The Orangeburg news. (Orangeburg, S.C.) 1867-1875, May 16, 1868, Image 3
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VOLUME. 2.,:
.SATURDAY M?RNlm
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FIRST ??R H?ME8 ; TIIJEN" OUR ST?TE5 FINALLY TjlE NA/TION; THESE COJSrBTTTIJTjg O-p.3^/.j^p^yx^^. ?, y V
15, "1868.
NUMBER 13,
? ORAN??BURG NEWS.
Vlffiht?isi*. AT ?R A N GftiuiRG { S. C:
. ?., SAMUEt* MlBLE, j
JT. (?. J?JBJlLti, Associatc Editor.
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Ii TL
it KSiM-:c:Tru sh kemosstr a xck,
lVhito People of South CltroKiwj
AOAINHT THE CONSTITUTION
LATK COXVJtXTlOX OF THAT STATU*
- SUBMITTED TO CONGRESS
run
RATIFICATION
? ? .. -> - - - -,
'frcKuTiU**'* of. the CidOjJ: 'Xlcttts, t& i<Am
The undersigned respectfully sheweth. that a
Constitution fraught with evil to. the State, and
to a'? classes of the people thereof, is about to be
submitted to your honorable body for ratification.
Roforc your honorable body shall set upon that
instrument tlie seal of your approval, ond thus
consummate upon a pn ud und faithful people
4i great und irreparable wrong, wo rcspectful y
ask a hearing at your hands, whilst with a due
sense of our responsibility to God und truth,
wo submit lor your consideration the grave ob
jections that may be urged against the pro
posed fundamental law f r this Stute. And
first, permit us to lay before your honorable
body the following analysis of the said Consti
tution, nrppnv.jd by the Hen. IS. F. For.), of
this State?a pure man, and an able lawyer,
and a life-long, bold and outspoken Unionist.
As a man who opposed nullification and secession
you will, perhaps, not regard him as one whose
Views on the Constitution ure apt to be regard
ed by that disunion spirit, which many mem
bers of your honorable body might seem suffi
cient to prejudice any paper emanating from
South Carolina. Mr. Perry thus states the
most prominent objections to bo urged against
the Constitution of the Reconstruction Con
vention of this State:
"AnncLE 1.?Section 19?Of tho Decla
ration of Rights, gives Justices of Pcuce juris
diction of nil offences, less than felony, and in
which the punishment does not exceed n fine
of $100, or imprisonment for thirty days. This
is a gross invasion of that boast and bulwark
of . Anglo-Saxon liberty, tho trial by jury.
Any one may bo arrested and 'tried summa
rily,' before a Justice of the Peace, or other
officer, authorized bylaw, on information under
oath, without' indictment or intervention of u
Grand Jury." Can anything bu moro despotic
or alarming, than the power of an ignorant,
vicious negro Justice to line und imprison any
and4 every man in the State?
"Skc. 24?Enables tho Legislature to au
thorize and empower any one, a police or mili
tary officer, to suspend the laws of the State,
or the execution of the laws! The Constitu
tion of the United States limits the i-uspcnsiou
of the writ of .habeas corpus by Congress, even
to cases of rebellion or invasion. But here the
whole laws of the State, in time of peace, inny
bo suspended, by some worthless minion, au
thorized by tho Legislature.
"Skc, 25~- Authorixoa thoGouorul Assembly
to subject any ono to martial law, or to the
pains nnd penalties of martial law, whenever
they think proper. This infamous power is
given,tho Legislature under tho guiso, too, of
protecting personal rights. It seems to havo
been suggested by tho minority of tho Su
promo Court's disseuting opinion in Milligun's
p?so, They held that Congress could'authorize
tho trial'of, a citizen by a military court. The
fram?rfkof this Constitution did not intend* to
leave tho legislative power doubtful iu this par
j tieulnr.
"Sec. 28?Clearly and distinctly empowers
and authorizes the. Legislature,to keep up and
maintain a standing army in time of peace !
This, alarming power is given too, most ?droit-?
ly, under the pretence, that armies being dan
gerous to liberty, ought not to bo maintained
in time of peace 'without tho consent of the
General Assembly !' The purpose of this sec
tion is to enable the ..Legislature to keep up a
regular forco of fivepr ten thousand negro sol
diers, to suppress and keep In subjection tho
white nice, after the United States .forces aro'
removed from South Carolina I Tho Constitu
tion of tho United States especially prohibits
any StntOjkoeping troops . or ships of war in
time of peace. But this Constitution declares
it may be done with the consent of the Legis
lature !
