Historical Newspapers of South Carolina

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\m\ni? i? inMtwiiiLUilililnTrr im i- .>...: -; .'?,!! OR 17 . f> ' , J f ? V 1 ") '?> K 1 J1 - pIUST ?TTRVHOMfeS; *II^N OUR STATE; FINAttY NATION; THESK gQNgTlTUTE OTJg,^^^^W^taqran TfTtT :^T7^H-i?T-V ? ;*i ?;-,???(" VOLUME 2. SATURDAY MORNIf O, MAY 16*. 1868. -i??:-~-?:?yr^^-^rt^/i^fr-r^r?i?rn?? NUMBER 13. TBE O?AN?fiBURG NEWS. ~-:o: Every S?tuiHl?y Morning. r~-'o;? #AM(/EL DIBBLE, Editor. Y. G. DIBBLE, Atiociate Xditqr. ttiJiSLES 'n. jt?ibhj Mtbliuher. TERMS OF SUBSCRIPTION. One Copy for one ypor.......... $2.00 ?? ?? ?? Six Months. 1.00 ?? ?? "?Th,r*o ??. 60 li?njf' one.sond'n^TEN D?LL?US, for a Club of New Subscribers, will receive an EXT? A COPY for ONE YEAH, free of chnrgo. Anyone vending FIVE DOLLARS, f?r a Club of New Subscribers, will receive an EXTRA COPY for filX. MONTHS, freo ?f chnrgc. -^:o:? BATES OF ADVERTISING. 1 Square 1st Insertion. $1.60 ?? 2d ??. 75 A Squnro consists of JO lines Brovier or one Inch of Advertising space. Administrator'? Notices, if accompanied with, the cash,..>,?.............$2 75 .If not accompanied with the casdn..........$5 00 Contract Advertisements inserted upon tho moat liberal 'terms. ?:o:? ^r >MAI${VMGE nnd FU1.ERAL. NOTICES, trot ex ceeding one Square, inserted'without chnrgo. &3r Terms Cash in Advance "tBa fob 23 o ly BESPKt T HE EMOXfilR-lXCi: os ar.ii^ White Pcoiilo of South AUAINST ,1UE CONSTITUTION ' OF TIIB j.ATi; COXVh'XTIOX OF THAT STA NOW .SUBMITTED TO CONGRESS ?lh ' ron EATIFICATIOX. ?'<?.'"'*???'?: dt- Kj:.t>uls:-<wd.lIo>i<". o/./l?. ?? t tcnlolit r* of 0i& Cuited ^HHHP^I ,...^.tVh>;,li _ ^ _ The undersigned respectfully sheweth, that a 'Constitution fraught with evil to the State, and to all classes of the people thereof, is about to be submitted to your honorable body for ratification. Before your honorable body shall sot upon that instrument the seal of your approval, and thus consummate upon a pr<-ud und faithful people a great und irreparable wrong, we respectful y ask a bearing at your hands, whilst with a due sense of our responsibility to God and truth, wo submit for your consideration the grave ob jections that may be urged against the pro posed fundamental law f- r this State. And first, permit us to lay before your honorable body the following analysis, of tho said Consti tution, pfepu^ by the Hon. R. F. Perry, of this State?a pure man, and an able lawyer, and a life-long, bold and outspoken Unionist. Asa man who opposed nullification and secession you will, perhaps, not regard him as one whoso Vlev*s ?n tho Constitutum are upt to be regard ed by that disunion spirit, which many mem bers of your honorable body might seem suffi oient to prejudice any paper emunating from South Carolina. Mr- Perry thus states the most prominent objections to bo urged against the Constitution of the Reconstruction Con vention of this State: "AttTicLE 1.?Section 19?Of tho Decla ration of Rights, gives Justices of Peace juris diction of all offences, less than felony, and in which the punishment does not exceed a fine of $100, or imprisonment for thirty days. This is a gross invasion of that boast and bulwark of. Anglo-Saxon liberty, the trial by jury. Any one may bo arrested und 'tried summa rily,' before a Justice of the Peace, or other officer, authorized bylaw, on information under oath, without* indictment or intervention of a Grand Jury." Can anything be more despotic hi alarming, than the power of an ignorant, vicious negro Justice to (ine und imprison any and* every mau in the State? "Sec. 24?Enables the Legislature to au thorize and empower any one, a police or mili tary officer, to suspend the laws of the State, or the Execution of the laws ! The Constitu tion of tho United States limits the i-UHpcusion of the writ of Jinbrn* corpus by Congress, even tocascs.of rebellion or invasion. Rut bore the whole laws of the State, in time of peace, may be suspended, by some worthless minion, au thorized hpi\\o Legislature. "Skc, ?&?*?>? Authumoii the Oonoral Assembly to iubjeet any ono to martial luw, or to the pains and penalties of martial law, whenever they think proper. This infamous power is giyeu tho Legislature under tho guise, too, of protecting personal rights. It seems to have been suggested by the minority of tho Su preme Court's dissenting opinion in Milligan's ease, They held that Congress could'authorize UjQ^iu^of,, a. citizen .by a* uplitury: court; The frawer?of this Constitution did not intend* to leave tho legislative power doubtful in this par ticular.. "Sec. 28?Clearly nhd distinctly empowers and authorizes the Legislature to keep up and maintain a standing army in time of peace t This, alarming power is given too, most adroit ly, under the pretence, that armies being dan gerous to liberty, ought not to bo maintained in time of peace 'without tho - consent of the General Assembly 1' The purpose of this sec tion is to enable the Legislature to keep up n regular forco of five.or ton thousand negro sol diers, to suppress and keep in subjection tho white race, after tho United States .forces aro* removed from South Carolina 1 Tho Constitu tion of tho United States especially prohibits any State keening troops , or ships of war in time of peace. But this Constitution declares it may be done with the consent of tho Legis lature ! "Sec. 2.of Art. -L?Provides that the Judges of tho Supreme Court shall be elected for six years, and section 13 of the same or ticlc ordains that Circuit Judges shall hold thoir offico for 'a term of four years.' This destroys tho independence of the Judiciary, and makes them political partisads, with all the temptations and corruptions of politicians. In ordcrtosccuro their re-election,thoy must become siibsorvient to tho Legislature, by whom they are to be re-elected. They will not dare to decide an Act ol tho Legislature unconstitu tional, nor will thoy venture, to oppose their judicial opinions to nny popular current which may b sweeping over tho State. "Whilst the Judges of England were in commission during the pleasure of the Ciown, they were always a tyrant's menials. Heretofore the Judiciary of this State, elected for Pfo, have always been above reproach, and thuir ermine has never beeujoillied with a stain of suspicion. Hence forth the Judiciury of South Carolina will be corrupfc.aud subservient. _,"Sk<i. 22?Gives Justices of the Peace ju risdiction in cases of bastardy and all contracts and torts as higa as 8100. This will open the flood gates of litigation, and keep tho people in constant excitement and .commotion. Petti foggers will pprimi un.u.U over ihcjjt;-^. to dhj-] vtViiv* fc?V^y?fco^ru>-ijv?uu??i-??b.^nu{ IprOiWifcc ajul ijrojmliee w\V, VniTnrong in judg mout on the rights und liberties of the peo ple. "Sec 20?Denies the Judges the right of charging juries in respect to matters of facts ! In most cases tried in our Courts it is absolute ly necessary for the Judge to analyze the facts in order for the juries to properly understand them, and give a correct verdict. This will be more imperative hereafter, when our former slaves shall bo sitting on these juries. In a complicated civil case, before a stupid ignoraut jury, under this restriction, the trial by jury will be a mookery of justice. '?Sec. 3??Takes from the Legislature all discretion us to the adoption of the proposed amendment of the Federal Constitution, dis- j franchising . the people of South Carolina.! This amendment repudiated by Ohio, Califor-; niu, New Jersey and even Massachusetts was j submitted by Congress to the several State Legislatures Jor their udoption or rejection, as to them should seem proper. They were to judge of its merits and decide for themselves. Bui this section swears them before-hand to adopt it, whether wiso or unwise, just or un just I ?'Sec. 2-1?Declares null and void all con tracts for tho purchase of slaves, in violation of j the Constitution of tho United States, which j declares that no State shall pass any law im- j pairing the obligation of contracts. This sec tion was intended as a fraud and deception, a bribe to induce the people, owing suoh debts, to vote for tho Constitution. It is a nullity, and will be so declared by tho Federal Courts. I3ut this will be after the cheat has had its effects and accomplished its purpose. ?'Sec. 2 of Art. 8?Enfranchises every male negro over tho ago of twunty-ouu whether a convict, folon or pauper, and disfranchises overy white man who had held office in South Carolina. Intelligence, virtue and patriotism arc to give placo. in nil elections, to ignorance, stupidity and vice. The superior race is to be made tubservieut to the inferior. J uxution and representation are no longer to be united. They who own no property are to levy tuxes, and make nil appropriations. The property holders have to pay their taxes, without having any voieo in levying them ! Tho consequences will be, in effect, confiscation. The appropria tions to support free schools for the education of negro children, for the support of <.ld ne groes in tho poor houses, and the vicious in jails and penitentiary, together with a standing army of negro soldiers, will bo crushing and utterly ruinous to the State. Every man's property will havo to be sold to pay bis taxes. "Sec. 8?Expressly prohibits tho Legisla ture passing any law depriving a convict guil ty of larceny of tho right of suffrage. It was apprehended that in u few years a largo pro portion of the negro voters might bo convicted of larceny, and tho Radical party thereby shorn of their strength in all election!?. But is it'not most shnmoful, that in;forming a Con stitution, erne, should bo taken to prevent rogues from being: disfranchised, whilst tho sumo caution is