Historical Newspapers of South Carolina

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f T;' T - ^ \r WILLIAM wheast.}propnetors- S-ii $ni>tj)titknt Jhiiiulj ^lclusjia|ifr: jfor % ^ramotroit of tjw political, Social, ^gricuffural ant Commercial Interests of tlje Sontjj. {?a pee yeab, in advance. % VOLUME 7. TORKVILLE, REPUBLIC OF SOUTH CAROLINA, THURSDAY MORNING, FEBRUARY 21,1861. ' NUMBER 8.' . WMz aatl .Harm For the Yorkville Enquirer. ARGUMENTS FOR SLAVERY. THE SLAVE TRADE?UNIVERSALLY PREVALENT?AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE, BY WHOM PRACTICED UPON THE AMERICAN SHORES?NOT IN ALL ITS ORIGINAL FEATURES TO BE DENOUNCED AND CONDEMNED THE PRESENT SLAVEHOLDERS NOT IMPLICATED IN THE CRIMINALITY CONNECTED WITH THE ORIGIN OF SLAVERY HERE. III. Another general ground upon which slavery, as an institution, may he defended, is furnished by the consideration of certain facts connected with the introduction and existence and relative position of African slavery in this country. 1. And here in the outset, we remark that the introduction of Africans into this conntrv. and under bondage, was in har mony with the uniform practice of the world for untold ages past. Without making any more than a passing allusion to the servitude practised by patriarchs and the Jewish people through all its history, we may say that for four thousand years, slavery, in some form, has been identified with every respectable nation. It can be traced in Egypt, both in her earliest history and in her pyramids, the monuments of slave labor; in She empires of the east, hcary with age and famous in exploits, e. g. Assyrian, Syrian, Persian, Phoenician, Parthian, Babylonian, in each of which vestiges of slavery, varying from the mildest vassalage to the most abjeot bondage, can be clearly tracked. ? - /? T 1 So, too, in the immense countries oiuuaea, Hindostan, China and Japan, and eveo in Africa, slavery has been from remotest ages extensively prevalent. We need not again mention Greece and Rome, for every student of history knows that the Greeks and Trojans at the siege of Troy, had slaves, and that Athens and Sparta and Thebes, and indeed the whole Grecian and Roman worlds, had more slaves than freemen.? Says the distinguished historian, Hallam : "In every age and country, until times comparatively recent, personal servitude appears to have been the lot of a large, perhaps the greater portion of mankind." Not being confined to the countries alluded to, it was certainly universal during the middle ages, upon the continent of Europe.? In France, the German States and Poland. Sicily, Italy and Venice, until modern years, the slave in name and in reality was met at every point. And who does not know that the serfs of Hungary and Transylvania and Russia rise but little, if any, above a state -C -1 a nA oa TurL-ow nnrl Rrn7.il U1 DlttVCiJf* uuu bd iv j.uiavj w-v. all know that nominal and real slavery is universally prevalent, and has been for ages. And as to other European provinces and j adjacent States, and among them Spain and Portugal, none can doubt their part connection with slavery ; and as for Great Britain, her possession of slaves from the times of Julius Caesar down to the present century, when she abolished the African slave-trade, is too notorious to be mentioned. And thus we see that to engraft slavery upon this American continent, was only to put her in rank with the world?give her what every civilized nation has been accustomed to have, and what every tropical country now has. Hence African slavery in its rise in this country, had the prestige and example of the world before it. 2. Again. It is lawful to assume that the agency by which the traffic in slaves r ~ ^ OAntlnno^ f A rtntlT D?gciU, auu lUl J t-aio vvuuuu^u w j^v?. Africans into America, as well as the opposition at first made to it by many of those States now most identified with slavery, tend to relieve the slave States of responsibility for the trade, as loDg conducted, and even canses the accusation of criminality to rebound upon the heads of those who are now the bitterest assailants of us and slavery! From 1620, the time the first cargo of slaves was landed in the American colonies ?and that at Jamestown, Virginia?to the prohibition of the African slave trade by law in 1808, the agency has been, to a great degree, foreign, and to a greater extent Northern, and thus indicating that the complicity of the Southern States, in the oriein and conducting of the slave trade, O W was very limited. Space would fail us to speak of the participation in this trade by the Dutch and Spaniards and Portuguese, and hence, we only refer to England as a foreign participant in it?and just in point, is the language of Bancroft: "Before America legislated for herself the interdict of the slave trade was impossible. England was inexorable in maintaining the system, which gained new and stronger supporters by its excess. English Continental Colonies, in the aggregate, were always opposed to the African slave trade. Maryland, Virginia and Carolina, each showed an anxious preference for the introduction of white men ; and laws, designed to restrict the importation of slaves, are scattered copiously all along the records of Colonial legislation. The New England and other Northern States, took part in the traffic, as well as approved it by law, at an early date. In 1641 Massachusetts recognized, among her "fundamental" laws, negro slavery and the African slave trade, and oho with fieoieia and South Carolina ur^ed its continuance until 1808. Connecticut, in 1650, ordered the troublesome "Indians to be seized, ani either to be made serve, or be shipped out and exchanged for negroes, as the case will justly bear." Rhode! Island surpassed all New England in the' proportional number of her slaves, and she| had 54 vessels engaged in the slave trade in 1807. New York had an interest in slave ships, and brought in so many slaves that in 1750, they constituted