Historical Newspapers of South Carolina

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<3* < > ^ "jfc + ' .> I#' A * A? ' . ' ' -- ^___ ^ ? g,. -? ^ __ g, ^ ^ ggy aaa " " lewis m. grist, Proprietor. | An Independent Journal: For the Promotion of the Political, Social, Agricultural and Commercial Interests of the South. - |$2 per ajhtimih advahoe. % ' ^u^r~ VOL. 6. YORKVILLE, S. O., THURSDAY, NOVEMBER 8, I860. NO.I| ? ???-?, ????mmmmm ?????^? (Original Jtocfni. For the Yorkville Enquirer. WHY I LOVE THEE. Dearest Bessie ! why I love thee? Fondly love thee, none can tell, But the starry deep above us Where the fo- d ones sleep that love us And the heart's high hopeful, swell? Long to tell 1 Long to tell ! In the morn?the silent twilight. Comes that deep delicious spell? Comes the soul's deep thrilling treasure, Laden with a love-lit treasure? Like the chime of fairy bell. Truly telling as 'tis welling, Wh?ithe heart can never tell! Ne'er can tell! Gentle mnsic?dreamy music Lingers round tby name to dwell; And the heart, a heaving ocean Neath the press of wild waves' swell, Feels the tumult?dreams a passion, It ne'er can tell! Cannot tell! Dearest Bessie ! why 1 love thee God, that soul of love, knows well; But the poor, unspeaking passion, Waked at thy dear beauty's spell? Though it's tendrils all were breaking, And its wild, wild hopes forsaking? Ne'er can tell! Ne'er can tell! J. F. H. ^political. WILLIAMYOWNDES YANCEY. Wm. Lowndes Yancey was born in the State of Georgia?Shoals of Ogeechee? on the 10th day of August, 1814, and is consequently new in his 45th year. He was born at the home of Col. Baird, his grand-father. His parents resided at the , time in Abbeville, S. C. His father, Benj. ; C. Yancey, was a lawyer of the first order of talents and the highest integrity, rank ing justly as a compeer of the late John , C. Calhoun, whose friend and supporter he was in the memorable and decisive conflicts which linked his name honorably with the war of 1812. The elder Mr. Ynneev died in the rear 1817. leaving but """ J ~ " *7 ~ O ~ two children, the subject of this sketch and B C. Vancey, United States Minister to the Argentine Confederation, South America. Wm. L. Yancey received his earlier ed ucation while between eight and nineteen years of age, in New York and New Eng- . land?which, perhaps, imparted to his manners an apparent reserve, and stamped him a puritan in his morals, without a taint of superstition or phariseeism. He is an earnest Christian, aspiring after unAnlAniAti'Ann ??>nnnc ft on TTJoll?. U31CUU&UUU3 op:i illicit uuu ou n m n ing with little of profession as an exemplary and devout member of the Presbyterian Church. While yet a child, his mother, a woman of exalted sensibilities, uncommon talents, tireless energy, and indomitable will? would assign him a particular position on the floor, and while she employed herself with her knitting, require him to declaim the grand old hymn of Stennett, beginning: "On Jordan's stormy banks I stand." Whether the world is more greatly indphted tn t.he maternal nride and nrnnhet-1 x i?r ic pains-taking which prompted and gave color and informing power to these early exercises, than to the more elaborate training of Dr. Griffin, the President of Williams College, a finished rhetorician, to whose care he was subsequently committed, for the grace, strength, and splendor of Mr. Yancey's mighty appeals to his countrymen of the South, which for searching power, senatorial dignity, and imperial grandeur of genius are not surpassed in the annals of eloquence, ancient or modern, neither he nor the world will ever know. He read law in the office of Nathan Sayre, Esq., in Sparta, Ga., and completed hia studies in Greenville, S. C-, under the direction of B. F. Perry, Esq. Having attained his majority, he married Sarah Caroline Earle, an estimable and accomplished lady, who is the third daughter of Geo. W. Earle, Esq., of Green ville, S. C. Ia 1837, he removed to Cuhuba, Ala., and until 1840, divided his time between the cares of a small planting interest and the editorial conduct of the Cahaba Democrat. In 1840, he removed to Wetumpka, and in conjunction with his brother, the Hon. B. C. Yancey, he purchased and edited the Argus. In that year he took an active part in the great Presidential campaign ; and it is doubtful whether he has ever since surpassed the powerful popular speeches he then made in debate with some of the ablest men who ever graced the platform in the State. During the late Southern lyOmuierciai \juuveuuuu, uuc ui us members expressed to Johosou J. Hooper, Esq., well known as a brilliant author, and who was neither a political or personal friend to Mr. Yancey, his surprise at the reach, depth, and power of one of Mr. Yancey's rejoinders in that body?saying that "he had come to the convention to bear hiui, but that the half had not been told him." Mr. Hooper's reply was that "the effort had never been equalled, unless indeed, by Mr. Yancey himself, in 1840." In 1841, Mr. Yancey was elected to represent the county of Coosa in the Legislature. He declined a re-election, and in 1843, he was elected to the Senate of the State. In 1844, the Hon. Dixon II. Lewis was! transferred from the House of Representatives in Congress to a seat in the Senate : and Mr. Yancey was unanimously nominated by the Democratic District Convention to fill his seat, and was re-elected without opposition in 1845. In Congress be made his debut on the question of the annexation of Texas. The speech made a marked impression upon all who heard it. The venerable editor of the Richmond Enquirer said of it?"We are not at all surprised by the impression he produced, and the reputation he has acquired. It is one of the ablest and most elqouent