"Sec. 2.of AttT. 4.?Provides that the
Judges of the Supreme Court shall be elected
for six years, and section 13 of the same ar
ticle ordains that Circuit Judges shall hold
their office for 'a term of four years.' This
destroys tho independence of tho Judiciary,
and makes them political partisads, with all the
temptations and corrupt ions of politicians. In
ordertosecure their re-election,thoy must become
subsorvient to tho Legislature, by whom they
arc to be re-elected. Thoy will not dare to
decide an Act oi tho Legislature unconstitu
tional, nor will thoy venture to oppose their
-judicial opinions to any popular current which
may b sweeping over tho State. Whilst the
Judges of England were in commission during
the pleasure of the down, they were always a
tyrant's menials. Heretofore tho Judiciary of
this State, olected for l:fo, have always been
above reproach, and th?jr ermine has never
bconjs?Hicd with a stain of suspicion. Hence
forth the Judiciary of South Carolina will be
^^cogfitofcaiid subservient.
"Sko., 22?Gives Justices of the Peace ju
risdiction in cases of bastardy und all contracts
and torts as hig\ as 81UO. This will open the
flood ^ates of litigation, and keep tho people
iu constant excitement and commotion. Petti
foggers will s nfUur un. idj over the Stefu todis
I Igeortotcc and prejudice. w'.'.V Wsftrong in judg
ment on tho rights and liberties of the peo
ple.
"Sue. 2G?Denies the Judges the right of
chargin; juries in respect to matters of facts !
In most cases tried iu oar Courts it is absolute
ly necessary for the Judge to analyze the facts
iu order for the juries to properly understand
them, and give a correct verdict. '1 bis will be
more imperative hereafter, when our former
slaves shall be sitting on these juries. In a
complicated civil case. befo. c a stupid ignorant
jury, under this restriction, the trial by jury
will be a mookcry of justice.
'?Sec. 33?Takes from the Legislature all
discretion us to the adoption of the proposed
amendment of the Federal Constitution, dis
franchising . the people of South Carolina.
This amendment repudiated by Ohio, Califor
nia, New Jersey and even Massachusetts was
submitted by Congress to the several Stute
Legislatures fur their adoption or rejection, us
to them should seem proper. They were to
judge of >*? merits and decide for themselves.
Bui this section swoars them before-hand to
adopt it, whether wiso or unwise, just or un
just 1
"Sec. 24?Dcolares null and void all con
tracts for tho purchase of slaves, in violation of
the Constitution of tho United States, which
declares that no Stato shall pass any law im
pairing the obligation of contracts. This sec
tion was intended as a fraud and deception, a
bribe to induce the people, owing such debts,
to vote for tho Constitution; It is a nullity,
aud will be so declared by the Federal Courts.
Hut this will be after tho cheat has had its
effects and accomplished its purpose.
?'Sec. 2 of Aut. 8?Enfranchises every
malo negro over tho ago of twonty-ouo whether
a convict, folon or pauper, aud disfranchises
overy white man whr had held office iu South
Carolina. Intelligence, virtue and patriotism
arc to give placo, in all elections, to ignorance,
stupidity aud vice. The superior race is to be
made subservient to the inferior. Jaxation
and representation arc no longer to be united.
They who own no property are to levy taxes,
aud mnko all appropriations. The property
holders have to pay their taxes, without having
any voice in levying them ! The consequences
will be, iu eft'ect, confiscation. The appropria
tions to support free schools for the education
of negro children, for the support of old ne
groes iu tho poor houses, and the vicious in
jails und penitentiary, together with a standing
army of negro soldieir, will bo crushing and
utterly ruinous to tho State. Every man's
property will have to be sold to pay his taxes.
"Sec. 8?Expressly prohibits tho Legisla
ture passing any law depriving a convict guil
ty of larceny of the right of suffrage. It was
opprohended that in a few years a largo pro
portion of the negro voters might bo convicted
of larceny, and the Radical party thereby
shorn of their strength iu till elections. But'
is it'not most shameful, thu^ in. forming a Con
stitution, cure, should bo taken to prevent
rogues front being disfranchised, whilst the
same caution is exercised to cxcludo the most
intelligent, virtuous and patriotic from the
right of suffrage 1 It would-seom thut the pur
pose of tho fraraors of this. Constitution wtts to,
found n comm unity of rogues and* jmupors in
South. Carolina I And so astute: hare thoy
boon in carrying out their purposo, that they
provide in section 12, that all who hnvc al
ready been convicted of felony shall bo allowed
to voto.