one sixth of her population. "That New York is not," says Bancroft, "a slave State like Carolina, is due to climate and not to the superior humanity of her founders." In 1740 the Legislature of New York said, "All due encouragement ought to be given to the direct importation of slaves, and all smuggling of slaves condemned as an eminent discouragement to the fair trader." Thus, as we may conclude, the agency in carrying on the slave trade, for more than a century, was in other hands than ours, or the ancestry of us, who now hold the slaves, being, in great part, the work of foreigners. In addition to this? says one who is himself anti-slavery in his views?"It is clear, then, that the responsibility of the introduction of slavery into this country, rests as much upon the North as upon the South. Indeed, so far as I am able to ascertain," continues Dr. N. L Rice, "the Southern people did not engage in the trade, but all the vessels were built and sent out from the North. I do not know that it was upon moral grounds that the South, except Georgia, opposed the importation of slaves. It is, nevertheless, a fact that for some reason they did oppose it." This historical fact not only exhibits the duplicity, not to say hypocrisy, of the Abolition world, who clamor so ferociously against the South and African slavery, but it also, to a great degree, exonerates the predecessors of the present slave holding population, from a connection with the alleged criminality of the African slave trade as practiced upon this continent for a century and three quarters. 3. As further illustrating the argument now in hand, it can be established that the relation now borne to the slave by his owner, is not affected by the manner in which the African was originally brought to this coun try. The criminality, that was attached to those who introduced the slaves, does not adhere to the present owners, and so the fact that African slavery may have originated in the perpetration of grievous wrong, does not constitute the relation thereby formed, necessarily sinful, nor demand without regard to consequences, a destruction of that relation. This will be made clear by considering in the first place the difference between a wrong and the effect of it. In this depraved world, sin, and so injustice, are blended with everything, and if the circumstances and relations that are created by any acting causes or agencies, are to derive their moral character solely from the manner and acrents in and bv which oriei ~ J - Dated, then nothing, as product of maD, on earth, is exempt from the charge of iminoiality and injustice, and so the sinfulness and criminality of the agent. Man not only attaches to, but so vitiates all his acts and iheir effects, that DOthing is to be tolerated or preserved which had its origin in connection with sin. The conclusion is absurd. A man may, in an unlawful way, become the father of natural offspring, but will that fact justify the destruction of the children in order to cause the parental relation, the : product of sin in this case, to cease?? Neither does it iu the case of the relation ; of master and slave. In the second place if this be not the true principle, then every land holder in America, except a few in Pennsylvania, who inherited the purchase of Wm. Penn, is committing sin because the land was originally taken by violence from the aborigines of the country. And Great Britain holds her present land titles under the rights of the Norman conquest Now who does not know the lawless, un- 1 just, dishonest and barbarous character of this conquest? So, too, the present titles ( of all Europe, Asia and North Africa, are derived from a source not much less cruel and unjust. Thus there is an end to all right and honesty, as to the possession of the civilized ( world, and by this false principle and abolition doctrine, every man is bound to give up any property, and cease his relations to every object or person, whose existence or orifin or antecedents, hundreds of years . ago, may have been associated with sin or . any manner of violence. This is verily a|f sweeping doctrine, and if human society , was once subjected to it, there would not a relation or an object of property remain in the world. But we imagine, in the next ( place, that the advocates of this error are , not practicing it. Our bitterest censors, | as slaveholders, are those who are now en- , joying wealth secured by their ancestors, j who were the first and chief slave traders, , and who furnished slaves to the South for | her money. If Southern slaveholding orig- ( inated in sin?others than the South com- , mitted the sin?and if we who hold the slave participate in the guilt of the original , transgressors, what exempts their descen- j dants and heirs to property procured by slave dealing, and who even yet abet and ( support slavery by buying and using its products ? The point is dismissed as ab- ( surd. 4. Again. We admit that fraud and vio- ( lonpfl were ton frpnuentlv resorted to. in the . .?-- ?- ... J . I original introduction of slaves into this country, and we are utterly opposed to the openiDgof the traffic for many reasons, but we think that the recollection of several facts in connection with the slave trade, as j carried on in this country during the lascentury, may relieve it of some of the abominations now associated with it in most , minds. It was tolerated by great and wise ( and excellent men, in Church and State, both in England and America. , It rescued thousaods of Africans, not only from the degradation of heathenism, < but from actual and even barbarous slavery in their own country, and saved large num- y bers of those taken captive in war, from slaughter in cold blood, and introduced ^ them into a state where, of all other conditions, the African is happiest, and where innumerable blessings have been poured upon him. Thus it was that the traffic 1 commended itself to the men of that day. D. .Let trie origin, nowever, De wnat it 1 may, it is sufficient for us to know our atti- ( I tude is not criminal in reference to the re- < suit of the slave trade, and as God by His Providence, has intrusted to us the guar- ' dianshipof four millions of souls, descend- i ing from more than three hundred thousand sons of Africans imported among us, ' it is ours to stand in our lot. ( Conscious of no participation in the sins of the agents who entailed upon us the dependants, now allied to us in a relation au- 1 thorized by the word of God, we have only 1 to be faithful in caring for our slaves, "re- ' membering that we also have a Master in 1 Heaven." PHILEMON. .? ?. 