exercised to exclude the most' intelligent, virtuous atid patriotic from the right of suffrage I It would seem that tho pur pose of the frumcrs of this, Constitution was to, found n community of rcgnes nttd^.fnuporn in South Cnroiltm I Aud So astute havo thoy been in carrying out their purpose, that the) provido in section 12, that all who have al ready been convicted of felony shall be allowed to voto. "Sko. 2, Art. iW-Prohibits the Legislatur. from levying a poll tax of more than one dollar on each person, und declares that this tax ?hall bo applied exclusively to the publio school fund! And no additional poll tax shall bo levied by any municipal corporation. Iu othor words, tho property must pay all tho taxes of the Government, aud porsous shall pay nothing for their protection of life and liberty. Tbc idea is that vagrants and rogues are to bo a sort of noblesse, exempt from taxation, as was the case of tho aristocracy in France previous to tho French Revolution. In order to Secure the school fund, section 15 authorizes, the leg islature to punish those who may embezzle it, by declaring them disqualified for holding any office of honor or emolument, iu this State. But, then true to their purpose of vesting all' political power iu the hands of .such persons,' it provides in the same section, that the Gene ral Assembly, 'by a two-thirds voto, mny re move the disability upon payment iu full of the principal and interest of tho suyr embezzled.* If u man has stolen money from the public he may still bold office under tho-Governnicnt, if he will 'give up like a geiiUouuiu:' the money stolen ! "Sec. 10?Provides that/no debt contracted j by this State in behalf of tho late rebellion, in J whole or in part, shall ever be paid. \\\\y should the non-property holding iicgiocs, Yan kees and Southern renegades in the Conven tion prohibit tiie property holder from .paying" these, debts, if they seo ,proper to .do ro.-and ; preserve unta^ptehe of 't^e^^t^e^ why shell Id it uot'be paid? The property holders, who assembled in Convention iu 1805, and who would havo to pay this debt, never thought of repudiating it. "Sec. 3 of Art. 10?Estaablishcs uniform system of free public schools throughout the State, and provides for the division of the State into school districts. This will do very well in New England, where thoy have a dense population, but is wholly uusuited to the sparse i population of South Carolina. In many of the scliool districts, four miles square, there will not be a child to be educated. Iu a ma jority of them 'there will uot be children enough to nmkc n respectable school. The ex pense of such a system will be at least $1,000, woo. It contemplates and forces the education of the white and black children iu the same school. This, no ouc, who has any regard for the morals, manners and future respectability of his child. will tolerate. They who arc uble mny eiuy y private tutors for their sous and daughters*; but the poor children will have no alternative but to go to these schools, or be uneducated. "Sec. I?Mokes it compulsory for ?11 chil dren between tho ages of six and sixteen to attend school for two years. The compulsory system may suit the genius uf a despotic Gov ernment like Prussia, but is at war with the spirit of our free institutions. There arc many parents who arc not able to spare the services of their children tit home, and many others who me not in a condition to furnish their children with suitable clothes aniL books for their attendance at these schools. At least a parent should permitted in a free Republi can country, to govern bis own household, and determine for himself what is best for him to do. In order to support these schools, a poll tax of one dollar per head is to be levied, which might raise $100,000. This would leave ?900,000 to be ptiid by taxation of pro perty. Sec. 8?Provides for the establishment of State reform schools for juvenile offenders. This is a new .system lobe introduced in South Carolina, and of very doubtful policy. It will certainly add hundreds of thousands of dollars to our taxation. All the public schools, col leges and universities iu the State are, by sec tion 10, to be free und open to all the children, without regard to race or color. There seems to be a studied desire throughout all the pro visions of this most iu fatuous Constitution, to degrade the while race aud elevate the black raco, to force upon us social as well as political equality, and bring about an amalgamation of races. Sec. 5 of Akt. 11?Forces each County to provido for the support of the aged, infirm and unfortunate. It dots not require children to support their aged, infirm or .?.nfortunato pa rents, nor parents to provide for their child drcn ; but this heavy aud most enormous bur dji in to be thrown on tbc public ind jjfrovided ?5by taxation. ? TlTerctoforc South Carolina has pursued