Historical Newspapers of South Carolina

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" " "k '* -v ii , ' ; i ????????????? i ' ????????? ? i " ' ? ^ - - - ?- .< ; ' >?+> ' t SSSSSSSS T?????2S. . . ( samxV^elton, J Proprietor.. An Independent Journal: For the Promotion of the Political, Social, Agricultural and Commercial Interests of the South. jiiwis m. gust, pnwnker. ^ VOL. 2. YOEKYILLE, S. C., THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 14,1856. NO.7. r ; ???????? mmmmmmm ' %' -: ; V dripal f 0ttrg. Written for the Yorkvillc Enquirer. LINES. She slombereth long, the young Betrothed, All in her snow,> vesture clothed; So soft, so tranquil is her sleep That all around dead silence keep ; Say, do they fear to break her rest? Dare they not wake her to be blest ? To ope her sparkling eyes and meet The glance of love, so dear, so sweet ? The bridegroom all impatient stands, Eager to wear the silken bands That bind him ever to her side, His chosen, cherished, beanteons bride. The pure white robes lie ready there To deck her lovely form and fair. ^ Why should the bridal be delayed ? 0 Why wakes she not to be arrayed ? Alas ! she ne'er will wake again? A dirge?and not a bridal strain, Swells through the hall, from whence a bride Should soon have issued in her pride! A hearse stands ready at the gate, To bear her off in solemn state -i* ay LU ner ancestral lumu, "With kindred dust to lay her bloom." Oh, scene of grief beyond compare! Not skill, nor lore, nor anguished prayer Could stay the fell Destroyer's power Or put aside the fatal hour. Most grievous is it to behold The shroud that lovely form enfold: Those flashing eyes forever sealed Which so much life, and love revealed; The darling sister, petted child On whom all faces ever smiled; But, ah! the stricken one of all, For whom unbidden tears must fall? Is he, low bending o'er the dead, With whom his fondest hopes have fled. Behold his manly form bent low, ^ Crushed by the weight of speechless woe; P Ilis bitter tears he may not hide, They fall like rain-drop9 on his bride. Within her marble fingers pressed Upon her cold, unheaving breast, Mark the last gift his love bestows! His trembling hand there placed the rose; The broken stem, and drooping head, Af..l VI C iL. 1. l_ J.. J emuieui ui uic iuvcijr ucau? The la9t pale rose-bud of the year, The last sad gift to one so dear? How oft with smiles hath she repaid The floral offering Love hath made; With blushing cheeks, and laughter gay The language read of rich bouquet: Now wet with tears in silence laid This last, last offering Love hath made. Oh ! tis a fearful sight to see Stern man like weepiDg infancy ; Keen is the barb, and deeply driven By which his fount of tears are riven. Thou smitten one! all hearts must feel For grief which Ood alone can heal; And long some comfort to impart k To thy sore, bruised, and bleeding heart, ' Lift up thy tear-dimmed eye, and see Ilim, who on Cabary bled for thee, Who wept with those who mourned while here, Nornow forbids fond Nature's tear. Not from the dust afflictions spring? Oft sent our wandering feet to bring Back to the fold, whence peace and joy Alone are found, without alloy. K. |Mtiarf. From the Charleston Standard. THE CINCINNATI CONVENTION. To the Democratic Parly of South Carolina : Fellow Citizens :?As the time is approaching for the meeting of the Democratic Convention at Cincinnati, does it not behoove you, who are really Democrats in feelings and principles, to send delegates to that Const vention ? The success of the principles you advocate, and the alarming state of the Slavery question, call loudly, not only on you, but on all true Southern men, no matter to what party or State they belong, to come forward and enter into consultation and combination with each other, for the preservation of the rights of the South. Know Nothing and Fusionists Abolitionists have banded together, not only to prevent the extension of Slavery to the Territories, but also practically to destroy it where it now exists, by rendering slave property insecure, in repealing laws passed for its protection, and enacting others that will render inoperative the provisions of the Constitution for the rendition of fugitive slaves. Some of the most prominent and distinguished men of Georgia, Alabama, Louisiana, and other slave States have given examples of patriotism, worthy of imitation, by throwing off all old party distinctions, and uniting themselves with the Demr>r>ratif! narfv. aa tlin nnlv rpcnW-. that. r J > ~ y ~ to them, for the protection and defence of the rights of the South, from her combined enemies of Know Nothings, Fusionists and Abolitionists. With such examples before them, does it not also become the duty of all true men of South Carolina, no matter to what party they have heretofore been connected, also to forget all old party considerations, and rally to the support of the only party that the South can look to for any support or assistance ? The old Whig party died with its great leader and supporter, and the Northern, and a large portion of its Western wing have become Know Nothings; whilst one fragment, led by Seward and others, have lost their individuality as a party by being merged with the Fusionists, there is