speeches we have seen, upon this or upon any other subject. His introductory structures upon Whig representatives from North Carolina are very dignified in manner, but tremendous in their effect. It strikes like the lightning from heaven, and withers the sapling upon which it falls. Mr. Yancey is a new member, and a young man, and if he be not paralyzed by the adnuration he has already excited, nor his head become turned by the increase of praise, he is destined to attain a very high distinction in the public councils." Judge Bagby, who followed Mr. Yancey in that debate, in his opening remarks pronounced it "the ablest effort he had ever heard on the floor of Congress." A difficulty grew out of this speech, between Mr. Cliogman and Mr. Yancey, wnico resulted id a duel, mere was one fire, and then an honorable adjustment.? It was known to the late Judge Huger, then a Senator from South Carolina, whom Mr. Yancey consulted as a friend, that he did not attempt the life of Mr. Clingman? he threw away his fire. He was not at that time a member of the Christian Church. During his brief Congressional career he also made able and elaborate speeches od the Oregon notice question, and upon the internal improvement issue. His speech upon the Oregon question was listened to with profound attention by the members?a large majority of whom differed with the speaker. Mr. Yancey opposed the notice to Great Britain as a war measure The press everywhere received it with delight, it being delivered some time before Mr. Calhoun took ground in the Senate upon the same side. One of the Baltimore correspondents thus described the scene : "When it was announced that he had the floor, crowds of fashionable men and womeu flocked to hear 1 . r\ . _ ? l_ _ a 1 _ _ in 111. uuring me time ne was speaking there was a breathless silence. The enthusiastic admiration of all who heard him amounts almost to adoration." The correspondent of the N. Y. Herald commented thus upon the position of the speaker and of the power of Mr. Yaucey's effort: "It is gratifying to see a fearless spirit of patriotism in a single man, in the midst of a strong and almost universal opposing current, tendiog, like the stream of Niagara, to the abyss of war. It is particularly gratifying when such an individual, assuming such a stand in such a crisis, is a young man, 'ardent as a southern sun can make him,' full of patriotism, jealous of his per ovuai auu 1110 iuumiij o uuiiui jcalUUS iu the 'caviling upon of the Dinth part of a hair,' upon that honor's invasion or encroachment?coming out, bold as a mountain stream, in contest with the clamor of war. "Such was the man?such was his position, and such the current against which he put forth his strong arm to day." The Gazette. (Ala.,) in reviewing the speech, declared that Mr. Yancey "occupied at this time, a higher stand in public estimation, than any man of his age; and is destined to wield an influence commensurate with that of the mightiest spirits of the age." In August, 1856, Mr. Yancey resigned his seat in Congress?too poor to keep it or continue in politics. The claims of an increasing family were heavy upon him, and he retired from a position of power and public admiration such as no man in the State could boast at that time?a position won by his courage?his sterling virtues ? his reliability?his devotion to principle? his laborious and self sacrificing zeal for the truth, and his matchless eloquence. He removed to the city of Montgomery, where he now resides, and formed a law partnership with Col. John A. Elmore, and has, since that time, laboriously prosecuted his profession. As a lawyer he takes rank among the first in that State. Mr. Yancey's party awarded to him the first place in their ranks. Twice nominated for Congress., twice he felt it to be his duty to decline?though once he was nominated unanimously in Convention, after his letter was read absolutely dcolining the proffered position. His duty to his family, io his opinion, required the devotion of his time to his profession. In 1848, Mr. Yancey was a member of the National Democratic Convention which nominated General Cass for the Presidency, though he opposed hic nomination, and afterward refused to support him. lie never at any time united with the opposition to the Democracy, though sometimes compelled by his sense of duty and consistency as a Southern Rights man to withhold his active support of the men and measures of the Democratic party. Indeed, Mr. Yancey is, in no sense, a mere party man. He soars into a higher atmospberc of patriotism and personal independence, and hence has been the mark for much unjust and illiberal criticism by men whose ?i ? diaicoluauaui jl; auu pai uiuiisuj rw u u vr uu ca* pansion beyoud the 'pent-up Utica' of park in 1856, the National Democratic Convention at Cincinnati freely adopted the great principle of non-intervention by Congress, and popular sovereignty, which the National Democratic Convention at Baltimore rejected, when proposed by Mr. Yancey iu 1848 ! The Democracy of Alabama having long previously felt that injustice had been done by them to Mr. Yancey, in 1848, entertained for him the highest admiration. They had found that he was a man of principle, and had the sagacity to see it, far in advance of the masses, and the firmness tc bear injustice and persecution with dignity and moderation. The State Convention, without his seeking, made him an elector for the State at large. A distinguished Alabamian, who has filled a high judicial station, has remarked that he did more for Buchanan in Alabama, than any other hundred men in it. Mr. Yancey took a leading part in the late Southern Convention?was, indeed, the most prominent and imposing figure in it. We have