Historical Newspapers of South Carolina

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> ' u j*_ r - * , i ' *. * v *" " ?. .* ? .% > y . ^ \ :'* ... f. ' ~ ^ ' - : *./ i - " . . ... ... .. | -- .... ' sam^V^^ion, }? An Independent Journal: For the Promotion of the Political, Social, Agricultural and Commercial Interests of the South. |iewis m. gmst, VOL. 2. ~~ YOBKYILLE, S. C., THURSDAY, JANUABY 34, 1856. ISUX 4.' political. THE CINCINNATI CONVENTION. Anderson, November 23, 1855. Dear Sir : I *vail myself of this occasion to respond to your letter, inquiring my opinion of the propriety of having South Carolina represented in the National Convention at Cincinnati. The objects of this convention are two:fold ?first, to nominate true and reliable candidates for the Presidency and Vice Presidency, for the canvass of 1856; and second, to lay < down a platform of principles for the maintenance of which the Democratic party are to be ( ?i - J z I jnuugeu. A convention is merely a method of finding 1 out what the popular opinion is, and giving to : it a more conspicuous and imposing expression. 1 It has been steadily and uniformly pursued by 1 the Democracy of all the States (except our 1 own) for fifteen years or more, and the sclec- ( tion of delegates, manner of voting and nomi- J nating, has been defined by usage well under- J stood and acquiesced in, as if regulated by law. ( Hence, we know that such a convention will assemble in Cincinnati in May next, and that * it will nominate candidates for the Presidency 1 and Vice Presidency?adopt a platform ofprin- J ciples?and it is nearly certain that the nomi- ( nees will receive the votes of the Democratic ' party of every State in the Union. Shall the Democracy of this State send delegates ? It is our privilege to be represented there, and at the present time, I believe it to be a high and solemn duty to meet our political allies, and to aid by our presence and councils in selecting suitable nominees and constructing a platform, which will secure our rights and uphold the Constitution. There has never been a time since the convention policy was adopted?if, indeed, there has been such time since the government was inaugurated?when the success of the Democratic party in the electoral college was so vitally important as now. If that party should be defeated in the election before the people, every patriot's mind must be filled with gloomy forebodings of the future. The indications now are, that the opposition to the Democratic party, made up of Know Nothings, abolitionists and fusionists, will run two or more candidates ?if the Democracy fails to secure a majority in the Electoral College over all elements of opposition, then the election must be made according to the Constitution by the House of Representatives. Can we safely trust the election of our rights to that body ? The House is now elected, and we know that a decided majority of the House are members of the Know Nothing, Fusion and Whig parties; aud P a luvuiiic uuumicc auu a auuuu piauumi, ?rm be more successful than the party was when * the members of the House of Kepresentatives 1 were elected, and from whose action you hope ' for so little benefit to the South ? I reply, that 1 nearly all the non-slaveholding States elected s their Congressmen more than twelve months ( ago, and immediately after the passage of the 1 Kansas and Nebraska act. . That act raised a 1 storm of fanaticism, which wafted fusion dema- ! gogues into power ; the men who voted for it could not reach home in time t? canvass their ; districts as thoroughly as should have been ' done ; they could not discuss before the dec- ! tion the principles of the bill, and show that 1 they were drawn from the Constitution. Fanaticism raged with the wild fury at the North. But three of our friends were sustained in the great State of Pennsylvania, and two in Iudi- 1 ana. The fusion of Know Nothingism and Abolitionism swept over the former State by a majority of thirty-five thousand, and over the latter by near twenty thousand. These disasters overtook us one year ago, when members to Co egress were elected. Illinois, Michigan, Maine and New Jersey were likewise overrun by fusion. But how stands the contest now in those States ? Pennsylvania, the gallant old Keystone State, and the breakwater if the election is devolved on thein, the Democratic party will be certainly defeated, and perhaps a fusionist promoted to the Presidency. b Are the people of South Carolina so indiffer- * ent to their relations to the Federal Government, that they will quietly look on and see ? such an administration as we have had since . the 4ch of March, '53?an administration that has faithfully and fearlessly maintained the 0 Constitution in its purity?supported by Know ^ Nothingism or Black Republicanism ? That is the issue to be decided in the next Presiden- a tial election, and that, too, in the Electoral Col- * lege; for if we fail there, then, we know now with absolute certainty, that we must be de- ^ feated before the House. Was it, then, ever so important before, that the convention should a be filled with discreet, patriotic men; that ^ there should be the fullest representation of every man devoted to the Democratic faith, and opposed to Fusion and Know Nothingism; 0 that they should commune freely together, and j nominate a candidate who will command the confidence of the entire party; and that such ? interchange of opinions may euable them to adopt a sound constitutional platform ? Was * it ever before so important that an election a should be made by the people without going to the House of Representatives ? Can we u