no position left for the old line Southern Whig, that he can occupy with honor to himonrl cafetu tn the Snnth. hnt in the r.inlt-i JC I* J UUU ?v ~ ? J ... ? of the Democratic party. Let all men, then, of the old Whig party, who are true .to Southern rights and Southern slavery imitate l the examples of those patriots of (.ieorgia, Alabama, Louisiana and other slave States, join themselves to the Democratic party and do battle manfully for Southern rights and Southern slavery. Iam aware that prejudices exist in South Carolina against National Conventions, but as the cause of these prejudices have been removed, I feel confident that the members of the Democratic party of South Carolina will no longer submit to be governed by the opinions or prejudices of any man or set of men, be their position in the State ever so prominent, but judge for themselves j and after ca'm ratification, and the experience that has been gained by years of close observation, assume the same position that is now occupied by the Democratic parties of all the other Southern States, and send Delegates to the Cincinnati Convention. That prejudice and not principle has been the cause of South Carolina's opposition to National Conventions, will be proven by going back a few .1. L!.! CU?L. J years in me msiory 01 me oiaie, aim suuw ing that when members of Congress, and not delegates from the people, formed the caucus or Convention for nominating Presidents of the United States, South Carolina participated as freely in them as aDy State in the Union; and is there any man in South Carolina willing to assert that there would be more purity and fairness in a Congressional caucus than in a Convention composed of delegates chosen directly by the people themselves. But I am inclined to the opinion that the preference given to Mr. Crawford over Mr. Calhoun, by the friends of Mr. Monroe's administration, did more to alienate South Carolina from any further participation in nominating Presidents, than any principles she entertained against National Conventions. Mr. Crawford, at the time al luded to, was the great champion and advocate of State Rights and State Sovereignty, but these doctrines were not at that time popular in South Carolina, nor did any of her leading statesmen have any affinity for them if we are to judge of their principles by their published opinions. In a publication styled "One of the People," from the pen of one the most distinguished statesmen of South Carolina, and with notes added by another, equally as prominent, a strong national government, capable of protecting itself, and causing its laws to be obeyed and respected by all the States, was warmly advocated, nod the doctrines of State Rights and State Sovereignty as warmly condemned, as impracticable and dangerous, and tending to weaken and obstruct the action of the Federal Government, and impede its full operations. But those days have passed away, and South Carolina now views with wonder and amazement her former fallacies and errors, and perceives by the light experience has given her, the wisdom of those very principles she formerly condemned, and now clings to them as the only ark of her political safety from the despotism of irresponsible majorities and all the evils of a consolidated government. At a former period in the history of South Carolina she considered the doctrine of State Jtugnts as aangerous ana injurious to tne operations of our republican government; may she not have discovered by the same means that experience gave her to discover that opposition to State Rights was only a fallacy and prejudice, that opposition to Conventions, a measure approved of by all the Slave States but South Carolina, was also a prejudice that time and experience has dispelled, and should therefore be discarded, and that this measure, so much derided in South Caroliua, may yet prove like the doctrine of State rights, a sure protection to the South, by producing union of sentiment and action that will ensure the equality and rights of the slave States. I have admitted that prejudices exist in South Carolina against National Conventions, and yet, in May, 1843 a Convention actually assembled at Columbia, in which every district in the State was represented.? Thi9 convention was called "to present formally the name of John C. Calhoun for the Presidency, and to provide for having the State represented in the then approaching Democratic Convention." It was presided over by the late G ov. Seabrook, and the Honorables Jacob Bond I'on, John B. O'Neal, Job Johnson, D. L. Wardlaw, Angus Pati i v\r n i. . -x_ j xr* _ icrsou auu >>. r. voicoca, acted as vice Presidents, and James Simons and B. C. Yancy as Secretaries. After passing several resolutions, one of which was "that this Convention concur with the Democratic Republican parties of Maryland, 3Iassachusetts, Rhode Island, Louisiana, Kentucky, Pennsylvania, New Hampshire, Michigan, Alabama, and Mississippi, in the appointment of a General Convention of the Democratic Republican Party of the United States, to assemble at Baltimore, in the State of Maryland, in May, 1844, and that this Convention recommend the fourth Monday in that month as the day of meeting of the said General Convention." Resolutions were also passed suggesting that the votes in the said General Convention should be per capita, and recommending to the people of the several Congressional Districts of South Carolina, that they should elect Delegates to the said General Convention. The Covention also passed a resolution that it would go into a ballot for two delegates for the State at j large, and did proceed to ballot and elect l Cols. Elmore and Pickens to represeut the State at large. Those gentlemen attended the Convention of 1844, but the cause of their not taking their seats does not appear, although they assisted in obtaining the nominivfiAn r\f Afr Pnll/ fni? D..,?'