no space to introduce his views, even, much less to vindicate them. If they are somewhat in advance of the public opinion, it is none the less probable that they will ultimately triumph. His speeches were full of zeal, argument, and eloquence, and not surpassed on the floor of that Assembly. At this moment Wm. L Yancey stands up before the people of the United States a great tribune of the people?an unsurpassed orator?a far-seeing statesman, and a true-hearted Southern Rights leader. He has no aspiration for federal honors, and the newspapers in the South which have run up his name for the Presidency in I860, have done so simply in compliment to his ability, independence and patriotism Ri? fripn/tc sir/> tint, nressincr his rdnims for that distinction. W. F. S. Yancey in Ohio?A Scene.?Hon. William L. Yancey delivered his first Ohio speech at the Opera House, in Cincinnati, on the night of the 20th ult. The building was packed in ten minutes after the doors were open. The papers relate the following incidents, which occurred during the evening: Mentioning hemp as one of the products of the South, he said they intended to keep a good stock of it on hand. ' What for?"asked a Republican. "To hang yougentlmen who come down South to steal our slaves." The retort called forth great cheering ? At another time he said : "Some of your papers remarked to day fhof tl?n furno /^lcnninn nrnnM hn upon this stage to-night. I love this Union. The heroism of our common ancestry, the blood they shed in the cause of freedom, our mutual prosperity, demands it.? But if the Union is to be sustained by trampling upon the Constitution and oppres sing my section because it is the weaker, then (folding his arms and stamping his foot, while his eyes flashed fire), 1 am a traitor, and i/ou can make the most of it." This was received with immense and pro longed cheering, many rising up and whirling their hats, and many of the ladies wa-i viDg their handkerchiefs. This was ac couipaniea oy a volley or nisses coining rrom all parts of the house. The orator stood immovable, with his arms folded, as the shouters attempted, time and again, to drown the hisses. Finally, order being restored, he, his arms still folded, in a soft tone, said : "Eighty years ago, when young Freedom was compelled to hide in the caves and secret resorts of the country, a noble spirit in the Virginia House of Burgesses, bravely lifted his silvery voice in behalf of his beloved mistress' liberty. As the patriotic words gushed from his musical lips, the minions of power here to-night, hiss at the language of truth and justice." This produced another outburst of applause, which was prolonged for several minutes. No more hissing was heard during the delivery of the speech. From the Columbia (S. C.) Guardian. Organization of Minute Men? (Gov. Wise, at a mass meeting in Princess Anne County, Virginia, after addressing a large audience submitted a preamble and resolutions tor the immediate formation of i companies of "minute men" throughout the State. The Richmond Enquirer, of Tuesday, publishes these in entenso. The preamble is quite a "Declaration of Independence," and the resolutions submit a plan of thorough organization for Southern defence. The Enquirer says : This is a most important move, for provisional measures; and should Lincoln be elected next Tuesday, the State from one end to fhe other will be rife witli "minute men." The report made by Gov. Wise, will be read with great interest throughout the country at this time. When a man like Governor Wise, whose devotion to the Federal Union has never beeu questioned, deems the occasion important enough for such a course on his part, the people of Virginia will be no laggards in the contest that Lincoln's election must spring upon the country. The Minute Men are for the protection of the State as well as to resist any attempt on the part of the Federal Government, to coerce those States which may determine upon secession, as, in their judgment, the proper remedy for a violated Constitution. In our own State the work goes bravely on. A friend writing to us on busines, says : "I think we shall raise a regiment of Minute Men in Abbeville District. There is no rant or undue excitement about tho matter, but a little determination of resistance?to do or die for South Carolina." Kershaw District will be among the foremost, as may be seen from the following paragraphs, taken from the Camden Journal of yesterday : vir.^ ?ki.AnI/>lo flirt T\lo!i?inr* fn<>t. that a ' I U UU1UUIVIV. VUV |IIVMW>U(^ .wr. _ "Mounted Guard" of Minute Men has been formed out of the Camden Minute Men Association, and it alreudy embraces some of the choicest ? flower of youth." An Artil lery corps has also been determined on, and we shall soon have in Kershaw District one of the best little armies to be found in the land, flow they will perform when tb( "tug of war" comes, we can only judge bj what our boys have done in the past. Th< bones of our gallant dead, upon Mexicar : soil, and those which have fouud a resting place upon the bosom of their mother earth attest the truth that Kershaw District hai never failed to have a prominent place it . the picture. i It is our gratifying privilege to repor r that, another auxiliary association of "Min , ute Men" has been formed at Liberty Hill in this' District, embracing a goodly number of the right stamp in that intelligent and patriotic community. Mr. William Dixon was elected Captain; Capt. D. D. Perry, 1st Lieut.; A. D. Jones, Jr.; 2nd, and Maj. J. L. Jones, 3d Lieutenants.? Substantial Southern men, all of whom, we are sure, wili stand the test when the trial comes. The Marion Star says: We have been requested to state that a raeet'ng of Minute Men will beheld in