hesitate to meet the true men of the North, 0 and co-ope *ate with them, when the dust of the s fray in many hard fought battles against Fu- sionists and Black Republicans, is still settled a on their garments ? They have for more than twelve months been fighting for the Constitution and for the maintenance of your rights. Will you turn from them, with callous and . i i.i jiir J i. !ii.i Jihi-: " nearness inainerenee, auu iwn mem wuu ui-iug abolitionists themselves? Such a policy would not only be the blackest ingratitude, but it | would drive off all natural conservative friends that are now standing by you. Will we hesitate to meet our friends from j our own section there, and aid them in the grave work before them ? Or will we haughtily turn from them, and by our conduct, in 1 refusing to mingle with them, by implication f reproach them for infidelity to us and themsel- ( \es? ( But I may he met here with this inquiry : Why do you assume that the Democracy, with j - e??:? j ? ? ?;n i against the turbulent waves of Northern fanaticism, has rallied to the Constitution and the old Democratic banuer, in her late electiou for State officers, and has not only beaten back fusion, but has near fifteen thousand of a popular majority for the Democratic faith, including the Nebraska act. Indiana has redeemed her escutcheon from the stain of Black Republicanism, and has given the Democracy a majority of near fifteen thousand in her recent State elections. Many other of the Northern States have done equally well; and yet in the nest Congress, if the Presidential election is devolved on the House of Representatives, the votes of every Northern State (except Iowa, and it svill be divided,) will be cast either for Fusion or Know Nothing candidates. The late elections show that there has been a reaction in the North, almost unparalleled in political annals ) and it is nearly certain, if the South is true to herself, and sustains with unanimity a Constitutional Democrat, that the aid we will receive from some of the Northern States will jnable us to elect him in the Electoral College; out if his election was even more doubtful than [ imagine, still it is all important that a rigorous and concerted effort should be made?for [ have shown, that if we fail in the Electoral Jollcge, the House will elect a President hos:ile to our political opinions, if not to our institutions. If it should he Seward, or any )thcr Black Republican, and an effort should ie made to carry out their platform, then I see 10 means whereby the government itself can ic preserved. Such an election must produce lisunion, bloodshed and anarchy. Arc we irepared for it ? And if yea, will we not )e grossly derelict to humanity if we neglect o use all the efforts in our power to avert the ;atastrophc, so long as we can preserve the government consistently with our own safety md rights '! Our sister States of the South begin to apireciate the magnitude of the crisis which avaitsour section. They perceive that the next :onvention is to be one of much more than tsual importance, and they arc preparing Rain able and efficient representation there. Our lister Georgia, has already taken the initiative, ,o secure unity and harmony among the Stares >f the South, on questions of vital importance o us as a section. The Democratic and Anti?now Nothing party of that State, through Jobb, Toombs, Iverson, Stephens, Warner, Hillyer, Bailey, Lamar, Scriven, and many ither distinguished sons?former Whigs and )emocrats. States Rinhts and Union men? * o lave taken grouud in favor of sending delc;ates to that convention have declared the beief that the Democratic party at the North was he only constitutional party?have reiterated he Georgia platform, upon which most of the loliticians of the State, as I think, properly tand, and propose to instruct their delegates o insist, at Cincinnati, upon a platform which hall?1st, recognize and adopt the principles istablished in the Kansas-Nebraska act; 2d, hat neither the Missouri Compromise, nor any ither anti-slavery restriction, shall hereafter >e extended over any territory of the United States; 3d, the prompt and faithful execution if the fugitive slave law, and its permanent lontinuance on the statue book. The last resoution, at the late mass meeting of the party .t Milledgeville, addresses U9 in a language ynicn commends itseli to every democrat in he South: ?Resolved, That the Democratic and Anti?now Nothing party in all our sister States, .nd especially of the Southern States, are repectfully and earnestly requested to take the oregoing resolutions into their early consideraion, and co-operate with us in the policy and hjects intended to be thereby secured." Such is their appeal to the South. "We have icard much of Southern union being necessay to our safety. We now have it in our power y cordial co-operation with our Southern siscrs, to secure it.' To secure it on such a basis s will permanently preserve our institution. Vc can here make our demand, and with a [uitcd South, we can offer it to the true men f the North. If we act wisely, and present uch an ultimatum, Idoubtnotthatthousands, ' :erhaps millions, at the North, will espouse ud maintain it; for it is a platform of the Constitution, and there are hosts of conserva- , ivc men whom I know are prepared to mainain the Constitution of our fathers. Will we reject it with silent contempt?ad- ' lere to our isolation, and stubbornly refuse to raternize with her, and all the balance of our southern sisters? ^frio doubts that all the south will be represented there; andean it be aid, truthfully, that our voice can be of no ' ivail or weight, when the