"Sec. 2, Art. O-r-Prohibits the Legislatur
fVom levying n poll toK.of more than ono dollar
on each person, and declares that this tax shall
bo applied exclusively to the publio school
fund 1 And no additional poll tax shall
bo levied by any municipal corporation. In
other words, tho property must pay all tho
taxes of the Government, and person:; shall pay
nothing for their protection of life and liberty.
The idea is that vagrants and rogues are to bo
a sort of Hwon-'ssc,'exempt from taxation, us was
the case of the aristocracy in France previous
to the French Kovolution. In order to secure
tho school fund, section 15 authorizes, tho Leg
islature to punish those who may embezzle it,
by declaring them disqualified for holding any
office of honor or emolument, in this State.
But, then true to their purpose of vesting all;
political power in the hands of such persons,
it provides in the same section, that tho Gene
ral Assembly, 'by a two-thirds Vote, may re
move the disability ur>en payment in full of the
principal and interest of the sum embezzled.
If a man has stolen money from the public lie
may still hold office under the Government, if
he will 'give up like u gou^oiwau,' the money,
stolen ! . I
I
"Sec. 10?Provider that ho debt contracted |
by this State in behalf of tho lato rebellion, in J
whole or in part, shall ever be paid. Why
should tho non-property.bidding negroes, Yan
kees and Southern renegades in the Conven
tion prohibit the property holder from paying"
these, debts, if they two proper, to do uo, and
preserve uutuTnushctL the honor of their fitate. !
This^aoJbt>u?.jcii^Ved with Km?^4
why s'hoplu it not'be paid? The property
holders, who assembled in Convention in 1805,
and who would have to pay this debt, never
thought of repudiating it.
"Sec. 3 of Akt. 10?Kstaablishcs uniform
system of free public schools throughout the
State, and provides for tho division of the
State into school districts. This will do very
well in New England, where thoy have a dense
population, but is wholly unsuited to the sparse
population of South Carolina. Ill many of
the sChool districts, lour miles square, there
will not L-3 a child to lie educated. In a ma
jority of them "there will not be children
enough to make a respectable school. The ex
pense of such u system will be at least $1,000,
000. It contemplates and forces the education
of the white and black children in the same
school. This, no oue, who has any regard for
the morals, manners and future respectability
of bis children, will tolerate. They who are
ublo may employ private tutors for their sous
and daughters ; but the poor children will have
no alternative but to go to these schools, or be
uneducated.
"Sec. -1?Makes it compulsory for ?11 chil
dren between the agon uf six and sixteen to
attend school for two years. The compulsory
system may suit the genius uf a despotic Gov
ernment like Prussia, hut is at war with the
spirit of uur free institutions. There are many
parents who arc not able to spare the services
of their children at home, and many others
who die not in a condition to furnish their
children with suitable clothes and books for
their attendance at these schools. At least a
parent should be permitted in a free Republi
can country, to govern bis own household, and
determine for himself what is best for him to
do. In order to support these schools, a poll
tax of ono dollar per head is to be levied,
which might raise $100,000. This would
leave ?1)00,000 to be piiid by taxation of pro
perty.
Sec. 8?Provides for the establishment of
State reform schools for juvenile offenders.
This is a new system tobe introduced in South
Carolina, and of very doubtful policy. It will
certainly add hundreds of thousands of dollars
to our taxation. All the public schools, col
leges and universities in tho State are, by sec
tion 10, to be free and open to all the children,
without regard to race or color. There seems
to be a studied desire throughout all the pro
visions of this most infamous Constitution, tu
degrade the while race and elevate the black
raco, to force upon us social as well as political
equality, and bring about an amalgamation of
races.
Sec. 5 of Aht. 11?forces each County to
provide for the support of the aged, infirm and
unfortunate. It docs not require children to
support their aged, infirm or unfortunate pa
routs, nor parents to provide for their child
dien ; but this heavy ami most enormous bur
tHi is to be thrown on the public indprovided
fiaby taxation.