1 Abolition Activity.?We learn that the active Republicans in New York city i in their anxiety to prevent any movement i on the part of Maryland prior to the fourth of March, have offered to furnish from 1 thirty to fifty thousand dollars to secure < their object. From the same source we have also the information that the army i ! will be immediately increased by the new i Administration to 100,000 or 150,000 men, and also close the Southern ports. We state these facts on what we believe'to be unquestionable authority. Baltimore Exchange. CONSTITUTION FOR The Provisional Government OF THE CONFEDERATE STATES OF AMERICA. We, the Deputies of the Sovereign and Independent States of S Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Mississippi and Louisiana, invoking the favor of Almighty God, do hereby, in behalf of these States, ordain aod establish this Constitution for the Provisional Government of the same: to continue one year from the inaguration of the President, or until a permanent Constitution or Confederation between the said States shall be put in operation, whichsoever shall first oocur. ARTICLE I. SECTION 1. All legislative powers herein delegated shall be vested in this Congress now assembled, until otherwise ordained. SECTION 2. When vacancies happen in the represen- , tation from any State, the same shall be filled in such manner as the proper authorities of the State shall direct. SECTION 3. 1. The Congress shall be the judjre of , the elections, returns and qualifications of its members ; any number of Deputies from a majority of the States, being present, shall constitute a quorum to do business; but a smaller number may adjourn from day to day, and uiay be authorized to compel the attendance of the absent members; j upon all questions before the Congress, each State shall be entitled to one vote, aud shall be represented by any one or more of its | Deputies who may be present. 2. The Congress may determine the rules of fts proceeding, punish its members for ' disorderly behavior, and, with the concur- | rence of two-thirds, expel a member 3. The Congress shall keep a journal of its proceedings, and from time to time publish the same, excepting such parts as may in their judgment require secresy ; and the ^ yeas aud nays of the members on any ques tion, shall, at the desire of one fifth of those . present, or at the instance of any one State, . be entered on the journal. section 4. The members of Congress shall receive a . i compensation for their service to be ascertained by law. and paid out of the treasury of the Confederacy. They shall in all cases, . except treason, felony and breach of the peace, be privileged from arrest during their attendance at the session of the Congress, and in going to and returning from the same; and for any speech or debate, they shall not be questioned in any other ^ place. section 5. 1. Every bill which shall have passed the CoDgress shall, befjre it become a law, be . presented to the President of the Confedericy; if he approve, he shall sign it; but if oot, he shall return it, with his objections, ' to the Congress, who shall enter the objections at iargeon their journal, and proceed C to reconsider it. If, after such reconsiderition, two-thirds of the Congress shall agree ^ to pass the bill, it shail become a law. But in all such cases, the vote shall be determined by yeas and nays; and the names of 1 the persons voting for and against the bill | shall be entered on the journal. If any . Dill shall uot be returned by the President 1 within ten days (Sundays excepted) after 1 n snail nave Deeo presented to mm, tne same shall be a law, in like manner as if ! he had signed it, unless the Congress, by J their adjournment, prevent its return, in which case it shall not be a law. The Presi- I dent may veto any appropriation or appro- s priatiuns, and approve any other appropria- 1 tion or appropriations, in the same bill. 2. Every order, resolution or vote, in- < tended to have the force and effect of a law, 1 shall be presented to the President, and be- ' fore the same shall take effect, shall be ap- 1 proved by him, or shall be re-passed by two- 1 thirds of the Congress, according to the ' rules and limitations prescribed in the case < jf a bill. 1 3. Until the inauguration of the Presi- I dent, all bills, orders, resolutions and votes * idopted by the Congress shall be of full 1 force without approval by him. SECTION 0. i 1. The Congress shall have power to lay 1 md collect taxes, duties, imposts and ex- j ;ises, for the reveuue necessary to pay the c debts and carry on the Government of the ( Confederacy; and all duties, imposts and t mt/iI o k ?i 1 I k a ii f k ham mif f kn ;AUioco aiiaii uu uuiiuiuj tiiiuuguuut cut states of the Confederacy. And this Con- t *ress shall also exercise executive powers, t intil the President is inaugurated : 2. To borrow money ou the credit of the t Confederacy: ? 3. To regulate commerce with foreign t cations, and among the several States, ind with the Indian tribes : ( 4. To establish a uniform rule of natural- 1 zation, and uniform laws on the subject t )f bankruptcies throughout the Confederacy: e 5. To coin money, regulate the value i hereof, and of foreign coin, and fix the s standard of weights and measures : 1 G. To provide for the punishment of c counterfeiting the securities and current coin jf the Confederacy: 7. To establish postoffices and post roads: ? 