ultimatum shall Le aid down ? If we send delegates, who can ay that our votes may not secure a reliable lomince and a sound platform ? Will the instructions of Georgia to her delegates be more >r less potent with the endorsement of all of >ronly a portion of the .South ? If. indeed, fanaticism is in the ascendant in he North, and cannot be overcome, then what nitiative step towards a Southern Union, for he last resort, can bo more effective than to inite all the South on the Georgia platform md instructions? Our influence in counsel tnd in action will be increased, whenever we ;how a hearty disposition to harmonize with )ur sisters in the South. Have we not heretofore kept aloof from their consultations in every instance, save in the Nashville Convention; ml that was a movement which did not derive any popularity in the South from being suspected of having originated in South Carolina. Sooner or later we must learn the important truth, that the fate and destiny of the entire South is identical. Isolation will give neither securitv nor concert. When we meet Virginia and Georgia, Alabama and Mississippi, in consultation, as at Cincinnati, it is the supremacy of pharisaism, to flippantly denounce such association, cither dangerous or degrading. North Carolina, Missouri, Florida, and Texas, will be there represented ; and are we too exalted or conceited, to meet them at the same counsel board ? "We shall meet there many liberal men from the North: those who in their section have done good service against political abolitionism. When we insist upon one platform with promptness, and they see we only make a demand of "ft our constitutional rights they will concede i and when they go home they will prosecu the canvass in good faith, upon the principl enunciated at the convention. Concert amor ourselves, with the aid of the conservative me at the North, may enable us to save a constiti tional union; if that cannot be preserved, will enable us to save ourselves and our inst tutions. Arc we alone to have unoccupic seats, when such grave matters are to be d< cided by the Cincinnati Convention ? Suppose the Democracy of this State shoul decide not to send delegates, and the oth< States of the South should follow her exampli who would be voted for ? Could the parti even at the. South, without sonic concert, whic could ouly be secured by meeting, rally upo the same man? No well-informed perso would venture an affirmative answer; whe would be the result ? The Democratic part would certainly be cfefcated, and the Kno1 Nothing, or Black Republican party, woul as certainly be successful. Our policy, then would iuevitably bring upon us defeat; and i we arc to be saved from a Freesoil Prcsidcni it is only to be done by the party in the othc States assembling aud making a nomination i which we refuse to participate. Even tlios who are opposing the sending of delegates, doubt not, rejoice in the hope that the othe States, despite our impracticable example, wi' meet aud nominate candidates But it violates the "time-honored policy r the State," say the objectors. That may b true, and yet should be of little eonscjuenc in deciding our course now. The "divin right of Kings" to rule the people was cons< crated by the lapse of centuries; and if t!u had been conclusive of the question, our fat! aiv Wi>ri? crmlr.v r?f m <rrn\-,-? uftVuiAA vrlii>n l!ir announced the plebeian doctrine, that the pei pie had the light to gowrn themselves an make their own laws. It maybe wise to we: a cloak to-day, and very foolishto-morruw, an yet involve no inconsistency It is much ca: ier to assort the existence of the practice tha to prove its wisdom. dVc liayc persisted in for lifteou years, and have made no convert by precept or example. All the other Statin the Union itor send delegates to Nation: Conventions. There is no party, that I hav any knowledge of, or fragment of any partj that opposes thatplau of ascertaining the voic of the party in selecting candidates for th Presidency and Vice Presidency. Ilowove wise and defensible our opinions may hav been heretofore, we have demonstrated, b fifteen years' experience, that we cannot ii ducc a single one of our confederates to thin with us?the number against us thirty to one May we not hesitate long before wc shall, wit self-complacency, say they are all wrong, an wc arc right. As it is not a mutter of con science?but one simply of expediency?i what mauuer the voice of the party can be as certaincd in selecting candidates, is it not tim that we should adopt their policy andranounc ours? How much longer must we deny oui selves the equal privileges with our co-State in trying to prove to them we are right an they are wroug ? If the past is to furnish th data of judging, it may be safely postpone until doomsday. We have converted no sir gle State?nay more, in the broad expanse c this great republic, I know of only a singl prominent man who has renounced his partiali ties for conventions, and who now oppose them, aud that man is Thomas H. Benton. The long and well defined usage of the Dc mocratic party gives us the privilege of a voic in nominating candidates, but we have here tofore refused it. I desire to see South Care Una now exercise it. I desire to see our dele gates there, controlling, to the extent of thei votes and intelligence, the nomination an platform. lam tired, heartily tired, of scein the dclegctes of the other States dctermiuin whom wc shall vote for, unless we have a equal voice in the selection. If we have dc nied the right of uniting with them, we woul complain of it as an unbearable grievance and yet our voluntary refusal works just a great a practical