1 il'ITcrctoforo South Carolina lias pursued a
w4e policy in refusing all divorces. The rnar
rifce cor.tr? ct in not like that of any other,
wljicty' the parties may rescind at pleasure,
wihout iujury to Booiety. Thero is a third
pyty?innocctit and helpless children?who
u|> deeply interested In all divorces. More
over, it tonds to demoralize every community
v.jcro it is allowed or tolerated. Rut section
4jfcivu3 the courts power to grant divorces.
Tois. section was intended, porliaps, for the
e.fjomal benefit of the negroes. It ought also
to have legalized polygamy, which has like
wise great favor with this class of people.
j;;Thc settlement of a wife's property, pro
vided for in section 8, might have been left to
tfe discretion and wisdom of the Legislature.
]t;is an experiment, and if found mischievous
01) Unwise, the Legislature ought to have the
piWCJ of changing or altering the law. liut
tlTs ordinary act of legislation has been incor
-.p^atod in the Constitution ns a fundamental" j
-jirw not to be repealed.
?^Attached to this Constitution arc several
oiliuapces, and amongst them one which re
pudiates all pledges of faith and credit, on the
j*drt of the State, to an)' corporation or private
itjftividual, made sinco 18(iU. The honor and
ylit of South Carolina, her good faith and
mjst solemn pledges, are thus treated as of no
iSidcration whatever, liut this ordinance is
0$a par with that dishonor, despotism and uu
ipulous extravagance, which pervade the
lolc Constitution, and are worthy of the in
ious sourer whence the instrument has its
Tho ordinance to create a Hoard of Land
Inmissionors, authorizes the purchase of
Is for the purpose of selling them out in
dl tracts to purchasers on credit. This wild
ujv ruinous scheme is, likewise, for the nc
gl?es, and is likely to boncfit no one, except
t^| l;:nd commissioners and their friends.
Tjlyy may bo sold, but tho purchasers will
the loss will ulti
id any ono ever
State, and all the people in it,\aro reduced to
bankruptcy and poverty?"
Thus has it been shown, in tho above analy
sis, ow injuriously this Constitution must
a fleet the interests of the white man, and how
inconsistent it must prove with the peace and
prosperity of the State, liut, in addition to
this, the Committee believe that it can be
shown that the said Constitution is uot the less
injurious to the very class?to wit: the black
people?whom it seemed most especially to
to have been designed to benefit. On this
point, the Committee ask leave to iuvitc atten
tion to tho comments of the Hon. A. Hurt, one
of the ablest lawyeis of the State, and a man
of the highest character, and of well know!!
political conservatism. The following is 1
language on the subject of the jirovisious of
the new Constitution, which confer the power
of taxation :
'?An analysis of the provisions of the new
Constitution, which confer the power of taxa
tion, I have notn doubt, will assure any candid
mind that no people on this emit incut can en
dure tho burdens which it imposes. The prin
ciple which pervndes that entire instrument is
that all taxation, except for a singlo purpose,
shall be imposed upon real estate und upon the
income from the sale of merchandize. In es
timating the inequality of taxation, we cannot
omit the fact of tho great divesity between the
two races which inhabit the State. At this
moment the taxable property is held by one
race, and under that Constitution the political
j power is vested exclusively in the other. Not
only are the ordinary appropriations for the
civil service of the State imposed upon the
property held by the smaller number, but the
other race, as a race, is at the present moment
entirely exempt for the support of public
schools. A very huge number of tho race
which own the taxable property are disfran
chised?cannot Vote, and cannot even
hold the humblest office created by that
Constitution ; while tdl others without refe
rence t<i property, to educational qualifica
tion, to past citizenship, or any other qualifica
tion, are allowed to vote. Need I say that this
is a condition of things which the world never
before witnessed. Your ancestors proclaimed
a sentiment whicb has thrilled throughout
every American heart, reached to distant coun
tries, and been incorporated into their Consti
tution und laws. It is this, that taxation with
out representation is tyranny. Now, not only
is a large class of property holders in South
Carolina disqualified to vote or hold office, but
those who may vote or hold office are not re
quired to have any property qualification or to
know a letter of the alphabet, as many of them
will not know. 1 say that a more arrant and
infamous spoliation of a class was never de
signed by any country on the face of the earth.
".Now, what must be tho consequences?
Property under forms of law, in the guise of
taxtiou. will be transferred from the hands of
those who now possess it to others. It is
inevitable. The holders of taxable property
in South Carolina cannot to-day, and will not
hereafter, ho ablo to pay the taxes imposed
upon them.