8. To promote the progress of science i ind useful arts, by securiug, for limited 1 times, to authors and inventors, the ex- s alusive right to their respective writings I ind discoveries: ( 9. To constitute tribunals inferior to the ( supreme court: 10. To define and punish piracies and t felonies committed on the high seas, and of- ' fences against the law of nations : ? 11. To declare war, grant letters of t marque and reprisal, and make rules con- ? cerning captures on land and water: ( 12. To raise and support armies ; but no 5 appropriation of money to that use shall be s for a longer term than two years: c 13. To provide and maintain a navy : t 14. To make rales for the governmeni and regulation of the l&Dd and naval forces : 15. To provide for calling forth the mili tia to execute the laws of the Confederacy, suppress insurrections, and repel invasion : 16. To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining the militia, and for governing such part of ;hem as may be employed in the service of the Confederacy, reserving to the States respectively the appointment of the officers, and the authority of training the militia according to the discipline prescribed by Congress: and 17. To make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execution the foregoing powers and all other powers expressly delegated by this Constitution ro the Provisional Government. SECTION 7. 1. The importation of African negroa from any foreign country other than the slaveholding States, is hereby forbidden; and Congress is required to pass such laws as shall effectually prevent the same. 2. That Congress shall also have power to prohibit the introduction of slaves from any State not a member of this Confederacy. 3. The privilege of the writ of Habeas Corpus shall not be suspended unless, when in cases of rebellion or invasion, the public safety may require it. 4. No Bill of Attainder, or ex post facto law, shall be passed. 5. No preference shall be given, by auy regulation of commerce or revenue, to the ports of one State over those of?#mother : nor shall vessels bound to or from one State be obliged to eater, clear, or pay duties in another. 6 No money shall be drawn from the treasury, but in consequence of appropriations made by law; and a regular statement and account of the receipts and exrvnnrl i f n roo nf q 11 rmhli/t mnnniT uV?q]) h* nnK_ lished from time to time. 7. Congress shall appropriate no money from the treasury, unless it be asked for by the President or some one of tbe heads of Departments exoept for the purpose of paying its own expenses and contingencies 8. No title of nobility shall be granted by the Confederacy , and no persons holding any office of profit or trust under it, shall without the consent of the Congress, accept of any present, emolument, office, or title of any kind, whatever, from any king, prince or foreign State. 9. Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the government for i redress of such grievances as the delegated powers of this Government may warrant it to consider and redress. 10. A well regulated militia being neces sary to the security of a free State, the riirht cf the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed. 11. No soldier shall, in time of peace, oe quartered in any house without the jonsent of the owner ; nor in time of war, out in a manner to be prescribed by law. 12. The right of the people to be secure n their persons, houses, papers, and effects, igainst unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated; and no warrants shall ssue but upon probable cause, supported by oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to bo searched, and the oersons or things to be seized. 13. No person shall be held to answer 'or a capital or otherwise infamous crime, mless on a presentment of indictment of a ?rand jury, except in cases arising in the and or naval forces, or in the militia, when n actual service in time of war or public langer ; nor shall any person be subject for he same offience to be twice put in jeopar]y of life or limb ; nor shall be compelled, any criminal case, to be a witness against liraself; nor deprived of life, liberty, or iroperty, without due process of law; nor iball private property be taken for public lse, without just compensation. 14. In all criminal prosecutions, the ao ;used shall enjoy the right to a speedy and jublic trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall lave been committed, which district shall lave been previously ascertained by law, ind to be informed of the nature and cause if the accusation ; to be confronted with the witnesses against him; to have compulsory irocess for obtaining witnesses in his favor; md to have the assistance of counsel for lis defence. 15. In suks at common law, where the ?aluein controversy shall exceed twenty dolars, the right of trial by jury shall be preierved ; and no fact tried by a jury shall be itherwise re examined in any court of the Confederacy, than according to the rules of he common law. 16. Excessive bail shall not be required, lor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and inusual punishments inflicted. 17. The enumeration, in the Oonstituion, of certain rights, shall not be constru;d to deny or disparage others retained by he people. 18. The powers not delegated to the Confederacy by the Constitution, nor prolibited by it to the States, are reserved to he States respectively, or to the people. 19. The judicial power of the Confederacy ihall not be construed to extend to any suit n law or equity, commenced or prosecuted igainst one of the States of the Confederacy, jy citizens of another State, or by citizens >r subjects of any foreign State. SECTION 8. 