injury. Since 1840, we hav invariably voted for their nominee, and ycl during all that time, have had no agency i determining whom he should be, or wha should be the platform. In the future, we wil most likely vote for the nominee; even an oh jectionable Democrat will fre taken as a choic of evils, before a Whig, Know Nothing, o Black Republican, because he will more ncai ly represent your political opinions than eithc of them Our delegation might defeat an oh jectionable man and secure a good one; in sue1 a contingency, would we have acted justly t the Democratic party of the I'nion, who hav engrafted on the statute book every law to b found there, wherein your rights are protcctc and your interests advanced'( The eight vote which we are entitled to cast, might prove c illJjAUUlUVV l?U VU1 ? WllllUJI U I adopting a reliable platform. Arc we to cor tinuc our deference to their nominations vhe we take no part in their conventions ? Tin dignity requires u> to reject the nominee, i we scorn and repudiate the nominating powei It is time that we should change this usage which seems to be based more upon eapric than upon practical wisdom, li'it has hcrett fore been wise, it is no longer so. The (.'or gressional caucus system was tried and exploi ed; conventions have been substituted. W may not have approved of the substitute, bi we find that it is fastened upon the country b universal acquiescence. Shall we persist in fruitless opposition to it, at the sacrifice of or privileges iu the National Convention'( It a mistake to suppose that wc are the party coi ferring a favor in going into the convention the reverse is true. It is a joint meeting f one common erood. ?So long as we remain i a ?-? the Uuion, let us co-operate with our politic; allies to elect good men aud secure wholesou measures. Why this voluntary isolatiou, i refusing to act with equals ? Are we, thci superiors in wisdom and patriotism; or has tt degeneracy of the times left to South Curolii: no citizen who can be trusted with her righ or honor as a delegate ? Are the people a] prehensive that their delegates will prove faitl less and treacherous ? If that be true, the her members in Congress should be recallei for they too have delicate and important trus t; committed to their custody, te Unsatisfactory as a convention is to many es the selection of a candidate by it, who must be ig accepted or rejected by the votes of the people, >n is far safer for the Republic than any election a- by any Congress. It is far easier to corrupt a it small body, such as a majority of the House of ;i- Representatives, than to corrupt the people, id Money?office?position?succession?all may e- be held out as inducements to the former body; they would be unavailing to the latter. It will d be a great national calamity as often as the ;r people fail to elect, and devolve the election 2, on the House of Representatives; and such a p, calamity will arise at the next election, unless h by concert, through couveutions or otherwise, i n the votes of the ne.onln ean eonenn tinted on r?i? ? " n some one caudidatc, representing their opin- ' it ions. 1 y The people have failed in two cases to make i (Y an election, both of which have become impor- ; d tant in history. The first, was when Jefferson 1, and Burr received an equal number of votes. : if The contest convulsed the whole Union, and i t, produced the most painful apprehensions in sr the bosoms of all patriots, and well it might, < d when we review its history and learn that Jcf- ! e ferson finally triumphed over Burr by a single < I vote. The excitement was so great that it i sr caused the States the next year to assent to < II the only amendment of the Constitution, adopt- I ed since the government went fully into ope- ' ,f ration. (, The other was between Jackson and Adam* i in Theie had been nocntreeutra'ion of f> public opinion, by caucus or otherwise, because ,. it was said to b the '-era of good feeling." and . i several gentlemen were consequently voted for. ; j, in the Electoral C'ulego bad; n received I'd : vote.-., Adams *1, Crawford II. and ('lav >' ; \ j m ' ' # t* i neither candidate having received a mojority ji (| j of all the votes cast, there, was no election by i ... the nconlc, and it Went to the House of i!c 11 I i > j , preventatives. On fin: first ballot. Mr. Adams' s. was electa'. This result produced u public n indignation, which has had no parallel, he-1 [(. cause of the outrage of the popular will, in sup- i porting (ienoral Jackson by John Quincy .s Adatns. ,j After that, prudent and sagacious men saw c the importance of making an election by the i . people?to accomplish it party organization on c defined principles has been perfected. and cone veutions are, in the judgement of the people !V of all the other States, the safest and fairest c means of ascertaining and concentrating the v popular will. I have shown the importance of perfect union and concert in the Democracy if k they expect to triumph in the next election. , Will we hazard a defeat by churlishly withp holding our counsel from our political asso(j ciatcs at the Cincinnati Convention ? Will , we hazard anothci uuUugc on the pupulur will ? by carrying the next election into the House? : 5. Be not deceived by the opponents of rcprcsene tation, when they tell you that our vote is e small and can be of no service in r . *inating r. or voting a platform. Jefferson was elected by ,s a single vote; many of the most important laws , J have bceu passcd"T>y-oire vote; the castiug vote e of the Vice President reduced the tariff in ; d 1846. Your votes will count, your delegates will be kindly received and their wishes and ,f preferences treated with the most respectful c consideration. Instruct them, if you choose, i i_ to retire from the Convention, if the principles lS adopted by it are unsound, or if the nominee < is unreliable. If you do not choose to instruct < them, send prudent, wise, sagacious delegates, < ' and say to them that the Democratic party of i South Carolina expects to receive no detriment : J at their hands. \ >. 