.1. "P I ijuuuu vi .-A*. * v*A?v? iuc i itrsiueucy. rrom | what has been stated, il is evident that at least in 1343, South Carolina was in favor of a Democratic Convention to be held at Baltimore, and actually fixed the day herself for the meeting of the said Convention. If she wa3 then in favor of a Convention, and ! did not think it unsafe, dangerous or degra- j ding to affiliate with the Democratic party of the United States, surely there can be no obi jection now, when that party, since that time, j has given so many proofs of fidelity to the j South. Texas has been admitted into the I Union, the tariff of 1842 has been repealed, ' the fugitive slave law been amended so as to make it operiR|jre, and the Missouri restriction removed by the passage of the Kansas and Nebraska bill. Surely then, if before c the passage of these acts, it was not inconsis- c tent with the dignity, safety and honor of ? South Carolina to go into a Convention com- t posed of Northern and Southern Democrats, c it cannot now be so, when we have received r so many proofs of the faithfulness of the same 1 L ? ~?~ 4-Vtnl- a Anlir ran_ C UUltV. X uuuuut UUA1CYU mail mc VUIJ IVW" t son that induced so c^any of the most promi- c nent men of South Carolina to engage so a zealously in the cause of the Convention of a 18-14, that they thought there wa9 a chance t for Mr. Calhoun's nomination; but being ? disappointed in this expectation, on account t of the opinions of Mr. Calhoun on the sub- ? ject of Nullification, became opposed to all s Conventions, as corrupt, unfair and debasing, s Time has proven the wisdom of the Conven- t tion, in refusing to endorse the doctrine of 1 Nullification; for whilst the right of State 1 Secession, as advocated in 1833 by Judge ( Cheves, has become the great cardinal doc- 1 trine of State Eights, Nullification is now c repudiated by most of its former advocates; i and the danger, fallacy and untenableness s of its principles fully exemplified by the late ? flptinn of fhp Knnw Nntliincr T.pcrislfttnrp nf I " to ?o Massachusetts, in nullifying the Fugitive t Slave Law. < f If, however, the object that influenced ^ those gentlemen, in getting up the Convention of 1844, was the nomination of Mr. Cal- j houn, regardless of all other considerations, ^ it would prove that they were more devoted , to an individual, than to principles they pro- < fessed to maintain,and no matter how great, " good or illustrious was the individual, it ^ would be man-worship, and unworthy those high minded and honorable men who parti- j cipated in it, and of the State of South Ca- ^ rolina, who wheretofore has asserted, with the fullest truth that, on a memorable occa- j sion she sacrified to her principles, by vo- ^ ting against him, one of her most illustrious sons who was a candidate for the Presiden- { cy of these United States. Mr. Calhoun's , great name has also been advanced as a rea- ^ son for not sending delegates to any National Convention; but if we are to judge of his ^ opiuions by what he himself expressed, Mr. ^ Calhoun never was opposed to Conventions. { To a committee, from Indiana, he replied, { after stating that he was not a candidate, but ( had been brought forward by his friends "that he had no doubt that his friends would cheerfully abide by the decision of any Con- ^ vention, fairly called and fairly constituted, < that would allow ample time for the full de- J velopment of political opinion, and represent fully, equally, ana fairly the voice of a majority of the party." I have thus, at some length gone back into the history of the country, and shown what position the State of South Carolina has heretofore occupied respecting National Conventions. I shall now leave the subject and proceed to show what benefits must and will proceed from South Carolina, in common with all the Southern States, sending delegates to the Cincinnati Convention. The first action of this Convention, before it proceeds to nominate candidates for the Presidency and Vice Presidency, will be to construct a platform of principles, which, when adopted by the Convention, will be thp political creed of the Democratic party, and all action emanating from this party will be governed by this creed; no candidate that is offered before it will be enabled to obtain its nomination, unless he openly and freely responds that he will be governed in his administration, if elected, by the principles that have been adopted by the Convention. In forming this platform- the South will be able to demand that such provisions shall be iuserted in it, as will not only place her on an equality with the