the Court House to-day, Tuesday, at 12 o'clock. The object of the meeting is to form a constitution and elect officers. A large atten-' dance is earnestly desired. Guerilla Cavalry.?There has been organized in our town a company, consisting of over thirty men, of Guerilla Cavalry. They are to act, for the present, independent of the State Military. They are to be armed with a pair of Colt's Navy pistols and a sword or cutlass. The pistols have been ordered, and will be here in a few days. We will guarantee that this Compauy will do the State good service.? Clieraw Gazette. Apprehension of Lincoln's Election?Its Effect Upon the South.? We have not believed that the Union would be dissolved by the election of a President under the forms prescribed by the Constitution. Nor have we believed that any candidate for the Presidency, fairly elected, would be forcibly prevented from taking the required oath, and discharging his duties in a legal and constitutional manner. Our government provides for the punishment of the Rxecutive officer, if proper, by impeachment; and abuses or violations of constitutional duty, should be redressed by peaceful means. There is power enough in this government, uDderthe Constitution, and especially by aid of the ballot boxes, to redress abuses without a resort to revolutionary measures But withiga few weeks, the well informed in New York, Washington, and other places, have become alarmed. Conceding the election of Lincoln, they are becoming satisfied that in a portion of the Southern States, most deliberate measures are now in progress for the assembling of State Legislatures and the withdrawal of those States from the Confederacy, The conviction that this course has been determined upon in a cool, deliberate manner, has taken a Arm hold upon the minds of many within the past two weeks. This conviction has bad its influence upon the price of stocks. It induced the foreign capitalists to withdraw all of their bids for the late government loan of 810,000,000, some three days before the bids were opened. It has sent joue million of dollars in specie to Europe, ! within the past week, the result of the I withdrawal of foreign capital. It has eretitnfl or\mntktnrv n f nlor m in K i rrVi finonnml I Ultu .IVWVblllU^ \Jl UlUllli JU lll^U UUUU^IUI circles. The President will, no doubt, do all in i his power to avert the calamity of a with| drawal of any portion of the States from the j Union. But it is at least questionable whether he can by any possible means, 'avert it. His counsels will have great j weight?these will unquestionably be given | for union and forbearance They may not i prevail. The South sees the triumph of a j party organised on the idea of unfriendliness to them and their institutions; and though the Republican party may declare in their resolutions, that they do not intend to interfere with slavery in the States, Mr. Seward is declaring in the public streets of great cities, that the higher law jand the doctrines of irrepressible conflict, are to be iuuagurated into the government of the United States. He asserts that Kansas occupies a pivotal positiou, and is the depot of underground railroud, for running off stolen negroes from the South.? Senator Wilson is publicly hurling the severest anathemas against the institution of slavery, and asserting that it must be swept from the Union. Mr. Lincoln himself does not deny or modify his own declarations in favor of the conflict which he declares shall be irrepressibly waged against slavery.? The murderous raid of John Brown, has been approved by presses and orators of the Republican party These facts are apparent to the South. The Republican party is organized on the idea mainly, of anti-slavery j and if it comes into office, it is quite natural for the South to consider that they are to be governed, so far as the Federal Government can do so, by an unfriendly power; that they are to be harrassed and hnmiliated by a party in power, that has been elected on the issue of anti-slavery, or unfriendliness to them. Then looking at the fact that they came into the Confederacy of States, to establish justice and insure domestic tranquility, they feel that the object of the Union no longer exists? that their equality is in spirit and fact , trampled down, and they do not desire to contiuue longer in such a Union. In fact it must be n friendly union, or none. Hartford Times. The Eftect of Lincoln's Election. ?Under this head the Washington ConjVt*i f L Ita Atlln MltiAfl n r\ f I o( (l III ll//( IIIUO UlUtUlUlIjr glTCi? a piULUlC ui the results that will be sure to follow the election of Abraham Lincoln, the Black Republican candidate, to the Presidential chair: Governor Seymour, whose name stands at the head of the electoral ticket of the Connecticut National Democracy, presenI ted the other day the mildest interpreta; tion of the consequences that will follow : Lincoln's election. "I do not believe that : there will he disunion if he is elected," re' marked Mr. Seymour; "but his election i would tend to hasten such result." This s belief is sustained by all the probabilities r of which the intelligent observer can take , cognizance. s The immediate effect would, no doubt, i be to stimulate to increased activity the Black Republicans of every hue, and tc t excite to an unprecedented degree the in dignation and apprehensions of the South, era people . With their increased strength in the House of Representatives, the antislavery factionists have given the country a specimen of the temper they would evince were they really dominant in Congress.? The triumph of the ultras in the Chicago Convention has brought out their aggressiveness into still stronger relief. They have eclipsed the moderates of their