13e not deterred by Know 2<iotaings or fishy 1 r Democrats, who may denounce you for going 1 d into the Convention?nor by the per see Dcmoir crats, who are anxious to destroy the Govcrnrt ment, even without cause?nor by those men 1 u who profess to be Democrats, when spoils of office or public printing are to be distributed ' J by the Federal Government, and who grow inj tensely local when State spoils or offices excite 1 s their vcneral cupidity. Nor by men who do e not admit themselves to be Democrats, and who 1 t arc in organizations antagonistic to the Demo- 1 n era tic party. None of these have any right to [t a voice in determining the question whether 1 |] the Democratic party of the State should be 1 represented at Cincinnati. Only those who ( e admit themselves Democrats should pass upon 1 ,r the question, and if there be only a dozen in a _ district, I trust they may determine to have i r themselves represented at Cincinnati. Such i Democrats as are onnosed to scndinc delegates , Ii may refuse to go into (lie primary assemblies, , 0 and they will then not be compromised. If c they cannot go in, we have no cause of ijorrel < e with them; they exercise the right in staying J out, and we do the some in going in.* "We do .s not profess to .-peak for the State?no party if has a right to speak for the State; we speak : u for that portion of the Democracy who think i as wc do, that the party should exercise its n privilege of sending delegates to Cincinnati. j e j I have conceded that the policy pursued has j 1 if j heretofore been against conventions, and yet.on r. j a memorable occasion, a convention that as-! scmblcd at Columbia, in May. Is ! '!. repivserte ing every district in the State?the fullest rep- j ) rescntation of the peoj k in voluntary eonveu-,1 )- tion that lias been had for many years, very 1 1 1- I strongly committed ir.-i i:' ,<u ! the people to tin e | convention system. The delegates in that e?mit volition, and the constituencies they l. pre-i - ty ed. were fully committed withoutrjnalitieation, i a and they committed themselves to nnnfliliatioii ! ir and fraternization with the Democratic party, i is when it had then oiven much fewer nledires bv l- their votes in Congress to the political sciili-1 < i; incuts which we have most zealously cherished.1 >r Since then, the Northern Democratsaided u- to j n bring into the Union Texas, a lhagnilic nt | 1 slaveliolding Territory?large enough to make 10 four slave States, and strengthened us more u in that peculiar interest than was ever before i, done by any single act of the Federal Uovie vrnment. Since then they have amended a ia very imperfect fugitive slave law, passed in ts 1793, aud have given us now a law for the p- recovery of fugitive slaves, as stringent as the i- ingenuity of man could devise. Since then m they have aided us by their votes iu cstablish3, ing the doctriuc of non-intervention with slavcts ry by Congress in the territories. Since then they have reduced the odious tariff of 1842, uud fixed the principle of imposts on the revenue, not the protective basis. Since then they have actually repealed the Missouri restriction, opened the territories to settlement, and enabled us^if the South will be true to herself and aid in peopling Kansas, to form another slave State. In 1843 a man would have been pronounced insane, had he predicted that slavery would be introduced there by the removal of Congressional restrictions. They have by their votes given all these pledges to the Constitution siuce 1843, and if we could then fraternize with them, what change has transpired that justifies the delegates, in that uuiiveilLiuu at luu&t, iu ruiusing uow to iratcrnizc with Northern and Southern Democrats? That convention was called to present formally the name of Mr. Calhoun for the Presidency, ind to provide for having the State represented in the then approaching Democrat Convention. It was presided over by the late Gov. Senbrook, assisted by the Hons. J. Bond I'on, J. B. 0'NTeall, Job Johnston, D. L. Wardlaw, Angus Patterson and W. F. Colcock, as vice PresiicntS; and Jas. Simons and B. C Yaucy as Secretaries. A committee of 21 was appoint?d to report an address to the people of the linked States, and J invite your attention to the listinguished names composing the committee to wit: T. N. Hawkins, F. YV. Pickens, S. W. frotti. Ker lhyee. K F. W. Allston, James W Harrison, II. J Cnughman, J. A. Black, r )i. I .'more. S'aml. Porcher, J. S. Brisbane, 1. Manning, ,K. G.Palmer, J. J. Chappell, John I>ougl;!-s; J M. Folder, B. DeTrevillc, i J. Caldwell, F.dward J Yost, G. IV. Bargan itnd Jno. Met hioen. The address which they lY'ivirforl was unanimous/if thtnnfnl hi/ the. run yii'.n. f make the following brief extract frail it: MVe are also unanimous iu recommending that the General Convention of the party should ho held in Baltimore, iu May, 1*11. and that each State should appoint as many del oca to.s n.s she is entitled to members in the electoral College, A committee of fifteen was appointed to report a /'/'in for the J'cj/rcficnt'ifiwi of the proph; oj' th A State tit //,> (.!< nerot Convention. At the head of that Committee was General Buchanan. of Fairfield, and the following gentlemen as members, Henry Bailey, F. I). Quash A. 