rest of the Union, but that her rights, property and institutions, shall be secured and protected by every guarantee that she may think necessary, or may require; aud these pledges as they are founded on justice and reason, will no doubt be given willingly and freely by the delegates from the Free States, for with few personal exceptions, the Democracy of the North, as a party, have, heretofore, been true to the South in every emergency, although deserted by her in the election of General Taylor; but regardless of this desertion the fugitive slave law was amended and passed, and the Missouri restriction re moved; but this abandonment ot principle by the South, carried with it its own punish- j ment, for it is doubtful if California would ( have been lost to her, if Taylor had not been , elected President of the United States. Let ' us review the action of the Democratic party . for twenty years back and see if my assertion is not sustained by facts. The tariff has been repealed; the United States bank abolished; Texas has been annexed to the United States; the fugitive slave law has been amended, and the Kansas and Nebraska bill passed; could Texas ever have been annexed without the ^ assistance of the free State Democracy ? and ? to Douglass, of Illinois, more than to any oth- ( er man in the LTnited States, is the South in- f debtcd for the passage of the Kansas and j Nebraska bill. But leaving this part of the subject, and assuming for argument, that the Northern and Western Democracy are unsound on the slavery question, still there will be great advantage gained by South Carolina, in common with the other Southern States sending delegates to the Cincinnati Convention, South Carolina so long estranged from her Southern sisters, will again be brought into close ?i ? cuiuuiULiiuUj uiiu a iicc iu ici uiiau^c ui upui- i ions will be the natural result; the best plans s for the protection of the rights of South will i be there discussed, and some fixed and con- t eerted measure will be the result. The ques- 1 tion no doubt will be discussed, what shall 1 be done if the guarantees given by the Con- ) ventiun, aud by the Democratic party of the ' United States, for the protection of South- 1 ern Rights should fail, and the plighted faith t of the Northern Democracy be broken?? c That some certain action will be determined 1 on by the Southern delegates to thisConvcn- c tion to meet such a contingency, I have not i the slightest doubt; and if thi3unanimity of i action is gained, it is more than has been ac- i somplished in years of exertion by the most listinguished statesmen that the South has iver produced. If this unanimity is secured, he South is safe in any position she may oc:upy ; for this Union will give her all she nay ask or require for her protection in the Jnion j and if the pledges and guarantees jiven her in the Union should be broken or lisregarded, she possesses by this union of lentiraent, all the elements for the success of i Southern Confederacy. Another advanage will result from South Carolina sending lelegates to this Convention ; it will prove o many who are of a different opinion, that south Carolina is as willing as any of her ;ister States, the union of the States to preerve if it can be done with honor and safety 0 herself and the other slave States, and hat she is also willing to make sacrifices of ler own opinions, to those of her sister States, in this important subject. South Carolina lelieves that the spirit of Abolition fanati:ism is so great in the free States, that notling can check its course, and that the only lafety for the slave States, is in breaking off til connection with them, and formingasepe ate government for themselves. Most of he slave states differ with South Carolina >n this point, and belive that there areasuficient number of true, patriotic and conservative men in the Free States, who if supported by tbe South, will be able to put 1 xl C x" -1 x_ 1 xl. - lowu luis iauuuvui purijr auu preserve uie LTnion of the States, together with the rights tnd institutions of the South. They are also of the opinion that this can be accomplish3d by the South uniting herself with the Democratic party, which is the antagonistic party of Know Nothings and Fusionist Abilitionists. If these are theiropinions, South Carolina by goiDg into this convention will jive them an oportunity to test their correctiess, and the result will settle the question, [f they are right, ana the equality, rights ind institutions of the South can be mainlined by the means that have been stated, ind the Union can be preserved, South Cardina will rejoice as sincerely as any of her listers. A mistaken opinion exists through)ut all the States, that South Carolina advocates the doctrine of Secession, not be;ause she thinks there is no safety in the Urioa, from the encroaching spirit of a North?rn Abolition majority, but because she wish;s to destroy the Union, to establish a Southjrn Confederacy, for her own selfish puposes. [t is important to the welfare of the whole South that these opinions should be proven o be false, South Carolina, therefore, must iot lose this oportunity of meeting the other Southern States, and show her willingness iy her actions, of being governed by