party, and placed them upon the shelf, as of no further use. Who hears now of Mr. Corwin, or of free-soilers Oi his stamp ? They come and go unnoticed. Other and more daring spirits have taken their places.? Andrew, and Lovejoy, and Carl Sohurz, and Sumuer, arc types of the orators most in vogue where Black Republicans love to assemble. Undisguised abolitionism carries off the prize. What limits, then, shall be placed to their encroaohments if Lincoln be President? A knowledge of the support they enjoy in high places will embolden them to attempt all manner of encroachments. Northern fanaticism will assume a form at Washington hitherto un known. And no special gift of prophecy is needed to foretell the effect upon Southern Senators and Representatives, and their constituencies everywhere. We have seen the excitement produced by Lovejoy's and Sumner's incendiary harangues; and when that species of attack shall be systematized, and sustained, directly or indirectly, by the Administration, it will be impossible to calculate upon the postponement of a colision?a final, decisive explosion?for a single day. Extend the range of view from Washington to the Southern States, and the tendency may be even more positively predicted. An anti-slavery Administration will have anti-slavery office-holders, quietly at work in every locality, introducing the abolition virus with various degrees of adroitness, and gradually, but surely, sowing the seeds of disaffection amongst the negroes. The Post Office will be converted into a machine for scattering Helper and bpooner literature broadcast. Postmasters and marshals, and the whole array of Government employees, will be on the side of a party inimical to the property and the peace of Southern communities. Is it likely that those communities will tamely submit to the perilous experiment? Can they be reasonably expected to wait until the negroes have been taught that they are entitled to emaucipation under the Constitution, or until abolitionism has entrenched itself behind the offices at the disposal of the General Government? We think not. And therefore Mr. Seymour is correct, as a Northern, man, in declaring that Lincoln's election "would tend to hasten" the destruction of the Union Let Lincoln be President, and how many months' purchase would the Uoion be worth ? Washington Rumors.?The Washington correspondents of the New York jourDais have a busy time of it during the pres ent week. The correspondent of tbe Her aid telegraphs to that paper on Saturday as follows: A gentleman who arrived here from the South to-day, states that Minute Men and Committees of Safety are organizing all -i n._iL T_ !_ . *i overtne oouin. m Virginia tney arc euI rolling men all over the State, and the regular voluDteera drill daily. The four batteries of rifled cannon, twenty pieces, lately ordered by Col. Smith, will arrive in Richmond next week, with fi.-e thousand revolving pistols, and 25 hundred carbines. | Eight hundred barrels of powder have al! ready gone on. There is no exaggeration in all this. Governor Letcher declare? openly that its object is to sustain any sovereign State against federal coercion. Letters from Georgia say all parties are united - ?AnoaolAn r?n T.innnln'o olonfinn Mr IUI OCUCOOIVU uu JWIUVVIU u viwwv>wM< *1 V doubt i9 eotertained here that iu less than sixty days several of the Southern States will have dissolved their connection witfc the government. The recent visit of Defrees is made mors significant by the fact that at the same time several influential men from the Soutt and Southwest were known to hold prolong ed private conferences with the republican leaders here, amongst whom was Senatoi King of your State. It is whispered thai one result of these conferences, was the conclusion to press upon Lincoln the pro' priety and expediency of offering, as soot on it i? nsnprfflinpd t.hnt his elprtinn is ? fixed fact, the post of Secretary of War t( Geo. Sam Houston of Texas. No man is more bitterly hated and feared by the ultra fire-eaters of the South, than is the hero oi San Jacinto, and no one possesses mora fully the confidence of the old Jacksot Union men. Little doubt is entertained o Lincoln's making the offer. ? -The Cost of Coercion.?The N. Yorl Herald, in the subjoined paragraph, show: the absurdity of any attempt to coerce th< Southern States, should one or more of then withdraw from the Confederacy. If the North should resort to the Quixot io enterprise of compelling the fifteen South em States to unite with them again, i would require an army of 100,000 men t< make any impression on the South. Whera would the North get the money? It coulc -??!?? It ?l.;i? OnutVi Vmrrnn uul laiac n, vruuc cue ukum wu.v* ?v<v to any extent on the security of its staples It was on the pledge of Southern tobacc< and rice that our government mads its firs loan in Europe from a French banker.? Cotton was then of small account; but nov that cotton is king, and cotton is specie how is the value of Southern securities in creased. The black legions along, arme( and headed by their masters, without th< white population striking a blow, would bi more than a match for any Northern Puri tanical hordes who would venture to cros Mason and Dixon's line. If they wouli ever reach it with the fire of the Northeri conservative population in their rear, it i safe to affirm that they would never return I but would find hospitable and bloody grave i in the sunny South. Such would be th inevitable fate of the expedition of the mod ern Roundheads against the cavaliers, i The vaunt of Northern coercion, there fore is but idle mockery, and no sane statesman or soldier would dream of such folly. Washington, October 29.?One of the most prominent of the foreign