'A'. Dozicr, W. W. Ifarlleo, B. K. lieunegan, F. Sumter, i.. J. Patterson, J. A. Belaud, George Douglass, .Joel Smith, A. J. Lawtou. W. DuBosc, N. L. Griflin and T. HPope. Tito report they submitted was likewise unanimously adopted by the Convention, and from which I make the following extracts : /'? ' /; (/ That this convention concurs with the Democratic Republican party in the States of Muryluud Massachusetts Rhode Island, Louisiana, Kentucky, Pennsylvania, Xew Hampshire, Michigan, Alabama and Mississippi in the appointment of a general convention of the Democratic Republican party of the United States to assemble at Baltimore, in the State of Maryland, in May, 1844, and that this convention recommend the 4th Monday in that month as the day of meeting the said general convention. Rrwlvcil} That the vote in said general convention should be per capita, &c. Resolved, That this convention recommend to the people of the several Congressional Districts of this State to elect a delegate from each to represent them respectively in the said general convention, "&c." and that the delegates of this convention be respectively appointed committees to bring the subject of this resolution to the consideration of the people of their respective districts and parishes at such time as will insure an election of delegates to the Geucral Convention on or before the first Monday in April next. "Resolved, That this convention proceed to elect by ballot two delegates to represent the State at large in the General Convention, proposed to be held in May, 1844 " The convention proceeded to a ballot, and actually elected Hons. F. II. Elmore and F. W. Pickens. These gcntlemeu attended the convention in 1844, as lobby members, and did much service in exciting enthusiasm in Mr. Polk's election. Why tbey did not take tV 'p seats docs not appear; certain it is, that the State Convention, r.or any other subsequently called, ever revoked the authority given them to represent the State. An Executive Committee was appointed to carry out the general purposes of the convention, composed of the following gentlemen: J. Bond 1'Ou. Nat. Hcvward. Ker Bovce. ' / ' ?/ / John S. Ashe, Ed. Frost, James Hose, Henry Bailey, F. II. Elmore, Win. Aiken, llenry Gourdin, Wm. DuBose, J. M. Felder, J. L. Manning, W." M. Murray, and M. E. Cam. These proceedings show conclusively that the delegates in the May Convention were in favor of having South Carolina represented at Baltimore. I think I have shown that the Democratic party since then has proven, by its recorded acts, that it is. now more entitled to our sympathy and aliiliatiou than it was in 18 Id ; and 1 inquire, how can those, who were i*.u* lli'- Baltimore Convention thru, consistently oppose h tiding delegates mm* to Cincinnati ' Did they, by their act then, mean to doi la it (hat it was right and proper to go into a convention, when Mr. Calhoun's name was to l>.: brought forward b,r nomination, and wrong ::t all ntiier tunes and under all other circiun-lanccs ' If tin v did, let them say so, and i.-t us understand if their:- is a devotion to i.,en or piinciples. No other con vent ion of lla part since that time has been held, ami e their recorded acts are to form the cvideuce ill their position. tin party must be set dowu :ts Ihvorir.g tin; >ystriu. Mr. ^ dhoun's groat name is appealed to and ivliod I*pi.'i! .is furnishing ; i> inseparable barrier ti? going into a nominating Convention.? Soon al'ler the State Convention to which I have just referred adjourned, Mr. Calhoun was interrogated by a committee in Indiana "if he would abide the result of a nominating convention and support the nominee if he was defeated?" lie replied "that he was not a candidate, that his name had been brought forward by his friends, and they must decide that question j" but he adds, "I have, however, no reason to doubt but they will cheerfully abide by the decision of a convention, fairly constituted that would allow ajnplc time for the full devel- ! opment of public opinion, and would represent i fully, equally and fairly, the voice of the ma- i jority of the party.' Does this indicate that j he was opposed to going into a convention, or < disapproved of that mode of selecting candi- i dates for the Presidency ? ( I have already said that a convention is the i best means of ascertaining the preference fllF t the people. The usage is for each State to ap- t point the delegates in its own way; consequent- < ly some appoint by State conventions of the i party, and others by diotricts. When they i meet in convention, each State decides for it- 1 self whether its vote shall be per capita, or i whether a majority shall control the entire vote ] and cast it a unit. This gives a discretion to 1 the States themselves, as to the appointment ? of delegates and the manner of voting. When ^ the votes ot all the states in convention have been cast, a bare majority docs not make a nomination; that the preference of the party may be unmistakably for the nominee, it requires a vote of two-thirds to effect a nomination. And a delegation dissatisfied, with cither the nominee or platform, may enter their protest or withdraw, and then 110 obligation of usage or morals requires them to support cither. The true course for such Democrats in South Carolina as desire to be represented at Cincinnati, in my judgment, is to call meetings of those favorable to the proposition, at the rcsj peetive Court. Houses, or other public places, j early iu the spring, say the lii-st Monday in I March, and thert appoint delegates to a State I Convention, to assemble at Columbia, on the I first Monday in May, and charge that coiivcni tion with the duty of providing for the representation of the State in Cincinnati. A lull i and free interchange of opinion amcng the | friends of the measure may lead to some more i acceptable suggestion. I have given you my opiuions fraukly on this subject?fearlessly, too, in despite of the fears I of timid friends, and the frowns of malignant | enemies. 