n w4rc policy in refusing all divorces. The niar ritgo contract hi not like that of any othor, Wiicfy'the parties may rescind at pleasure, wjpout iujury to society. Thero is a third pTty?innocent and helpless children?who u* deeply interested in all divorces. More over, it tonds to demoralize every community tv[cro it is allowed or tolerated. But section l^ivts the courts power to grant divorces. TSjis. section was intended, porhaps, for the eternal benefit of tlie negroes. It ought also to" have legalized polygamy, which has likc Vejtu great favor with this class of people. ? The settlement of a wife's property, pro vided for in section 8, might have been left to thi discretion and wisdom of the Legislature. It}is an experiment, and if found mischievous .Ott.tin wise, the Legislature ought to have the iwwer of changing or altering the law. But tits ordinary act of legislation has been incor porated in the Constitution as a fundamental \riy not f*#bo repealed. A ttached to this?>('(institution are several oi'.inanees, and amongst them one which re pudiates all pledges of faith and credit, on the j^rt of the Stute, to any corporation or private itilividir.il, mude since 18U0. The honor and cj^dit of South Carolina, her good faith and l?jst solemn pledges, are thus treated as of no consideration whatever. But this ordinance is euMa par with that dishonor, despotism and uu flhpulous extravagance, which pervade the Sole Constitution, and are worthy of the in *.;?ions sourer whence the instrument has its OffA'n ? The ordinance to create a Hoard of Luid flmiimissinuers, authorizes the purchase of His, for tho purpose of selling them out in Aili tracts to purchasers on credit. This wild ruinous scheme is, likewise, for the ne gt>CH, and is likely to bonefit no one, ox cop t tl land commissioners and their friends. Unipy may be sold, but tho purchasers will. nriL^^^^^rtlumKand the loss will ulti mfi teteg^Did any one ever State, and all the people in it, are reduced to bankruptcy and poverty V Thus has it been .shown, in the auovc analy sis, ow injuriously this Constitution must affect the interests of the white man, and how inconsistent it must prove with the peace and prosperity of tho State. Hut, in addition to this, the Coin m it tee believe that it can be shown that the said Constitution is not the less injurious to the very class?to wit: the black people?whom it seemed most especially to to have been designed to benefit. On this point, the Commit tee ask leave to invite atten tion to tho comments of the Hon. A. Hurt, one of the ablest lawyots of the State, and a man of the highest character, and of well known political conservatism. The following is his language on the subject of the provisions of the new Constitution, which confer the power of taxation : '?An analysis of the provisions of the new Constitution, which confer tho power of taxa tion, I have not a doubt, will assure any caudid mind that no people on this continent can en dure the burdens which it imposes. The prin ciple which pervades that entire instrument is that all taxation, except for a single purpose, shall be imposed upon real estate and upou the income from the sale of merchandize. In es timating the inequality of taxation, we cannot omit the fact of the great divesity between the two races which inhabit the State. At this moment the taxable property is held by one race, and under that Constitution the political power is vested exclusively in the other. Not only are the ordinary appropriations for the c:.!l service of the State imposed upon the property bed '. by the smaller number, but the other race, as a race, is at the present moment entirely exempt for the support of public schools. A very largo number of the race which own the taxable property are disfran chised?cannot vote, ami cannot even hold the humblest office created by that Constitution; while all others without refe rence to property, to educational qualifica tion, to past citizenship, or any other qualifica tion, are allowed to vote. Need I say that tin. is a condition of things which the world novel before witnessed. Your ancestors proclaimed a sentiment which has thrilled throughout every American liuai , reached to distant coun tries, and been incorporated into their Consti tution and laws. It is this, that taxation with out representation is tyranny. Now, not only is a large class of property holders in South Carolina disqualified to vote or hold office, but those who may vote or hold office are not re quired to have any property qualification or to know a letter of the alphabet, us many of them will not know. I say that a more arrant and infamous spoliation of a class was never de signed by any country on the face of the earth. ".Now, what must be the consequences ? Property under forms of law, in the guise uf taxtion, will be transferred from the hands of those who now