diplo matio corps closed his despatches, to-day, co his Government in these words : "There will be an election, but there will be no disunion." The foreign diplomatists here ridicule the idea of disunion, and express every confidence in the perpetuity and continued prosperity of this Government, while all classes of our own people are apprehensive of serious danger. It is understood here that secession oan be accomplished peaceably, as the Administration is a unit in its opposition to any attempt to hold the Union together by force. The peaceable secession of one or more States, it is said, would not disturb the operations of the Federal Government, while a single Wow to prevent it would rend the Union to atoms. The confidence of several of the largest bidders for the Government loan is giving way, and considerable alarm is expressed. A gentleman pa89ed through here yesterday with 825,000 iD Virginia bonds, for the N. York market, and predicted that in ten days half a million of Southern bonds woaid be offered in Wall street io exchange for gold. We have a rumor from the West that Mr. Breckinridge is nearly crazy at the ruin his nomination has brought on the Democratic party, and charges that he was over-persuaded to accept, by President Buchanan and Senator Slidell. Advices received to day from New York encourage the Fusionists to believe they will ruo Lincoln very close in that State, if they do not beat him. Democratic stock may be quoted with a slight advance. Gen. Houston will be tendered the War Department by Mr. Lincoln. So say prominent Republicans here. Special Despatch to the N York Times. After Secession.?The position isthus noted by the New York Herald: From all the sources of intelligence to which we have access, and from every sympton and sign of the times, it appears highly probable that a considerable number of the Southern states will witnaraw irom me Union between the period of Mr. Lincoln's election and that assigned for his inauguration. If only two withdraw they will be followed by others, and at last by all, if any attempt should be ruade to coerce them by , armed force. In that contingency the Capitol, with all the public records, archives , and State papers in the departments, would , fall to the lot of the Southern Confederacy: , for the District of Columbia would then b( within its territory, and the Northern States would be shut out from Washington . Thus the prestige of the National Capitol as well as the national wealth, would be . with the South, and a Northern Congress . would be only a Rump Parliament. The r English and French governments would ai once recognize its friendship, for the sake , of its cotton and market for their manufac tures, for live millions ot tiritisti population are depending on Southern cotton for em ployment. I John Brown Endorsed by the Re publicans.?The Republican State Committee of Massachusetts, in a campaign document seut abroad by them, endorse not only John Brown, but his action at Harper's Ferry. The proposition before them is, "John Brown Himself is Right," [ and they thus proceed : ''And who disputes it? Who does not remember that the people of Massachusetts, without regard to party, age, sex or condi^ tion. saving or excepting only a few men ol | the extreme pro-slavery school; who woulc ( disapprove of even Divioe interposition a ( gainst the institution which, in their opin ion, is the bond of our Union, the palla J!?? 1:1? ] ( aiurn oi uur jiueruee, uuu iud suicguuu 1 and sure defauce of our religion; who does ( not remember that the people were stirrec to an unwonted degree of emotion andsym ( pathy by the gallant and fruitless attemp . of Brown and his handful of associates t( t carry to the oppressed black people of Vir ( ginia, that freedom which is the birthrighi ^ of all nion ?" i t Dirt.?Old Dr. Cooper} of South Car , olina, used to say to his students, "Don'; 3 be afraid of a little dirt, young gentlemen t What is dirt ? Why, nothing at all offen p sive, when chemically viewed. Rub a lit , tie alkali upon that 'dirty grease-spot' ot , your coat, and it undergoes a chemica t change and becomes soap. Now rub ii with a little water and it disappears; it it neither grease, soap, water, nor dirt.? t Well, scatter a little gypsum over it, anc i it is no longer dirty. Everything you cal J diet is worthy of your notice as students ol i chemistry. Analyze it! It will all sepa rate very clean elements. Dirt makes - corn, corn makes bread and meat, and thai - makes a very sweet young lady that I sav t one of you kissing last night. So, afte: > all, you were kissing dirt, particularly i 3 she whitens her face with chalk or fuller'i 1 earth. There is no telling, young gentle r mnn tnViof ?u dirf " Tw-v ? 3 Evaporation.?Fiom the whole sur l face of the ocean, says Dr. Dick, then - arises, every twelve hours, no less that 7 thirty million cubio feet of water, wbicl , is more than sufficient to supply all the riv - ers on the earth. This immense body o 1 water is formed into clouds, and carriet ? over every part of the continents; and a 2 gain it is condensed into rain, snow, o - dews, which fertilize the earth. Shouh 8 this process pause, we might wash ou i clothes, but centuries would not dry them a for evaporation alone produces this effect s vegetation would wither; rivers woul , swell the ocean; the operations of natur s would cease. So close is the connectio e between this process and vegetable an< 1- animal life. "Praise the Lord, for he cac seth the vapors to ascend from the ends c s- the earth." |) oplar Jeafohtg. 