1 believe it to be the true policy ; ; for the State to pursue. If conservative na- ' [ tional men at the North are sustaiued, it will ' I increase our strength and influence with the ' I National Democracy; if they are prostrated, 1 and the South is forced to look to herselfalone for safety, it will conciliate the good will aud kind feelings of our Southern sisters,and give us weight and influence in the grave councils that await us. 1 1 am, sir, very respectfully, your friend and obedient servant. JAMES L. ORR. Hon. C. W. Dudley. NEGRO SLAVERY PROTECTED BY HEAVEN. Who can doubt that negro slavery as established in the Southern States is under the direct care and protection of an over-ruling Providence? For the first quarter of the present century, there were few men South of the Potomac even, who did not regard our "peculiar institution" in the light of a necessary evil.? False notions of equality and sickly sentiments of philanthropy were taking possession of minds the most practical and sensible, in every part of our country; and this pressure opinion had nearly resulted in convincing slave-holders themselves that they were the instruments of unchristian oppression. About this time God in His wisdom saw fit to originate the*society of Abolitionists, whose part it should be to wace a most bitter ooDOsition to our Southern system of domestio servitude. The history of this fraternity, both in England and America, has been too often told to require repetition. It is clearly deducible from that history, that the Abolitionists were led on by Heaven, for a purpose not then manifested, to the promul- ' gation of principles the most exaggerated and : . schemes the most senseless. We maintain that i this purpose is now made clear, and was nothing less from the first than the moral compul- ( sion of slave-holders to examine thoroughly the grounds upon which their anathematized institution rested. Did consequences ever more entirely vindicate the means employed? What are these consequences? Briefly as follows: Whereas, African slavery was once looked upon with many colorings of doubt by slave-owners themselves, it has now been proven by the soundest deductions of reason and philosophy 1 to be the best and most righteous condition of 1 servitude ever established among man; and 1 Southern masters have embraced it anew with < their understandings enlightened and their consciences justified. Whereas, twenty-five j years ago, there was not one man in a thous- j and outside of the Southern States who did < not believe slave-holders to be a race of cruel ] task-masters, now there are numbers every- < where who have seen the fallacy of such an ! opinion exposed, and, seeing, have had the i i fairness to admit their error. Whereas, uot ! mauy years since Southerners were looked up- I j on as but the Sodomites of modern days, now ' . discussion is illustrating the truth that they < are the favored agents of Heaven in dispens- I ! ing auiong the nations of earth the most valu- i i ed of the varied productions of human indus- i ! try. Whereas, it was assumed that the career < | of the slave States would speedily be tormina. 1 j rod by the retributive visitations of an incens- i ied Providence, it is now argued, with a pow- j I crful display of reasons and facts, that their ; system is just such as the old Testament scrip < : tares recognised aud the Savior Himself ap* i i proved. Thus, the spirit of Abolitionism has < ' been permitted to institute its hostility and to 1 ; gather power through a series of years, for the ' ev ident purpose of drawing forth lrom the ad- i vocates of African Slavery a triumphant vindi- < cation of the soundness of the "institution," ( socially, politically and religiously. And the i result has been that it is uowimprcgnably sur-1 < rounded by the affections and convictions ;.s j well as the interests of the whole Southern < people. Is there anything short of a Providential agency in this? Again, the fate of St. Domingo has been pointed to repeatedly, as the one which the slave States of the American Union are likely to realize. But there is a very different interpretation that may be given to this terrible chapter of the world's history. The rational and unbiased mind sees in it a demonstration, by the Almighty's own hand, adverse in every i point of view to the prospects of Abolitionism- ! British Emancipationists themselves lecoflefl^.Y in dismay from the - consequences of their demented legislation; while the worhl at large ?azed upon the scene with feelings of undefin-' V 3d, because it was then so difficult to conceive ;he use and bearing of this blackest and most ; lestructive of revolutionary experiments. Bufc?-. t was not for naught. By the light of truth/ hat shocking catastrophe can now sefen m i mighty wreck standing out above the billows^ ? >ftimc, a warning against all such political nadness in the future. This is its use?this ts purpose. It is an argument, written in ilood, against negro emancipation. ?It has si- * eaay toia ana is yet to ten witn irresistxwe. . . power upon the common sense of mankinds?" STor do we conceieve that we are going onie itcp beyond the bounds of rational conjecture, vhen we suggest that this remarkable event i/as designed by Heaven for the protection of he grand slavc-holdiDg, cotfon-growing diviaon of the American confederacy. One of the . ' lest evidences of the correctness of this opin- - , on is to be found in the facts-tha^.England Vv%<A isendo-philanthropists have felt thelessojf and ^.:.