1. No State shall enter into any treaty, illiance, or confederation; grant letters of narque and reprisal; coin money ; emit litis of credit; make any thing but gold and lilver coin a tender in payment of debts; iass any bill of attainder, ex post facto law, >r law impairing the obligation of contracts ; >r grant any title of nobility. 2. No State shall, without the consent of he CoDgress, lay any imposts or duties on mports or exports, except what may be ablolutely necessary for executing its inspecion laws; and the nett produce of all duties ind imposts, laid by any State on imports )r exports, nb-.ll be for the use of the trea;ury of the Confederacy, and all such laws ihall be subject to the revision and control )f the Cougress. No State shall, without he consent of Congress, lay any duty of t tonnage, enter into any agreement or com : pact with another State, or with a foreign . power, or engage in war, unless actually in, vaded, or in such imminent danger as will : not admit of delay. ARTICLE II. SECTION 1. 1. The Executive power shall be vested in a President of the Confederate States of America. He, together with the VicePresident, shall hold his office one year, or until the Provisional Government shall be superseded by a Permanent Government, whichsoever shall first occur. 2. The President and Vice-President ehall be eleoted by ballot by the States represented in this Congress, each State casting one vote, and a majority of the whole being requisite to elect, i 3. No person except a natural born citi! zen, or a citizen of one of the States of this ; Confederacy at the time of the adoption of t this Constitution, shall be eligible to the office of President; neither shall any person be eligible to that office who shall not i have attained the age of thirty-five years and been fourteen years a resident of one of the States of this Confederacy, i 4. In case of the removal of the Presi dent from office, or hie death, resignation, : or inability to discharge the powers and duties of the said office (which inability shall i be determined by a vote of two thirds of the Congress), the same shall devolve on the Vice President j and the Congress may by law provide for the case of removal, death, resignation, or inability, both of the President and Vice-President, declaring what officer shall act as President; and such officer shall act accordingly, until the disability be removed or a President shall be elected. 5. The President shall at stated times receive for his services, during the period of the Provisional Government, a compensation at the rate of twenty-6ve thousand dollars per annum ; and he shall not receive during that period any other emolument from this Confederacy, or any of the States ' thereof. 6. Before he enter on the execution of his office, he shall take the following oath or affirmation: "I do solemly swear (or affirm) that I will faithfully execute the office of President of the Confederate States of America, and will, to the best of my ability, preserve, protect and defend the Constitution thereof " SECTION 2. 1. The President shall be Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy of the Confederacy, and of the Militia of the several States, when called into the actual service of the Confederacy; he may require the opinion, in writing, of the principal officer in each of the Executive Departments, upon any subject relating to the duties of their respective offices; and he shall have power to grant reprieves and pardons for offences against the Confederacy, except in cases of impeachment. 2. He shall have power, by and with the advice and consent of the Congress, to make treaties ; provided two thirds of the Congress concur: and he shall nominate, and by aud with the advice and consent of the Congress shall appoint ambassadors, other public ministers and consuls, judges of the court, and all other officers of the Confederacy whose appointments are not herein otherwise provided for, and which shall be established by law. But the Congress may, by law, vest the appointment of such inferior officers as they think proper, in the President alone, in the Courts of law, or in the heads of departments. 3. 'J he President shall have power to fill up all vacancies that may happen during the recess of the Congress, by granting commissions which shall expire at the end of their n?xt session. SECTION 3. 1. He shall, from time to time, give to the Congress information of the state of the Confederacy, and recommend to their consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient; he may, on extraordinary occasions, convene the Congress at such time as he shall think proper; he shall receive ambassadors and other pub lie ministers; he shall take care that the laws be faithfully executed ; and shall commission all the officers of the Confederacy. 2. The President, Vice-President, and all civil officers of the Confederacy shall be removed from Office on conviction by the Congress of treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors: a vote of twothirds shall be necessary for such conviction. ARTICLE III. SECTION 1. 1. The judicial power of the Confederacy shall be vested in one Supreme Court, and in such inferior courts as are herein directed, or as the Congress may from time to time ordain and establish.^ 2. Each State shall constitute a District in which there shall be a court called a District Court, which, until otherwise provided by the Congress, shall have the jurisliction vested by the laws of the United States, as far as applicable, in both the District and Circuit Courts of the United States, for that State; the Judge whereof shall be appointed by the President, by and with the advice arid consent of the Congress, and shall, until otherwise provided by the Congress, exercise the power and authority vested by the laws of the United States in the Judges of the District and Circuit Courts of the United States, for that State, and shall appoint the times and places at which the courts shall be held. Appeals may be taken directly from the District Courts to the Supreme Court, under similar regulations to those which are provided in cases of appeal to the Supreme Court of the United States, or under such other regulations as may be provided by the Congress The commissions of all the judges shall expire with this Provisional Government. 