"Many of you are ablo to form sorao I
reasonable conjeoturo as to tho number
of paupers who wlH p^crt their claims upon
the charity and sympathy of tho State. You
have already had some oxporience with re
ference to ouo race, and 1 am persuaded you
will not have the slightest difficulty in making
you calculations. Not even a negro father,
son or husband, is required to contribute a
dollar towards the support of the paupers of |
his raco.
lie next addresses himself more especially
to the colored man, and remarks:
"If thero be any colored man who intends
to be industrious, frugul and moral?to elevate
himself and family?to that man I desire to say
otic word; Let him acquire real estate and
loam to read and write, so that he may bo
placed in .the category of the white man who
owns taxable property, and if I trm not totally
mistaken in the opinion I have derived from
successful and critical examination of the new
Constitution, he will be unable to retain his
property three years. It will bo taken from
him by those of his own race who arc idle,
thriftless, and do not mean to work. Hence
it is that 1 call upon all respectable colored
men, who entertain hopes of future prosperity,
to denounce that Constitution and join his
natural, ancient and true friends in opposing
its ratification."
Next, after exposing the deceptive features
in the Constitution proposed on the subject of
the homestead claim, and the annulling of all
debt* of which slavery were the consideration,
and after some comments upon the dangerous
organization of the judicial power of the State,
he concludes thus :. irt?ft?
'In my judgment, a.Constitution with such
enormities in it will prove fatal to hoth-rMes^
and more fatal to tho black than to the white.
The colored man who Jhas acquired property
has really more interest in preventing.-that
Constitution frjoui becoming the fundamental.]
W of ?i.-rttM?>"--- - ??? * :iU
rV of th^mv mm[ Who Jcludcd by those
who would make him believe that it is his
interest to oppose the people who have reared
and nurtured him through lifo. So ?..mibroas
and complicated is the machinery of that
Constitution, consisting, as it doos of tho most
minute details, and so burdensome will be tho
government winch it inaugurates, that you will
be crushed by it. Y'ou cannot bear it. As well
might the heavy harness of the mailed warrior
be put upon the limes of tin infant as for these
burdens to be imposed upon the impoverished
peoplu uf South Caroliua. None but a people
rich and highly educated can live under that
Constitution. Try it if you will, hut I tell
you, gentlemen, that antagonism will be ex
cited between the two races, and conflict may
be the result. Under it peace and harmony
are utterly impossible in South Caroliua."
We have thus suggested to your honorable
body some of the prominent objections to your
adoption of this Constitution. Wo waive ull
argument upon the .object of its validity. It
is a Coustitutiuu Je facto, and that is the
ground upon which we approach your honora
ble body iu the spirit of earnest remonstrance.
That Constitution wus tho work of Northern
adventurers, Southern renegrades and ignorant
negroes. Not one per centum, of tho white
population of the State approves it, and not
two per centum, of tho nogrocs who voted for
its adoption know any more than a dog, horse
or cat, what bis act of voting implied. That
Constitution enfranchises every male negro
over the age of twenty-one, and disfranchises
many of the purest and best'white men of tho
State. The negroes being in a large numeri
cal majority, as compared with tho whites, tho
effect is that the new Constitution establishes
in this State negro supremacy, with all its
train of countless evils. A superior race?a
portion, Senators and Representatives, of the
same proud race to which it is your pride to
belong?is put under the rule of an inferior
race?the abject slaves of yesterday, the flush
ed freed men of to-day. And think you that
there can be tiny just, lasting reconstruction
on this basis? The Committee respectfully
reply, iu behulf of their whito fellow-citizens,
that this cannot be. We do not mean to
threaten resistance by arms. But the white
people of our State will never quietly submit
to negro rule. We may have to pass under
the yoke you have authorized, but by moral
agencies, by political organization, by every
peaceful means left us, we will keep up this
contest until we havo regained the heritage of
political control handed down to us by an
honored ancestry. This is n duty we owe
to the land that is uurs, to tho graves
that it contains, und to the race of which
you and wo nro alike members?the proud
Caucasian race, whose sovereignty on earth
tiud has ordained, and they themselves have
illustrated on the most biilliant pages of the
world's history.
Nor, Senators and Reprefichtjitlvcs, docs tho
State of South Carolina intent, ?'*at yoUr* hands,
the political treatment'that ^as'bccn tneiedoiii
to hot without stint.