their ipinions and their wishes. On this most mportant subject, let all, then, see for themselves, that South Carolina has been misunlerstood and misrepresented?her past his;ory has not been one of selfishness or of in;ercsts, where principles have been concern?d; and it is unjust and unmanly that now :hesc charges should be brought against her. But if the other Southern States are mistaken ; and South Carolina is right in her opinons?if the spirit of Abolition prostrates jefore it every true man in the free States, ivho stands up for Southern rights, and the ;reat Democratic party of the North is over:ome and broken to pieces before it, then he benefits of this convention will be most ipparent; the conviction will have come to he minds of every true Southerner, that South Carolina was right from the first, and he sympathies of all will be with her ; the weseut time is most auspicious, and may ncv?r again occur; the" power of the governnent in the popular branch of Congress is in he hands of Abolitionists, Know Nothings md Fusionists, and a question, the most vial to the interests of the South, in all probibility will be brought before the present Congress, the admission of Kansas in the Ulion as a slave State; she cannot be admit,ed without the concurrence of both houses )f Congress, and on this issue must and will lepend the destinies of the South. South Carolina before that all-important event oc:urs, should be in close communion witb all ler Southern sister, to know what will be he concerted course of action in such an em;rgency, for if a blow is to be struck for Southern rights and Southern Independence, it ihould be immediate, united and determined, ind at the very instant that the wrong has jeen committed. Let then the Democracy )f Charleston call a public meeting early in March, to appoint delegates to a Convention ;o be held at Columbia on the 1st Monday n May, and charge that convention with the iuty of providing for the representation of he State in the Cincinnati Convention. I am espectfully, A Southern Planter. THE NEWS OF THE DAY. We have heard it asserted that no one ever rave a definite description of the sound of the ica as heard upon the shore. TVere we to give >ur own impression, we should describe it as l series of constantly beginning sounds, each ost as it grew faint in newer tones. The oar of the last breaking wave is drowned in hat of another, and even the ripple at our eet and the last wash of the water has no md but dies in the birth of its rivals. Even he wail of the wind, above all, seems but a :onstant renewal. Such is the characteristic of the events vhich transpire day b^ day in all parts of he world, and which, borne to us by telegraph and steam, seem only to exist in their 'reshuess and novelty. If we reflect an instant on any event which was once startling lews, we shall wonder that we never seemed so have fairly attained its end, and before we aave fairly mastered its sound, that of the breaking billow was lost amid that of fresh /? i -i .i .? i*as it raves or 01 some "mgn winu ui pontics. ? Hie war in the East has lulled ; but ere Sejastopol is more than half finished there come he endless whispers of busy diplomacy and )f peace negotiations from a score of courts. We listen to the rumors, but before they die rat there blows a gust from Nicaragua vhieh washes up little wavelets at our feet n the form of Presidential proclamations and Mr French, and all toe while theTe is a dull drone at Washington, which seems to indicate that something is going on, though nobody, unless it be the New York Tribune, seems to know or care exactly what it is.? At present there is an unwonted lull in the sea of great events, and yet we know not but that ere the ink with which we write is dry there may be a fresh vibration of the wires ?a fresh humming of news from afar off and a fresh breeze of "startling intelligence," bearing on its wings flying leaves in the form of telegraphic strips fraught with greater and more wonderful meaning than is to be found on the hieroglyphic marked foliage of the sacred tree of Thibet. There are many portions, and these rather among the learned than the illiterate, who, arguing r u the constant noise and press of new events as announced in the newspapers, rather depreciate the importance of keeping strictly informed as to all that is going on in the great world. These are the men who look down on life as it is, and the effect of their philosophy is found in a want of practical knowledge and of geniality. Could every man soundly realize the degree to which the fulfilment of matual duty and of Chistian feeling is promoted by a knowledge of current events?could people know how the mind is strengthened, toned and invigorated by such knowledge, we should soon find it generally admitted that the press is of much account as the University and its daily lessons, as well worth careful study as any classic page ever written. Year by year, over the railroad and telegraph, and in the newspaper, we see the great problem being more and more nearly solved, of making the individuality of every man of account in the great social body, and of bringing people more and more nearly together. There is no one possessed of a spark of intelligence, or who