3. The Supreme Court shall be constituted of all the District Judges, a majority of whom shall be a quorum, and shall sit at such times and plaoes as the Congress shall appoint. 4. The Congress shall have power tol make laws for the transfer of any causes which were pending in the courts of the United States to the courts of the Confederacy, and for the execution of the orders, decrees, and judgments, heretofore rendered by the courts of the United States; and also all laws which uiay be requisite to protect the parties to all such suits, orders, judgments, or decrees, their heirs, personal representatives, or assignees. SECTION 2. The judicial power shall extend to all cases of law and equity, arising under this Constitution, the laws of the United States, and of this Confederacy, and treaties made, or which shall be made, under its authority; to all cases affecting Embassadors, other publio ministers and consuls; to all cases of admiralty and maritime jurisdiction; to controversies between two or more States; between oitizensof different States; between citizens of the same State claiming lands under grants of different States. o 2. In all cases affecting ambassadors, other public ministers and consuls, and those in which a State shall be a party, the supreme court shall have origioal jurisdiction. Iu all the other cases before mentioned, the supreme court shall have appellate jurisdiction, both as to law and fact, with such exceptions and under such regulations as the Congress shall make. 3. The trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall be by jury, and such trial shall be held in the State where the said crimes shall have been committed ; but when not committed within any State, the trial shall be at such place or places as the Congress may by law have directed. 8EOTION 3. 1. Treason against this Confederacy shall consist only in levying war against it, or in adhering to its enemies, giving them aid and comfort. No person shall be convicted of treason unless on the testimony of two witnesses to the same overt act, or ou confession in open court. 2. The Congress shall have power to declare the punishment of treason ; but no attainder of treason shall work corruption of blood, or forfeiture, exceDt during the life of the person attainted ARTICLE IV. SECTION 1. 1. Full faith and credit shall be given in each State to the public acts, records, and judicial proceedings of every other State. And the Congress may, by general laws, prescribe the manner in which such acts, records, and proceedings shall be proved and the effect of such proof. SECTION 2. 1. The citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States. 2. A person charged in any State with treason, felony, or other crime, who shall flee from justice, aud be found in another State, shall, on demand of the executive authority of the State from which he fled, "be delivered up, to be removed to the State having jurisdiction of the crime. 3. A slave in one State, escaping to au other, shall be delivered up on claim ot the party to whom said slave may belong, by the executive authority of the State in which such slave shall be found, and in case of any abduotion or forcible rescue, full compensation, including the value of the slave and all costs and expenses, shall be made to the party, by the State in which such abduotion or rescue shall take place. section 3. 1. The Confederacy shall guaranty to every State in this Union, a republican form of government, and shall protect each of them against invasion ; and, on application of the legislature, or of the executive (when the legislature cannot be convened,) agaiust domestic violence. ARTICLE V. 1. The Congress, by a vote of two-thirds, may at any time, alter or amend this Constitution. A KTiULU VI. 1. This Constitution, and the laws of the Confederacy which shall be made iD pursuance thereof, and all treaties made, under the authority of the Confederacy, shall be the supreme law of the land; and the judges iD every State be bound thereby, anything in the Constitution or laws of any State to the contrary notwithstanding. 2. The Government hereby instituted shall take immediate steps for the settlement of all matters between the States forming it, aod their other late confederates of the United States in relation to the public debt at the time of their withdrawal from them; these States hereby declaring it to be their wish and earnest desire to adjust everything pertaining to the common liability, and common obligations of that union upon the principles of right, justice, equity and good faith. 3. Until otherwise provided by the Congress, the city of Montgomery, in the State of Alabama, shall be the seat of Govern meat. 4. The members of the Congress and all executive and judicial officers of the Confederacy shall be bound by oath or affirmation to support this Constitution ; but no religious test shall be required as a qualification to any office or publio trust under this Confederacy. 5. The Congress shall have power to admit other States. The Standing Committees. The President of the Southern Congress has annouuced the following Standing Committees : Committee on the Organization of the Executive Department of the Government ?Messrs. Stephens, of Georgia; Conrad, of Louisiana; Boyce, of South Carolina ; Shorter, of Alabama; Brook, of Mississippi. On Foreign Affairs?Messrs. Rbett, of South Carolina; Nisbit, of Georgia; Perkins, of Lousiana; Walker, of Alabama; and Keitt, of South Carolina. 0" Finance?Messrs. Toombs, of Georrrij: J<: rnropll. nf Smith Carolina: Kpnner. b? -- j -- ... . of LyViiana; Barry, of Mississippi, aDd McRae, of Alabama. On Commercial Affairs.?Messrs. Memmioger, of South Carolina ; Crawford, of Georgia; Morton, of Florida; Curry, of Alabama, and Declouet, of Louisiana. On the Judiciary?Messrs. Clayton, of Mississippi; Withers, of South Carolina; Hale, of Alabama; T.