2 r . . A FAMILY PAPER. W Many of our subscribers, heads of fami- P' lies with children, say their experience has ^ been that a good family paper for children j. is equal to five months' schooling. If they are going to school and learning to read, they go over lessons as a task", learning no ^ facts from the book, and improving but lit- . tie in reading; but so soon as itisannounc- ^ ed that the paper has come from the office, there i9 a scuffle to see who should read it . first. In turn they all read it, and thus they read it understanding^, and the in- . formation they gain is useful and practical ?the events of the day?the conditions and ^ positions of liviog men, and the political history of the country. Every child should M have placed in his hands some good family ?l paper. Tbere is no family investment ttiat ^ pays so well, that returns to the family so ^ much good for the small outlay. ^ And this necessity for a good family paper is not limited to children just learning ^ to read. The boy that gees to college, the . girl that goes to boarding schoool should each and everyone be supplied with a good CC newspaper. Parents and teachers pay too little attention to this subject; it is of more importance than they are wont to think of; to the mind that is kept posted in the current events of the day, political and literary, j there is a freshness, a clearness of perception, a strength to comprehend, not possible by other minds. This difference has of tec been noticed by professors and teachers jc in our schools. An experienced teacher ? once said he could name in a few minutes every member of a class that had been in ^ the habit of reading a newspaper from the j quickness of apprehension, and the intelli- S( gence of their replies to questions.?Ex- ^ j change paper. A Lady's Portrait of Garibaldi ? v' An English lady writes as follows from SJ Naples : "I have seen to day the face of ^ Garibaldi, and now all the devotion of his ai friends is made as clear as day to me.? tl You have only to look into bis face, and ^ , you feel tbut there is, perhaps, the one ai man in the world in whose service you would take your heart in your hand and ^ follow him blindfold to death. I never al- 8' together understood that feeling until his a presence made it clear to me. It is the a individual man and his personal influence that are so strong ; but then it is the man w exalted and sanctified, as it were, by his P ! own siDgle minded devotion to and faith in l' I h a holy cause; and it is that which you see n 1 in his face, as though written in letters of ^ ! light, and which carries on your thoughts '' 1 from him as the man to him as the type ^ and representative of his cause. One could 1 love the cause without seeiDg him, but in ? ! seeing him one seems to be suddenly gif- D ' ted with the power of seeing it as he sees 1 it, and you lo?e it better for his sake, and ^ ' you wholly honor and admire him for its 8 1 sake. I have often asked our marine officers who have seen him to describe him to n 1 me. They got on swimmingly about his shoulders, and chest, and bead, and beard ; u and then they desire with all their might ^ to describe his expression?but there they tl stop and gasp. Neither can I describe it to you. I can only say that it explains that devotion to the death, and, what is ?? a L .. 4 r\r>n/l APif more, mui imiu iu uuiu^ miat cue piuucuu world at large considers an impossibility, , for his sake; it makes that feeling appear to you the simplest and most natural thing in the world. His wonderful simplicity and forgelfulness of self win the love of ' all; it i3 not the grand iron-willed hero P . who determines of his own strength to 11 I tl I carry his undertaking through. I do not wonder at the conviction which prevails of his having been raised up by Providence; ? he seems to feel that this is the work given lf him to do, and that he could not leave it 0 undone, but that it is no more credit to P him than it is to a joiner to make a stool, ? whose mission it is to make stools. It is a ? face in which the whole character is written?simple, grand and loving." 1 Eccentric Maladies.?A gentleman e t is mentioned by Dr. Beattie, who, after a s blow on the head, lost hia knowledge of ii tlraot- Ktif Hirt not annear to have lost r vovv?, ? ~r, ? r - anything else. A frequent modification c t consists in puttiog one name for another, o but always using the words in the same \ sense; thus a gentleman affected in this e manner, when he wanted coals put on the ii ? fire, always called for paper, and when he c I wanted paper, called for coals ; and these v t words he always used in the same manner, r i Dr. Gregory used, in his lectures, to men- n tion the case of a clergyman, who, while p I laboring under an affection of the brain, ii 1 spoke nothing but Hebrew?the last lan- p f guage he had acquired. Dr. Priobard men- v tions an English lady, who, in recovering fi i from an apoplectic attack, always spoke to o t her attendants in French, as she had abso- b ' lutely lost the knowledge of the English ii r language. This continued about a month. f The celebrated Dr. Broussonet lost, after a s slight apoplectic attack, the power of pro* nouociDg substantive nouns, whether in French or Latin. Thus, when he wished to pronounce apple, he described it by its " qualities. When the noun was shown to - him, written or printed, he immediately J recognized it, but he had no power to des1 igoate it spontaneously. Cavier, in his ' lectures, relates a similar case of a person f who had only lost the memory of substan* tive noons, but could pronounce all adjeo* tives. r ,,,,, i Treatment of Women in Former r Times.?From the subversion of the Ro, man Empire to the fourteenth or fifteenth ) century, women spent most of their time ad lone, almost strangers to the joys of social e life j they seldom went abroad but to be Q spectators of such public diversions and d amusements as the