possess it to others. It is j inevitable. The holdors of taxable property ill South Carolina can not to-day, and will not hereafter, bo able to pay the taxes imposed upon them. "Many of you are ublo to form s?mo rensQimblu con j cot uro as to tho number of paupers who will assort their claims upon the charity and sympathy of the State. You have already had some oxporience with re ference to ouo race, and I am persuaded you will not have the slightest difficulty in making you calculations. Not even a negro father, son or husband, is required to contribute a dollar towards the support of tho paupers of his raco." He next addresses himself more especially, to the colored man, and remarks: "If thero be any colored man who intends to be industrious, frugal und moral?to elevate himsejf and family?to that man I desire to say one word; Let him acquire real estate and learn to read and write, so that he may be placed iu .the category of the white man who owns taxable? property, and-if I am not totally' mistaken iu the opinion I have derived from successful nud critical examination of the new Constitution, he will he unable to retain his property three years. It will bo taken from him by those of his own race who arc idle, thriftless, and do not mean to work. Hence it is that I call upon all respectable colored men, who entertain hopes of fuluro prosperity, to denounce that Constitution and join his natural, ancient and true friends in opposing its ratification." Next, alter exposing the deceptive features iu the Constitution proposed on the subject of the homestead claim, and the annulling of all debts of which slavery were the consideration, and after some comments upon the dangerous organization of the judicial power of the Stato, he concludes thus : ., "In - my judgment, a. Constitution with such enormities in it will prove fatal to both races, and uiOro fatal to the black than to tho white. Tho colored matt who^ias acquired property has really more interest in preventing that XJunstitutiou .feom becotidu? tlu: fuiuiamcritjiO 4wof^'^,M,rf -.^.-..-^ v,, allow JIHIINSI! lo bo deluded by-those who would make him believe that it is his interest to oppose the people who have reared and nurtured him through life. So cumbrous and complicated is the machinery of that Constitution, consisting, as it does of the most minute details, and so burdensome will he tho government winch it inaugurates, that you will be crushed by it. You cannot bear it. As well might the heavy harness of tho mailed warrior he put upon the limes of an infant a.-s for these burdens to be imposed upon the impoverished people of South Caroliua. None but a people rich and highly educated can live under that ! Constitution. Try it if you will, but I tell you, gentlemen, that antagonism will be ex cited between the two races, and conflict may be the result. Under it pence and harmony are utterly impossible iu South Carolina." \Vc have thus suggested to your honorable body some of the prominent objections to your adoption of this Constitution. We waive all argument upon the subject of its validity. It is a Constitution tie facto, and that is tho ground upon which we approach your honora ble body iu the spirit of earnest remonstrance. That Constitution was tho work of Northern adventurers, Southern renegrades and ignorant negroes. Not one per centum, of tho white population of the State approves it, and not two per centum, of tho negroes who voted for its adoption know any more than a dog, horse or cut, what his act of voting implied. That Conf.titutiou enfranchises every male negro over the age of twenty-one, and disfranchises many of the purest and best'whitu men of tho State. The negroes being in a large numeri cal majority, us compared with the whites, the effect is that the new Constitution establishes iu this State negro supremacy, with all its train of countless evils. A superior race?a portion, Senators and Representatives, of the same proud ruoc to which it is your pride to belong?is put under the rule of uu inferior race?the abject slaves of yesterday, tho flush ed frcedmen of to-day. And think you that there can be any just, lasting reconstruction on this basis ? Tho Commiiiwfp .spcetfully . reply, iu behalf of their white fellow-citizens, that this cannot be. We do not mean to threaten resistance by arms. Rut the white people of our Sttite will never quietly submit to negro rule. We may have to pass under the yoke you have authorized, but by moral ageneies, by political organization, by every peaceful means left us, wo will keep up this eontest until we have regained tho heritage of political control handed down to us by an honored ancestry. This is a duty we owe to the laud that is ours, to the graves that it contains, and to the race of which you and wo aro nliko members?tho proud Caucasian race, whose sovereignty on earth Cod has ordained, and