-R. R Cobb, of Ga., r.nd Harris, of Mississippi. On Naval Affairs?Messrs. Conrad, of Louisiana; Chesnut, of South Carolina; Smith, of Alabama; Wright, of Georgia, and Owon, of Florida. On Military Affairs?Messrs. Bartow, of Georgia; Miles, of South Carolina; Spar row, of Louisiana; Kenan, of Georgia, and Anderson, of Florida. On Postal Affairs?Messrs. Chilton, of Alabama; Hill, of Georgia; Boyce, of S. Carolina; Harrison, of Mississippi, and Carry, of Alabama. On Patents?Messrs. Brook, of Mississippi; Wilson, of Mississippi; Lewis, of Alabama; Hill, of Georgia, and Kenner, of Louisiana. On Territories?Messrs. Chesnut, of S. Carolina ; Campbell, of Mississippi; Marshall, of Louisiana; Nisbit, of Georgia; Fearn, of Alabama. On Pablic Lands?Messrs. Marshall, of Louisiana; Harris, of Mississippi; Fearn, of Alabama; Anderson, of Florida, and Wright, of Georgia. On Indian Affairs?Messrs. Morton, of Florida; Hale, of Alabama; Lewis, of AlaUorrto IT r\? P.avnlinQ on J SnnT. Uttiua j uivtiij ui uuuvu vuivnuiij ?"? row, of Louisiana. On Printing?Messrs. T. R. R. Cobb, of Georgia; Harrison, of Mississippi; Miles, of South Carolina; Chilton, of Alabama; Perkins, of Louisiana. On Accounts?Messrs. Owen, of Florida; Crawford, of Georgia; Campbell, of Mississippi; Smith, of Alabama; and Declouet, of Louisiana. Oo Engrossments?Messrs. Shorter, of Alabama; Wilson, of Mississippi; Kenan, of Georgia ; McRae, of Alabama, and Bartow, of Georgia. jprJyte. THE PLIGHT OP TIME. The more we live, more brief appear Our life's succeeding stages? A day to childhood seems a year, And years like passing ages. The gladsome current of our youth, Ere passion yet disorders, Steals, lingering like a river smooth, Along Its grassy borders. Um ax the care-worn checks grow wom, And sorrow's shafts fly thicker, Ye stars, that measure life to man, Why seem your courses quicker? When joys have lost their bloom and breath, And life, itself, is vapid, Why, as we reach the falls of death, Feel we its tide more rapid ? It may be strange?yet who would change Time's course to slower speeding; When one by one, our friends have gone, And left our bosom bleeding? Heaven gives our years of fading strength, Indemnifying fleetness; And those of youth, a seeming length, Proportioned to their sweetness. The Necessity of a Bread Crop. In various portions of the South, the last crop of corn and other breadstuff was short last year. Even Tennessee and Kentucky failed to contribute their usual quota of corn. The consequence has been, that a very large amount of corn?not, however, half as great as was expected?has been purohased from the West. If we have protracted hostilities from the date of Lincoln's administration, for even a few months, the country will be drained of its breadstutts: and prices will vastly increase, not only here, but in our vast Western markets. It is true that the West has an immense surplus, but difficulties will be put in the way of our obtaiuing any portion of it. Our safety is in absolute independenoe, at least in the necessaries of life. If our ports are blockaded all next year, as they may be, cotton will not be remunerative; on the other hand, large bodies of troops will readily consume all that can be spared of corn, wheat and the like. But suppose there should be a surplus of corn in our country?can any man see evil in that ? Is there not stock to be reared to render us independent of all the West? Not a dollar should have gone out of Alabama in thfi last fifteen vears. for cither corn, hogs or mules. We have more than ample capacity to produco all these for home use, and even for exportation. Now, however, if we should be short of the chief of these?corn?with a large over-crop of cotton, what would be the effect upon us? Cannot any, however simple, see that it must be disastrous in the highest degree? Our planters and farmers have been warned many a time and oft. We warn them again, that a big cotton crop and a short corn crop next year will be their destruction. The converse is as necessarily the synonym of prosperity. Whoso buys corn in the fall of 1861, or the spring of 1862, will repent, if he be a planter, that be did not take our advice.?Montgomery Mail. The Texas Ordinance of Secession. The Texas Convention, on the 1st inst., passed the Ordinance of Seoes3ion, by a vote of 166 yeas to 7 nays, as announced previously. A dispatch from Austin to the Galveston News says: The vote was taken in the presence of the Governor, Lieutenant-Governor, both branches of the Legislature, the Judges of the Supreme Court and District Court, and the Hon. Mr. McQueen, Commissioner from South Carolina, all of whom had taken seats in the Convention by invitation. The Galveston Civilian publishes the Ordinance as follows: An Ordinance to dissolve the Union between the State of Texas and the other States, united under the compact styled 11 The Constitution of the United States of A' merica." Sec. 1. Whereas, the Federal Government has failed to accomblish the purposes of the compact of union between tbese States in giving protection either to the persons of our people upon an exposed frontier, or to the property of our citizens; and, whereas, the action of the Northern States is violative of the compact between the States ind the guarantees of the Coostitu- I tion; and, whereas, the recent developments ( in Federal affairs make it evident that the power of the Federal Government is sought i to be made a weapon with wbioh to strike i down the interests and property of the peo- ^ pie of Texas and ber sister slaveholdiog ! States, instead of permitting it to be as was intended?our shield against outrage and aggression?therefore, "We, the people of the State of Texas, by delegates in the Con- . vention assembled, do declare and ordain i that the Ordinance adopted by our Conven- ] tion of delegates