^ ire sinking from all further prosecution of thei^^y raunted schemes of universal emancipation; .ft] vhile Abolitionism at the North, although lolding at present .vsort of balance of. power '. n a political aspect, is really below^/w. with *? ,hc hightoncd and, well-informed portion of ^ hat section. Perhaps, nothing, has occurrecL :'rk nore directly conducive to. the pevmency of> Vfricap slavery at the South than the eman- jipation of the blacks of St. Domingo. -. A third argument, in favor of a Providential -. A jare for slavery, grows out of'the improving..*.- <jj jondition of .our negroes. Although their sit'-"* nation with us Was always immensely superior. Ill *>.,nri?f ~. i! -1 tl?'i ? iu ;uau_j icspeuus lu tueir onginiu SKue-CFL-uar-. -u-< barism and cannibalism, yet it is a faot' which demands our fvauk admiasijn,: that their cir-? j 2umstances here have much improved in latter- * %-i years. They art certainly ^better cared for than they were at the outset. They are, pis a general rule, better fed, better clad, better in-. **"1 -trucled. Their privileges too, under proper .^ checks, have been extended. They are'be-' '~A L-oming to be regarded in every part of the South as intelligent and responsible, members of the master's household; and, white gubjection is carefully enforced,, the negroes themselves feel that they are 6afe from itfjury or wrong, and, above all, from neglect and desertion in sickness and old age. There ig more* ovei; a growing disinclination on the pmrtTof slave-owners to separate families of slaves y in* deed it is now seldom done where there is a possibility of avoiding it. Other things might bo ; mentioned, such as the increasing strengeney ^ of the law for the protection of the negro's life against the wanton ill-treatment of the white man, the building of churches for his esperiil accommodation, &c., &c. From many such facts combined, the conclusion follows that the negro's condition nnder onr system of slavery . is a steadily improving one.. And in this, we - ' J tninic tne nana ot JProviUence ir clearly to ne j seen. These things are by Him thus ordered * and decreed for the benefit of both master and servant; and His design is evidently the establishment of Southern institutions on an immutable basis. The last reason we shall allude to, in support of the proposition expressed in our caption, is the advancing value of our negroes and an increasing steadiness in the prices they command. In spite of the frenzied threats of Northern Abolitionists and the somewhat calmer resolves of Northern Freesoilers, negro pro- ~ perty never was worth more than at the pros- ' *, ent time. For several yean past there has been no change in pricewxcept for the better; s and this t# at a period when our money market was never more difficult. The probability" is that they will never fall again. Does not the circumstance evince the moving of & Providential influence upon the destiny of Southern slave-holders ? We only need now that the African slave trade be re-opened, to complete the proof of our "institution's" righteousness and the hopes of its permanency.?Edgefield Advertiser. FROM WASHINGTON.* Washington January 12. The proceedings of Congress to-day have ' been of an unusually interesting character.? ; The resolution introduced on Friday by Mr. Zollicoffcr, of Tennessee, calling upon the candidates foe. the Speakership to define their positions upon the great questions now at issue . . in the country, was passed by the House, and " accordingly they did so to-day. Mr. Campbell of Ohio, moved to suspend die rule restricting members to ten minutes in debate, but subsequently withdrew the motion, at the requeet of Mr. Richardson, who thought that he could define his position within that period. In order that the candidates might define themselves more specifically, Mr. Zollicoffer, of Tennessee, furnished each of them with a series of the interrogatories, to which he wished them to respond. They embraced, substantially, the great questions in regard to the propriety of repealing the Kansas and Nebraska bill; the constitutional right of Congress to legislate jpon the subject of slavery in the territories of :he States; and the constitutionality of the fugitive slave law. They all referred to the jubject of the 'peculiar institution,' and were generally responded to in the most direct and unequivocal manner. Mr. Richardson, the candidate of the Democratic party, declared bis uncompromising hostility to a restoration of the . Missouri ('omnromise: oxnressed. with mreat i T ' r / o force the oj.iuiuu that the people of the territories of the l-uitori States have themselves the constitutional i ijrht to decide whether slavery shall eyi.-t in such territories; and finally de'!") ! his approval of tin lugitive slave law. Mr. i:: > > .1 >L : - tebnsetts, the candidate !>' ti. il , i i party i>? gan bj saying thai, if h? vu> consult exclusively bis own preterenc-in the matter, he would withnraw frooi tho'coo ii< I i- opinion the Constitution gave Congress n r. light, and it was their duty, to prohibit sh?\ciy irotuthe territories of the United States. H e advocated the repeal of the Kansas and Nebraska bill, and thoughtthat the fugitive slave law was a gross violation of the Constitution, as well as the universal law of common humanity. At the conclusion of his remarks; he pronounced a glowing eulogy