything to eat or to wear, if we set up shop for ourselves. Lord bless you, if 1J 1 - U^i: ~ ...1 J 4. we uuuiu uuij ueueve buut yuu wuuiu uviy sure enough, we would secede on that very account. If we are in a wretched plight of weakness and dependence, it is just because you will sell us things, and we are fools enough to buy thera. Nothing, nothing under Heaven do we make ourselves, from the slop bucket to the piano, from the shoes that are soled with brown paper, to the rum that poisons body and soul. Even if war should come, it would be all the same j you would sell, and what we needed we would buy, whether it be bread or gunpowder. We know your devotion to the American Eagle, but between the Ameri can Eagle on a flag and the American Eagle on a gold dollar, what true pon of the Pilgrims was ever known to hesitate ? If ever the patriotism of Yankee Doodle rises to a pitch of frenzy, it is when he sees this warlike bird of his country spreading himself upon a held of gold. In the war of the American Revolution, the honest yeomanry of New England supplied the British armies regularly with all the provisions they required. It was in vain that Washington endeavored to break up the treasonable practice. The author of that admirable work, "The Lost Principle," says that as fast as Washington distressed the enemy by day, the trafficking provincials recruited them at night. "Every Corporal's tent," he says, "was a perfect bazaar." The militia men themselves sold provisions constantly to the British, and afterwards drew pensions from the United States for their services It was this, more than any other cause, that prolonged the war of the Revolution to seven years. We have, therefore, no concern about procuring supplies; our concern is just the other way. If the South, after she has put her own government fairly under way, continues to buy of the North a single article whioh Bhe can produce or manufacture herself, she will deserve to be a province to the end of time. Commandments to Wives. We have been shown a series of ten commandments drawn up for California wives which occupy one page of a letter sheet, sent from El Dorado. Some of them would auswer for this region quite as well as California, and we therefore copy: Thou shall not "put on airs" of self importance, nor indulge in day-dreams of extravagance, nor allow thy vanity and love of dress to turn thy head and unfit thee for the sober duties of life, or make thee merely au expensive toy and walking advertisement of the latest fashions. Thou shalt not consider it fashionable, cleanly or economical, to sweep the streets with $100 dresses?when at home thou A/inQi/l/turtrl ^ V* nnrvl f fntitn t A /?A t UUUOIUCICU biijfouu luibuudtc LU yanvv? nor to promenade muddy sidewalks in long satin robes and bedraggled underclothes; nor to wear jewels or flowers on thy head while thy feet go "flipety-click" in buskin shoes run down at the heel and discover to strangers the holes in thy stockings. Thou shalt not starve thyself and family 29 days out of 30, to feast thy circle and give a party ; nor by the purchase of expensive gew-gaws and finery keep thyself and hnsband poor; nor run up bills for frills and furbeloes, while the very goods-merchants and thy husband are at their wit's end how to pay their way; nor spend hard earnings foolishly; nor lose a half da) shopping, to invest four bits. Neither shalt thou devour all thy savings at cotillion parties and balls; nor waste thy substance by improvidence or neglect. Thou shalt not subtitute sour looks for thy pickles; nor a fiery temper for stovewood, nor cross words for kindliogs; nor trifling talk for light bread; nor tart language for dessert; nor excuses for anything. Neither shalt thou serve up cold looks or cold meals for breakfast; nor scoldings and hard potatoes for dinner; nor what remains ..c 1? e ui luc utiici tvvu uicain iui auppui?uu, uut even on washing days. Neither shalt thon allow hard feeling or unwashed dishes to accumulate; nor withhold either secrets or shirt buttons from the bosom of thy husband ; and never omit kindness of any kind. Thou shalt not neglect to make thy person and thy home attractive?that when thy husband cometh from his daily toil, or business care, thy cheering looks of loving welcome may greet his footsteps at the cottage door, and charm him into forgetful* ness of all but thee. And should he be unfortunate?as many are?thou shalt not increase his sorrows?as many do?by weeping; but with all thy uoblest sympathy and womanly love, seek to lift the heavy burden from his manly heart; and thus renewed, again to dare the rugged and slippery steep that leads to fortune and success ?believeing "there's no