has, either by his thoughts or adventures, accomplished anything worth communicating, who cannot for once, at least, make himself heard amid the great roar of the endless sea of life. He may give way to a new wave?but he has been heard, and has contributed his share to tne wondertul music or lite?or ot nistory. Every year witnesses an improvement in this development of individual power and of mutual knowledge. Every year sees the newspaper more ahead and a corresponding growth in the vigor of the public mind. Events are becoming better known as they transpire? their Consequences are more accurately surmised comparison with similar events which went before, and there are now-a-days in the humblest paper in this country, shrewder guesses and more diplomatic discussion of public matters than were evolved from any save the highest minds of a century ago.? Have the newspapers done nothing in effecting this ? Let the press, the great fourth estate, but once become what it is inevitably destined to be, a sine qua non for every mind and the perfected comprehensive medium for all current intelligence and active thought, and we shall behold an unanimity and a vigor of thought ii? all minds such as were never before dreamed of.?Philadelphia Bulletin. Interesting Hfodkg From the New York Evening Post. COLD AND ANIMAL LIFE. >vniie we are waiting tor ur. js.ane s 01I ficial report of lii.s last expedition to the Arctic Ocean, there are some scientific results, the publication of which we may be permitted to anticipate. The first of these is the conditions of animal and vegetable life in a high northern latitude. Dr. Kane's party succeeded in reaching latitude eighty degrees, a higher northern poiut upon the coast of Greenland than had yet been attained by any previous navigator. He found inhabiting this inhospitable region the Esquimaux Indian, the reindeer, and many varieties of the floral world, principally of the Alpine species. The latter were numerous, but diminutive. How far north the human race and animals exist, it is not known; but Dr. Kane's observations clearly establish the fact, that the extreme cold of latitude eighty is not the limit to their northern migration. The habits of the Esquimaux are peculiar. They are. essentially a migratory people, and with sledges drawn by dogs, undertake journeys of hundreds of miles in extent, depending for their subsistence upon such nourishment as chance throws in their way. This the little party under Dr. Kane found to be sufficiently abundant to meet theirown wants. During the whole cruise they were never seriously in want of food but on one occasion, which was when, on their return, they were nearing Melville bay. Here, fortunately, a fine fat seal presented itself, stretched at length upon the ice. A boat was manned to go in pursuit of it, and Dr. Kane describes the excitement of the chase as so intense that one of the most experienced gunners of u i JI_ j a: if tne party cuuiu uaruiy cuiuwauu iiiuubcu sufficiently to fire at it until the boat had neared within a few yards, and it was in the very act of escaping. The temperature at which the explorations were conducted, was between seventy and eighty degrees below zero. So intense was this cold, that the alcoholic thermometers failed to indicate accurately the temperature, and even chloroform and the essential oils, which resist low temperatures, became thick and turbid. It was only by a careful observation and comparison of many instruments, that they were enabled to attain to any accuracy in regard to the extent of cold. An opportunity has thus been given of testing the ability of the human body to resist a temperature of seventy degrees below zero, for several months together. The Doctor and his party were enabled to do this by an immense consumption of animal food, the ordinary daily allowance to each man being six or eight ducks, or an equivalent in several pounds of the fat seal. Shortly after the discovery of the com pound nature of the atmosphere by Priestly, Crawford broached the theory that the animal heat of the body is maintained at an uniform temperature of ninety-eight degrees, by means of a liberal consumption of food containing carbon in excess, as animal food, wheie the cold is severe. The most beautiful and brilliant series of experiments prosecuted by Liebig, were those intended to establish this theory, which they do most successfully. In this connection, the experiment of Dr. Kane and his party, in showing the kind and amount of food required to enable the human body to resist the depressing influence of a continued low temperature, for a brief period of time, longer than any other recorded, is of the highest practical value. "We have in physical geography, as the results of this cruise, a newly discovered land, flanked by lofty mountain ranges, a wide and icelcss open sea, clearly pointing to an undiscovered region of large extent towards the north pole, and immense glaciers, before which those of Cyr and Chamouni dwindle xuiv oiguiuwauv;c? WORK 19 PRATER. . "Work while it is day, for night cometh when no man can work." Brothers! be ye whom ye may? Sons of men I bid you?pray; Pray unceasing?pray with might; Pray in darkness?pray in light! Life hath still no hours to