fashions of the times t- countenanced. Francis I. was the first who >f introduced a woman on public days to court; before his time nothing was to be do in any of the courts io Europe but gay* :arded politicians, plotting the destruction ' the rights and liberties of mankind, and arriors clad in complete armor, ready to it their plots in execution. In thc thirenth and fonrteenth centuries elegance id scarcely any existence, and even clean* 3ess was hardly considered as laudable.? he use of linen was not known; and the " ost delicate of the fair sex wore wolleu ifts. In Paris they had meat only three mes a week ; and one hundred fivriea (amt twenty five dollars) was a large ?por< 3n" for a young lady. The better sort of tizens used splintere of wood and rags pped into oil instead of oandles, which, those days, was a rarity rarely to be' met ith. Wine was only to be had at the lops of the apothecaries, where it was sold, i a cordial; and to ride in a two-wheeled ir along the dirty, ragged streets, was ickoned a grandeur of so enviable a nature, lat Phillip the Fair, prohibited the wives : citizens trom enjojtng u. in toe time or ienry VIII. of England, the peers of the ialtn carried their wives behind them os orseback, when they went to London; and i the same manner took them back to their rantry-seata with hoods of waxed linen ?er their heads, and wrapped in mantles : cloth, to secure them from the cold. CUBIOUS WILL. ^ The following extraordinary story is in rcalation. An aged gentleman, a plant in one of the Southern States, has just ted, leaving a fortune of $100,000, which to be disposed of according to the prbviams of his will, and that document is as lllows: -S-ji; "I bequeath all my effects to the ohilren of my brother, on the followiog con- itions: Desirous of marking my sense of irvice which my Newfoundland dog rgnered me in saving ray life one day wh'eal >* '*< was drownin&r, and wishing also to pre? ide for my housekeeper, I appoint my lid housekeeper nurse, tutor, and mother ) my dog. My natural heirs shall on Vbis icount, pay to her, out of my entire for* ioe, a daily sum io the following mariner: he daily payment shall continue so long 3 the dog shall live, but not one seoond mger. During the first year after ipy eceaae, or for so much of it as the dog nail live, my housekeeper shall receive $5 day: the second year she shall receive $10 - ... day ; the third year 910; and strop, un1 the death of the dog. In the thonth in 'hich the dog shall die, there shall be aid to my housekeeper for every day of be dog's existence $125. On the day of is death she shall be paid per hour of the v? og's life, 8250. In the last hoar of his j m, ife she shall receive for every minute!4that e lives, $375; and for every second of the ist minute, $500. My notaiy is charged lith the superintending the carrying out of jy will." This excentric gentleman appears to ave entertained for his dog, sentimsttta imilar to Byron's. What the heirs will bink or do, we cannot say, but we shall be mch surprised if that dog lives many-boars )nger. Supposing him to die at 59 min. tes and 59 seconds after 5 o'clock on the Oth day of the month, the sum to be paid ) the housekeeper will be : 30 days, at 8125, 8 8,750 11 hours, at 8250, 1,750 59 minutes, 8375, 22,124 59 seconds, at 8500 29,500 $68,125 ' Thr Obiquity op Patents.-?The Scientific American, in noticing a new atent bier for lowering coffins into graves, adulges in the following strain in referenced . ) patents: The life of this age, most assuredly, loves on patent inventions. The infant ) wrapped in linen which has been woven n a patent loom, from yarn span upon a atent frame, and he draws his first drop f nourishment from his mother's breast hrough a patent nipple shield. The girl ondles a patent doll, the boy whirls a atent top or plays with a ball whioh is lade under one of the most valuable patnts of the age. In later Jife we put on a hirt, whioh, with the rest of our clothes, 3 sowed on a patent machine, withe a latent thread, by a patent needle,' whioh omes enveloped in a patent wrapper, and or very boots are made of patent leather. Ve rise in the morning from a patent liptic spring bed, undo the patent faatenQgs of our windows, roll up our patent urtains, open the patent looks of our doors, . ?hioh were constructed by patent maohine- , y, and go down to our coffee, whioh. , ia ^ iade in a patent pot. We write with atent pens, which we dip into patent ink a a patent stand. Thus, surrounded by 'Stents, we pass our life, which is filled rith gorgeous dreams of making a splendid Drtune by some patent invention of our wn, till at last we are placed in a patent urial case, and lowered irom a paieni xner to our final place of rest. f ?* ' Small Means.?The pow6r of money 3, on the whole, over estimated. The ;reatest things which have been done for the forld have not been accomplished by rich en, or by subscription lists, bat by men ;enerally of small pecuniary means. Chrisianity was propagated over half the world )y men of the poorest class : and the great hinkers, discoverers, inventors and ariists, have been of moderate wealth, many )f them little raised above the condition of aanual laborers in point of wordly circumstances. And it will always be so. Riches ire oftener an impediment than a stimulus to action, and in many cases they are juite as much a misfortune as a blessing. The youth who inherits wealth is apt to have life made too easy for him, and he 3oon grows sated with it, because he has othing left to desire. Having no special object to struggle for, he finds time bangs heavily on his hands; he remains morally and spiritually asleep; and his position in society is often no higher than that of a polybus over which the tide floats.