such word as fail," while thou art near to cheer him on, and share with him the victory. The Declaration of War.?Mr. Lincoln's Inaugural Address is before our readers?couched in the cool, unimpassioned, deliberate language of the fanatic, with the purpose of pursuing the promptings of fanaticism even to the dismemberment of the Government with the horrors of civil war. Virginia has the long looked-for and promised peace-offering before her, and she has more?she has the denial of all hope of peace. Civil war must now come. Sectional war, declared by Mr. Lincoln, awaits only the signal gun from the insulted Southern Confederacy, to light its horrid fires all along the borders of Virginia. No action of our Convention can now maintain the peace. She muxt fight! The liberty of "U , !aa an Uam.i Qkn nt/l M/>k fU O I'UUIUC 19 jet 11CIO. UIJC Luajr uiaivu w iuu contest with her sister States of the South, or she must march to the conflict against them. '1 here is no middle course; there is left no more peace; war must settle the conflict; and the God of battle give victory to the right! We must be invaded by Davis or by Lincoln. The former can rally fifty thousand of the best and bravest sons of Virginia, who will rush with willing hearts and ready hands to the standard that protects the rights and defends the honor of the South?for every traitor heart that offers aid to Lincoln there will be many, many who will glory in the opportunity to avenge the treason by a sharp and certain death. Let not Virginians be arrayed against eaoh other, and since we cannot avoid war, let us determine that together, as people of the same State, we will defend each other, and preserve the soil of the State from the polluting foot of the BlacK Republican invader. The question, <whereshall Virginia go?' is answered by Mr. Lincoln. She must go to war?and she must decide with whom she wars?whether with tnose wno nave suffered her wrongs, or with those who have inflicted her injuries. Our ultimate destruction pales before the present emergency. To war ! to arms ! is now the cry, and wheo peace is declared, if ever, in our day, Virginia may decide where she will finally rest. But for the present she has no choice left; war with Lincoln or war with Davis is the choice left us. Head the inaugural carefully, and then let every reader demand of his delegate in the Convention the prompt measures of defence which it is now apparent we must make.?Richmond Enquirer. A Schooner Fired Into?The Unicmimro t?r a n umht wnntn a tl_xr 1 TjU UlAi AO 1 iJiivi iwi n vuau a ax j.i< ?We make the following extract from a letter to the Macon, Ga., Telegraph, of the 16th, from a member of the Jackson Artillery, stationed at Fort Brown, Georgia: "On Tuesday morning, a schooner was discovered off Jekyll Point, which soon showed a disposition to pass us without calling. Lieutenant Gummings was the officer of the day, and in a few minutes he had the guns manned and a ball whistling across the bow of the craft. This the schooner did not heed, but a shell from one of our howitzers passing uncomfortably near her bow, brought her to as quick as possible.? A boat was lowered, and the captain came ashore with the crown of his hat full of papers. To Lieutenant Cummings' inquiry why be did not show a dag, he answered that he had none on board bat a U. States flag, which be supposed was not worth much. The Lieutenant answered, "Not a ' d?n," and after examining bis papers, invited him to the officers' quarters, and then dismissed bim. To-day we have overhauled two more schooners, but have found them all right, and let them go on their way rejoicing-" MBIi ^ Capacity op the South to Feed ItSELF?A great error that the Republican presses are now instilling into the Northern mind is that the South has not the capaoity to feed herself. They hod it straitened for food at this time, and, therefore, conclude f V? ?4 Otl/kVt mnnt olmnvin In ?n #Ua An a A if /tnf rtflT buabougu uiuobaiwajo uc tuo it vuv uu from Northern supplies. The severe doughfc last summer is the caase of the present scarcity of food at the South. Kansas is suffering from the same cause. The northern part of Ohio, a few years ago, suffered from a like cause, and so severely that cattle died for the want of provender. No part of our widely extended country is exempt from such a calamitous visitation. To show that the South can produce tho articles necessary to sustain a people in war, we have made the following exhibit from the census table of 1850. And it is only necessary for the South, to double these figures, to put under cultivation only about one-half the number of acres now devoted to cotton and tobacco, and devote the other to