on the (4th) day of July, i A. D. 1845, and afterwards ratified by us, I under which the Kepablio of Texas was ad- ' mitted into the Union with other States, i and became a party to the compact styled I 'The Constitution of the United States of America,' be snd the same is hereby repealed and annulled." That all the powers) which, by the said compact, were delegated by Texas to the Federal Government, are revoked and resumed. That Texas is of right absolved from all restraints and obligations incurred by said oompaot,and is a separate sovereign State, and that her oitizens and people are absolved from all allegiance to the United States or the Government thereof. Szc. 2. This Ordinance shall be submitted to the people of Texas, for their ratification or rejection, by the qualified voters, on the 23d day of February, 1861 ;atrti unless rejected by a majority of the votes cast, shall take effect and be in force on and after the 2d day of March, 1861. Provided, That in the representative District of El T^oan aoirl olarttirtn mow Kn haln nn Tin IftkH day of February, 1861. Done by the people of the State of Texaa, in Convention assembled, at Austin, this 1st day of February 1861. The dispatch from Austin to the Civilian says: A splendid banner was immediately presented by the ladies of Austin, through Gen. Flonrnoy, and received on the part of the Convention by Col. John A. Wharton, Gen. Flonrnoy delivered a short, spirited address, and Col. J. A. Wharton replied in an eloquent speech. The old hero of San Jacinto sat on the right of the President of the Convention, and by his presence sanctioned the solemn act of the Convention. Judge Wheeler, of the Supreme Court, and General McQueen, the Commissioner from South Carolina, ocoupied the left of the President. The Galveston News, in publishing the important intelligence, remarks: We should have preferred that the Ordinance could have been passed, so that Texas, as a separate, independent State, could be represented in the Southern Congress at Montgomery; bat the reference back to the people will silence all cavils by the oppositionists, submissionists or co-opp ;rationisto. The School Ship. We eheerfully give place to the following communication io reference to a note which we published in our issue of yesterday, from the New York Herald:?Mercury To the Editor of the Charleston Mercuxy : Having noticed the copy of a card published in the New York Herald of the 4th inst., entitled "Charleston and its Fortifications," I feel itiocumbenton me to state, that the assertions therein contained are untrue ; at least the portion relating to the School Ship Lodehar, and the discharge of Capt. "J. C." The truth is, Capt. Aimar is now, and always has been, the teacher of navigation. The Board knows no other. ?The Charleston Marine School" (on board the Lodebar), is purely a benevolent enterprise,gotten up by our merchants and other benevolent gentlemen. It is not a State institution j her officers are not commissioned, but simDlv balloted for. vearlv, bv the Board of * * ' * ? ' * Trustees, and the institution is nnder the auspices of the Charleston Port Society. The State and City contribute liberally to its support; also, a number of private individuals. Who Capt. "J. C." is, no 0D6 here can say?some ''bogus captain ? an iuiposter who wants employment frop ? a sympathizer, no doubt. His statement* are so void of truth, as regards his connection and discharge from the Lodebar, that ' he should not be credited in reference to the ?. fortifications in this harbor, and the practicability of reinforcing Fort Sumter. By inserting the above you will oblige, very respectfully, w Your obedient servant, Thomas S. Budd, Chairman. Charleston, February 11, 1861. !? ? The Charleston Batteries. Capt. F. F. Warley, who is at present on Sullivan's Island in command of the "Darlington Guards," writes to the Soirtherner as follows :? .' -. "Very rapid progress is being made on L different batteries now in course of erection. Those Dear Cumroing's point will, if I am correctly informed, do the greatest injury and most probably succeed in breaching the walls of Fort Snmter. The guns mounted there are Columbiads?sixty-two pounders ?and mortars, for throwing bombs. The nearest battery is about twelve hundred and sixty yards from Sumter; it is a very strongly built fortifioatioD, the side towards the fort presenting an inclined plane, wbioh is covered with railroad iron. This it is thought will glance all balls fired against it. Another advantage, whioh we possess* at this point, is that to the South there are no port boles in Fort Sumter. Anderson must consequently, rely upon his guns in barbette, his parapet guns; but these can be swept with grape and canister even, from Cummings point, where our guns are in embrazure. Besides the fire which he must sustaio from guns of heavy calibre at a near range, be will also enjoy a shower of the heaviest shells from various points. But, it is said, Fort Sumter is bomb proof. Those who know best do not believe this?one thing is cerrtain, it will not be, one hour after we open fire on it. Very full supplies of ammunition are now being received? better late than never." A Rouseb.?An immense mortar weighing 15,000 pounds, arrived here yesterday, from the Tredegar Works, at Biohmond, intended for South Carolina. The calibre is adapted to 10-inch mortar shells, sixty of which accompanied it, several hundred having already preceded it. It remained it the Richmond depot daring the day, find will this morning pass through the jity, on a heavy granite wagon, to the Southern depot Petersburg Express, \2th. Pensacola Po8tofeice.?The Mobile Advertiser says, that notwithstanding the recent order from the Department, the Postmaster at Pensacola will continue to receive, foiward, and distribute such letters and papers as may come to his office. The old mail contractors between Mobile and Pensacola will also continue to perform their service as heretofore.