they thcmsolves have illustrated on the most brilliant pages of tho world's history. Nor? Senators and RdpreWntativcs, does the State of South Carolina merit, nt your haW?, the political treatment that has been uiefJeoVotti to her without stint. It is true, South, Carolina took1 the Seta promptly, in tho lato war between: the ,??ar^/ Hor people embarked their all in tn'cl strugglo, because tho sovereignty of the State demand ed this of them. But when 'the war endu?? and tho arbitrament to which thoy rcsprfod ., , . ' . An f was adverse to their cuuso, t people over yiolded moro gracefully to the decree bf Provi dence. Quietly they laid down their anus, and, in peace, they became law-abiding, as. in war, they had been faithful to their Sag. They accepted the legitimate resultsof tho war. They wcro ready to abandon the claim of the right of their State peaceably to, secede from tho Union, and they assented, in Convention assembled, to tho emancipation of their staves. And now, were the State admitted' into the Union, on a just and reasonable b'asisj'wo'ncB itato uot to declare that again would our pco pie greet the starry banner, ot the Union, and unite with flioir* fellow-citizens of tho. whole . , ?'_ ? * iuv? nt?o?ii ftuutaioy ccmntry in tho cnort to promote tho ,glpry, wealth and prosperity of our common land. In our relations, as proposed by us, with the black people of this State, wo arc not disposed to exact anything that just men may deny or Heaven disapprove. When South Carolina assented to tlie Act of Federal emancipation, we hold that the freed people became members of tlie body politic, and, as such, entitled to all the civil rights that arc enjoyed alike by all classes of the people. They became entitled to ''life liberty and the pursuit of hap incss"?to ah that the Declaration of American Indepen dence and the English 'Jlfnyna (fhartu cuiim for mnn as his alienable rg'.i.s. But as it regards suffrage, wo hold that this not a politic.-.! rigb)t nor n civil one for man, cither * white or black, but it is ~a trust, a delicate trust, to 1m> confered by the State upon the people thereof; according to considerations of expediency, and agreeably to the sound politi cal doctrine of the greatest good t^vihe grca?ai. number. ' | '^ tr?is1$^^ nine-tenths of our peoplr are willing to con cede it to them, duly , qualified. Wc caunot admit universal suffrage, because the great body of the colored people are utterly unfitted to exorcise it with intelligence and discretion j and because it would make the negro domi nant, and thus bring about a fatal antagonism between the races. We caunot deny it al together to the black man, because that would be neither right nor politic. Hence the policy of the mean between the two extremes, which has met with general favor in this Statq. Tho Conservative party of Sou^ Carolina, now stands and gathers streich, day after day, upon this proposition. ?rTri'e Convention of the party lately passed tho following resolu tiou : "/rYWtW, That under the action of tho State of South Carolina, heretofore taken, we recognise the colored population of the State as an integral element ot tho body politic; and. us such, in person and property, entitled to a full and equal protection under the State Constitution and laws. And that as citizens of South Carolina, we declare our * illingnessj vhen we have the power, to grant inem,' un der proper qualification as to property and In telligence, the right of suffrago.": In behalf nt least of the Democratic- party of South Carolina, which embraces nearly every white inhabitant, nud many of the color ed people, the Committee declare that this policy represents the political sentiment of the State. We offer this iu good faith, as tho basis of a true, a genuine and lasting recon struction. This, we earnestly believe, is tlio peaceful solution of the great question of White man nud black man in tho South, This solu tion wo offer Co the Conservatism of tho coun try, as one alike advantageous to both races. Let this be accepted ; let tho vexed question of the black man bo removed from the high court of the land, and let all of our people .Vorth., South, East and West bo permitted to address themselves to the great work of individual improvement and national aggran dizement?then again may wc expect a return of the better days of the Republic, and a res toration of the Uuion in fact as well as in namo. WADE HAMPTON. JO/iN P. THOMAS, JOSEPH DANIEL POPE, F. W. McMASTKR, ISAMUEL McCOWAN, W. M. SHANNON. State Central Executive Commit tee. The North Carolina Conservative papers lay the blame of the defeat of their party and tho ratification of tho constitution upon tho western counties of tho State, whoro there are comparatively few negroes. It is most unfor tunate that there should bo such diverse inter ests and feelings au:ong the people of tho same State.