the raising of corn, wheat, potatoes, etc. The following is from the census statistics of 1850, of articles produced in the slave States that year: Bushels. Corn 342,633,949 Hogs 20,477,182 Wheat 27,735,928 8heep 5,278,<$1 na?a 4Q41Q1A1 O OUT 7R3 UUIOVOo f WW Sweet Pota- Mules 508,498 toes 88,818,200 Cows.... 2,816,922 Irish Pota- Oxen 888,289 toes 6,868,092 Other Cattle.6,978,454 Tons Hay 1,057.046 We have not enumerated the rice, rye, barley and other products that are largely cultivated in some Southern States. We give only part of the yearly products of the l Southern States of such articles as are required to support a people in time of war. The people of those States can, if put to, supply from their own toil au abundance of the necessaries of life, without being dependent therefor on any other people. All they have to do to make that certain is to devote more of their land to the cultivation of corn, wheat, etc., and less to cotton, tobacco and sugar. Heretofore the cotton, rice, and sugar States have fonnd it to be more profitable to cultivate those staples to the exclusion of all other prodaots, and depend upon the Northwest for corn, pork, flow, etc.? That was a matter of ohoice, not of ncoessity. The border slave States can supply the '?4 whole Sooth with all the corn, pork and flour it can consume, and have a surplus.? Cincinnati Enquirer. " ? - 1. Negro Mechanics.. An article in a late number of De Bow's . Review, from the pen of Judge Hopkipa,. of Mobile, directs attention to the injury, which the writer thinks is likely to be flicted on the South by the system of in-_ Jstructing negroes in the mecbanio arts, and * employing them as mechanics. He says: "If it be desirable to preserve the patriarchal system of negro slavery now existing at the South, as the very best basis of social order and of moral and domestic,integrity which none may doubt, who has evoked wisdom and virtue in pursuing the question, slaveholders should allay this antagonism in their midst, byagreeiog through legislative action, to confine the negro to the soil, thus to elevate and open the mechanio trades to the non-slaveholding people around them. Dignify the trade to the level with the pro icaaiuuo, iu uuiuujuii atttputuuu, auu iuuugj loafing, lounging, fox-huotiog, or in other words, general dissipation of health, energy and time, among the yonng men of the South would almost cease, and in their place be substituted general busy industry. By confining the negro to the soil, the mechanic would be at once converted from an open or secret enemy of negro slavery, into its firm advocate and supporter, because he ' would then feel himself lifted up in the scale of social respectability, and maintained in that position by the subordinated negro, confined exclusively to menial service. Before the law and community, aH white citizens would stand strictly on a footing of equality, and be alone distinguished by courtesy and mental superiority." Power of the South.?The following extraot is from the speech of Senator Hunter, of Virginia: "The seven seceding States aloue possess a territory more than three times as great as France; more than six times as lage as Prussia, and nearly six times as large as England, Scotland and Ireland put together; while the alliance of the other Southern and border State* would increase the territorial extent of the Southern Con* federacy more than one-third. Can a country like this, occupied by a people who, from their childhood, have been accustomed to the most manly exercise, and the free use of firearms?bold, hardy, restive under unlawful control?and numbering within its borders, 1,800,000 men capable of bear[ing arms, and who, with a few weeks' warning, could be marshalled at every assailable point in bands of 50,000 and 100,000?can, I say, such a country, and so peopled, be overcome by a foreign foe? The idea is simply absurd." Southerners at our Hotels.?At this time of the year our hotels are gene rally filled with Southern merchants, who have come North to make their spring purchases. Owing to the unsettled state of national affairs, not one-fifth as many merchants are here buying goods as usual at this period of the year. Not only do merchants suffer on this account, but all the hotels are losers in consequence.?iV. 7. Herald. Census of New Jersey.?Eiyht Slaves Left.?The Secretary of State of N. Jersey, on Tuesday, presented to the legislature an abstract of the State census. The total population is 672,024. Of these 644,00(J are whites, 24,936 free colored, andeightslaves. Revival.?It is said that more sinners are now seeking Abraham's (Linooln) bosom than have before been on the anxious seats for some years.