spareLife is toil?and toil is prayer! > Life is toil! and all that lives Sacrifice of labor gives. Water, fire, air, and earth, Rest not, pause not, from their birth. Seed, within the fruitful ground, Insects in the seas profound, Bird and bee, and tree and flower, Each hath labor for its dower? Each the mark of toil must wear, Toil ye, then! for work is prayer! Student! in thy searching mind Lo! the key of heaven thou'lt find ; Trim thy lamp, and burn thine oil? Through the midnight watches toilLay the soul's great secrets bear, Labor! labor! work is prayer! Patriot! toiling for thy kind, Thou shalt break the chains that bind 1 Shape thy thought and mould thy plan; Toil for freedom! toil for man! Sagely think, and boldly dare, Labor! Labor! work is prayer! Christian 1 round thee brothers stand? Pledge thy truth, and give thy hand: Raise the downcast?nerve the weak! Toil for good?for virtu re speak! Let thy brethren be thy care? Labor! labor 1 work is prayer 1 Pray ye all! the night draws near, Toil, while yet the sky is clear; Toil, while evil round ye springs; Toil, while wrong its shadows flings; Pray in hope, and ne'er despair, Toil ye! toil yc! work is prayer! A GAMBLING HOUSE. The Washington correspondent of the Cleveland Plaindealer, thus describes a visit to a gambling-house, and what he saw and heard there: "Having heard much of the magnificence and grandeur of the metropolitan gamblinghouses, I with several Cleveland friends paid one a visit the other night. The entrance was through a narrow lighted way opening from the avenue, just east of the National. A pair of stairs at the further end of the hall brings you abruptly against a small door, fastened on the inside ; you ring a bell; a colored servant looks through the latticed panel to see if all is right. If he discovers a well-known customer or a frequent visitor of such places the whole party is admitted, on the principle, of course, that 'a person is known by the company he keeps.' Gamblers understand human nature better than anybody else. "We were admitted first into a room beautifully carpeted, fresco painted, with chairs, sofas, lounges, &c., of rosewood, a large centre-table, on which were the leading newspapers of the country, and around which sat several well-dressed gentlemen, leisurely reading and discussing the news of the day. This was hut a half of a double parlor, the reception room, or as Milton would say, 'the vestibule of hell.' "Our guide, who was a well-known Washington gentleman, introduced us to the keeper of the establishment, telling him that we had never been in such a place before, and was led by curiosity to explore his infernal domains. He appeared highly delighted, and immediately opened up the 'inner temple.' We entered, and found that the half had not been told us. A chandelier, costing from three to four hundred dollars, brilliantit*. n . ! ,. 11 ly at up, nung its guttering rays on goia papered walls, satin damask curtains, sofas, &c. In the centre, and near one end of the room, stood a long six legged table, with a richly embroidered spread, falling in folds nearly to the floor ; on the wall over the table hung a massive gilt frame, and large as life a huge crouching tiger, with eyes of glaring fire, lips apart, and apparently ready for a spring upon his unsuspecting victim. The cloth being removed from the table beneath, revealed a 'Faro Bank,' with all the implements of that well-known fascinating game; ivory chips, representing 81, 85, 825, 8250 each, lay piled up in one corner, for the convenience of the betters ; in a small box beneath lay piles of bank bills and heaps of double eagles, for the redemption of these ivory issues. "It was early in the evening, and the players had not got in. The keeper entertained us with tales of the table?how foolish young men came there as we had, out of curiosity, and were induced to "try their luck" out of curiosity, which generally left them out of cash, out of character, and out of friends, in the end. We proposed leaving, when he politely invited us to stay to supper; he showed us his bill of fare, which inclu ded soup, roast beef, oysters in all styles, ducks, venison, quail, fish, chocolate, coffee, nuts, and all the wines and liquors to he found in the best restaurants. Whoever is admitted to the rooms, either as players or spectators, are also admitted to these suppers free of charge. Don't gamblers understand .human nature ? The keeper was impatient to have the house organised, so memberB could draw their mileage and make his bosi ness better. This is but one of many institutions in this city, and the tiger is bound to - ? be fed though the people starve." *" ' HAVING ENEMIES. * A man that has a soul worth sixpence must expect to have enemies. It is utterly im- ^ possible for the beet of men to please the whole world; and tlje sooner this is understood, and the position taken in view of the fact, the better. Even when pretended friends vare fawning upon you, seeking to gain something through your influence or your means, it is well to understand whether they are not your worst enemies. There is such a small sprinkling of disinterested friendship in our present competitive state of society, that / there is very little danger of mistaking a