It is true, Sdutti Carolina took' th? field
promptly, in the late war between: the Stated
Her pooplo embarked their all in tho sirngglo,
because tho sovereignly of the State demand
ed this of them. But when 'tho, war ended,
and tho arbitrament to whioh they rcsortod
i i ? . ,?'?01
was adverse to their cause, no ?oopl? ;oVcr
yielded more gracefully to the docreo of Provi
de nee. Quietly they laid down their aruia,
and, in peace, they became- law-abiding, as, ,in
war, they had been faithful to their flag. They
accepted the legitimate results of tho war.
They wcro ready to abandon the claim o ftho
rmht of their State peaceably to, sfceedo 'from
,? _, . I . At i\Uihr-fcn4 Tnin
tho Union, nnd they assented, in Convention
assembled, to tho emancipation of their slaves.
And now, were the State admitted1" into tfej
Union, on u just and reasonable basis!* wcfi'ies
itato not to declare that again would our pco
,-.?'. <? , ? \e-3i -.'fT"? ?, it?iv?xTnr,
pic greet the starry banner, ot the Union, and
unite with their fellow-citizens of tho. whom
, : o.- t- t?i?:i:uorr
country in the effort to promote tho .glory,
wealth and prosperity of our common land. v.
In our relations, as proposed by us, with the
black people of this State, we are not disposed
to exact anything that just mcu may deny or
Heaven disapprove.
When South Carolina assented to the Act
of Federal emancipation, wc hold that the
freed people became members of the body
politic, and, as such, entitled to oil tlje civil
rights that are enjoyed alike by all classes of
the people. They becauio entitled to ''life
liberty ami the pursuit of hap incss"?to nil
that the Declaration of American Indcpep
dehec and the English Mmjna (ihurtu ebum
for man as his aljcnuble .yiglivS. But as
it regards suffrage, wo, hold that this not a
political right nor a civil one for man, cither *
white or black, but it is a trust, a delicate
trust; to 1)0 confercd by the State upon tho
people thereof, acceding to eousiderations ojf^
expediency, and agreeably to the sound .nolfti
cal doctrine of t he greatest': good to 'the g^^k^...
^u^^fit^^W iVl?]C7^1diev^P
nine-tenths of our peOplr arc willing to con
cede it to them, duly , qualified. Wc cannot
admit universal suffrage, bccau.se the great
body of the colored people uro utterly unfitted
to exorcise it with intelligence and discretion ;
and because it would make the negro domi
nant, and thus bring about a fatal antagonism
between the races. Wo cannot deny it al
together to the black man, because that would
bo neither right nor politic. Hence the policy
of the mean between the two extremes, which
lias met with general favor in this Stato. Thq
Conservative party of 8ou*4"^ Carolina, now
stands and gathers streunen, day after day,
upon this proposition. ^The Convention of
the party lately passed tho following resolu
tion :
"tfcvthvt?, That under the action of tho
State of South Caroliua, heretofore taken, we
rceaguisc the colored population of the State
as an integral clement of the body politic;
and, us such, in person and property, entitled
to a full nnd equal protection under the State
Constitution and laws. And that as citizen's
of South Carolina, we declare ?ur ?illingiicns,
when wo have the power, to grant them, un
der proper qualification as to property and In
telligence, the right of suffrugo.";
In behalf at least of the Democratic party
of South Carolina, v,hich embraces nearly
cvory white inhabitant, oud many of tho color
ed people, the Committee declare that this
policy represents the political sentiment of tho
Suite. We offer this in good faith, as the
basis of a true, a genuine and lasting recon
struction. This, we earnestly believe, is tho
peaceful solution of the great question of yrhite
man and black man in tho South. This solu
tion we offer fo the Conservatism of tho coun
try, an one alike advantageous to both races.
Let this bp accepted : let the vexed question
of the black man bo removed from the high
court of the land, uud let all of our people
North, South, East and West bo permitted
to address themselves to the great work of
individual improvement and national aggran
dizement?then again may wo expect a return
of the better days cf tho Republic, and a res
toration of the Uuion in fact as well as in.
name.
WADE HAMPTON.
JO?N P. THOMAS,
JOSEPH DANIEL POPE,
V. W. McM ASTER,
SAMUEL McC.OWAN,
W. M. SHANNON.
State Central Executive Commit tee.
The North Carolina Conservative papers lay
the blame of the defeat of thoir party and tho
ratification of tho constitution upon tho
western counties of tho Stato, whore thoro are
comparatively few negroes. It is most unfor
tunate that there should be such diverse inter
?--s and feelings auong tho people of the
same State.