true ' friend when you really look sharp about you. Such an individual comes not with loud and blatant professions of good to you, nor with the mask of dissimulation upon his brow, but with a candid demeanor, plain dealing, and few or no professions. Unlike the "artful dodger," who is your seeming friend to ac* commodate his own selfish purposes, the hon> - v "" est man is chary of his compliments, and . would 'not flatter Neptune for his trident, jf'. nor Jove for his power to thunder.' He is * n readier to grant your flavors than to reoeive them, and bestow graciously his smiles. * ^Men must expect enemies just in the pro* portion that they are thriving. Enmety, ha>* * tred and malice, and all uncharitableness,' are weeds of rank growth in the soil of the present times. There are enough of mean Zu* souls at every step taken in the path of life v' 1" who would like to prevent your success j and ..'H' \ they hate you so long as you prosper; if for : ., no other reason, simply because they are not excelling yon in your labor and yonr prosper* ity. It were of little nse to heed them or s their efforts; the sure and best way to tri* . r ^ umph is to live down their petty slanders - * and calumnies. Such enemies are cowards, /*, and they hate yon because they fear you. The true motto for life is, to do right, and let the consequences take care of themselves. - * It is all sheer vanity to strive to accomodate r- , ' , yourself at every point to the whims and no* ' tions of some other persons, and try to square your ideas to please this or that sect, or par- ' ., ty. On the score of mere personal gain alone you must inevitably be the loser; and once losing sight of your integrity and independ* -* ence, you become the slave of petty tyrants, and make for yourself burdens heavy to be ' borue. Do right?though you have enemies.? . You cannot escape them by doing wrong.? _ And it is little gain to barter away your hon* * or and integrity, and divest yourself of mor* 1 al courage, to gain what ? Nothing. Better abide by the truth?frown down all opposition, and rejoice in the feeling which must inspire a free and independent man. Religious Progress in the United States.?The Rev. Dr. Baird has published a pamphlet entitled 'The State and Prospects of Religion in America/ by Robert Baird. It contains the substance of a report that was made at the Conference of the 1>. > Evangelical Alliance in Paris, some months 4 since. Many interesting facts are stated, * not only in relation to religion, but to the progress of the country generally. In 1850 the entire number of church edifices in the United States was no less than 38,183. The total value was $87,446,331. The accomgaodations were ample for 14,270,139 persons. It is believed that the condition of affairs at ? the present time is equally favorable. But, according to Dr. Baird, the gospel is preached not only in church edifices, but also in J many thousand of other places, such as court 'w houses, school-houses and private dwellings. Nay, it is often preached in summer in Che forests of the far West. Thus, it may be fairly estimated that the principles of Christianity are disseminated, if not every week, yet from time to time in at least one hundred thousand places every year throughout the United States. The census of 1850 reports the number of regular Ministers of the Gospel to be 27,842. Professor DeBow supposes that if we'were to add the number of those who preach occasionally, it would increase the number of those who preach the Gospel to 30,000. But this estimate is evidently too low. The number of 'local ministers?that is, ordained ministers who bad not charges of churches, but were occupied through the week in secular employments?in the several branches of the Methodist Church, and in other churches which have such preachers, could not have been at that time less than 8,500, at the very lowest estimate, making the number more than 35,000. According to the census just referred to, the Methodist Church, comprehending all its branches, had church edifices which were worth 814,826,148, and accommodated 4,354,101 persons. TbePresbyteriansr 11 branches had churoh edifices worth 819,thi9.u4t?, which accommodated 2,419,474 persons. The Baptist Church "nnnnmiiiotinn hflfi rhnrr?}i adifinaa that | were worth $11,001,127, and accomodated 3,248,680 persons. The Episcopal Church had church edifices of the value of 811,884, 210 and that accommodated 644,598 persons. The Congregational Denomination had church edifices that were worth $7,970,196, and accommodated 801,835 persons.? The Lutheran Church had church edifices to the amount of 82,854,286, and that accommodated 535,180 persons. The Roman Catholic had church edifices that were worth $9,256,758, and held 675,721 persons.? The Unitarians, Universalists, Swedenborgians, and some other sects, had church, edifices which were worth $5,911,294, and accommodated 661, 487 persons.:. tcf* Men are like bugles, the more brass thej contain, tne lartner you can near them. Women are like tulips; the more modest and retiring they appear, the better you love them. IST The Kentueky Democratic State Com vention made choice of Wm. Preston and John C. Breckenridge as delegates at large to ^ Cincinnati Convention. 3k