The Orangeburg news. (Orangeburg, S.C.) 1867-1875, September 07, 1867, Image 1
FIRST OUE HOMES; TECEIST OTHR STATE,; FINALLY fHE NATION; THESE CONSTITUTE OUR COUNTRY.
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VOLUME 1.
SATURDAY MORNING, SEPTEMBER 7, 186T.
91
NtTMBERr'29'
THE ORANGEBURG NEWS.
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PUBLISHED AT ORANGEBURG, C. S
Every Saturday Morning.
?:o:?
SAMUEL DIBBLE, Editor.
I V.. C. DIBBLE, Associate Editor.
CHARLES H. UALL, PdUshcr.
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Euator OttANUKuuiiQ News.
Orangeburg, S. C.
fob 23 o ly
PUBLICQ^FICERS.
OBANGEBURG DISTRICT.
OuniSAHY?P. A. McMichacl.
Commissioner in Equity?V. D. V. Jamison.
Clbrk up CocnT?Joseplj F. Robinson.
Snr.iurr?J. W. II. D?kes.
Cojionuk?C. B. Glover.
Tax Cou.kctoks.?Orange Parish.?P. W. Fairy:
.... 8L-.Mjiil.hcwa...I???wl>-W.-ItJlt^.v-tvi. -
Asst.. Assessor U. S. Revenue,?George W:
Sturgeon.
An knt run Stamps, &o;?P. V. Dibble.
Mauistkatrs?Thomas P. Stokes, W. R. Tread
well, A. J. Gaskine, F. W. Fairy, David L. Connor,
J. II. Felder, Levin Argoe, R. V. Dnnnclly, E. A.
Price, W. L. Ehncy, J. D. Pricket, Samuel E. Moor
er, C. B. Glover, E. C. Ilolman, P. C. Buyck, F. M.
TVannamaker, D. O. Tindall.
Commissioners to Approve Securities?J. G.
Wannamaker, James Stokes, D. R. Barton, Adam
Smoke, A. D. Frederick.
Commissioners or Public Buildings?Wm. M.
JHutson, Ilarpin Riggfl, K. Jvspkicl, Joseph P. !Iar
*oy, F. II. W. Briggraann.
Commissioners or Roaus?Orange Parish?West
ley Ilouser, F. W. Fairy, Sarauel M. Fairy, Samuel
G. Fair, F. Livingston, W. S. Rilcy, Wcstley Culler,
H. C. Wannamuker, N. E. W. Sistrunk, 11. Living
ston, James Stokes, J. D. Knotty, II. P. Antlcy, John
S. Bowman, J. L. Mooror, W. C. Moss, Lewis Gn
riek, B. A. Yon, J. II. O'Cain, EUison Connor, John
j^die, J. G. Guiguard, Jacob Cooncr, George
JJyrd, 'Tt Jennings, David Dannelly.
Commission Kits Ol RoAns?St, Matthews Parish?
C. fl. Darby, W. P- Hanc, M. K. Holman, Andrew
Jleaser, J. A. Parlour, E". T. Shular, J. L. Parlour,
,9weh Shulor, T. G. Shular, W. L. Pou, J. W. Sel
lexa, R n' Kalcs> J- Barbour, Augustus Avin
*crf v'.ltl kvi?tCT; J- ?? M. J. Keller, J.
0. J&eJsiaa.
Comjuish on nits or Fur.r. Schools?o "finge Far ish
David L. Coanor, J. R. Milhous, Henry N. B?bll,
John Jordan, N. C. Whetstone, John Inabinct, Dr.
O. N. Bowman, Samuel Dibblu.
Commissionkus of Fhf.i; SCHOOLS?St. Matthews
Parish?Peter Buyck, J. II. Keller, Wcstley Ilouser,
John Rilcy, J. H. Fehler, Adam Holmau.
Commissioners or tub Poon.?Orange Parish.?
W. II. Treadwoll, John Grambling, W. II. Izlar, J.
B. Morrow, S. B. Sawyer.
Post Oflices in Orangelmrg District.
offices, postmasters.
Orangeburg.Thaddeus C. Ilubbell,
St. Matthews.Mrs. Sally J. Wiles.
Vance's Ferry.U. M. E. Avingcr.
Branchvillc.Mrs. Amy Thompson.
Fort Motte.lohn Birchmorc.
Schcdulo South Carolina Hail Road.
Down Passenger,
Leave Columbia ai.? O.oOA. ?I.
41 Orangchurg at.,. 10..TJ A. M.
Arrive at Charleston. 4 P. M.
?" ?' Augusta. 5 P. M
Up Passenger.
vLcavo Augusta at. 7 A. M.
" Charleston at. HA. M.
?? Orangchurg at. 1.80 P. M.
Arrive at Columbia at. 5.20 P. M.
Down Freight.
?Leave Orangeburg at.10 A. M.
^Arrive at Charleston at. 0.10 P. M.
Up Freight.
Leave Orangchurg at.l.!JS P. M.
Arrive at Columbia at.0.30 P. M.
iwar23 8 '?
POLITICAL.
Wade Hampton's Letter,
General Wade Hampton has written a long
letter in response to an appeal from Messrs. 1).
W. Ray, Win. II. Talley, J. P. Thomas, E. M.
Law, and about sixty others, for his advice
with regard to their action in the very impor
tant matters soon to be submitted to tho people
of this-State. Those gentlemen say :
"We have no intention to oppose the execu
tion of any law, oven wore it in our power, but
under the Reconstruction Act, certain latitude
of action is loft us, which entails upon us en
tire responsibility for all consequences which
may flow therefrom. Wo believe this respon
sibility to be very grave, and those consequen
ces vital to every class of our community, in
separably connected as tiro the interests of all.
ltocont- events show that there is no longer n
possibility ff that entire harmony of action
among ouT ppoplc, for which you and wo have
heretofore Iio^cd and striven. The views of
the whole community are uuscttlcd by the new
aspect of affairs, and tlu" people look to those
who command their eouHuClco f?r a course of
action upon which all may n^TCC. who truly
desire the prosperity of the State.
General Hampton replies as follows :
Gentlemen:?T bog to acknowledge the re
ceipt of the letter, in which you do mo the
honor to ask my "advice with regard In your
action in tho very important matters soon to ho
submitted to the people of the State." Though
I cannot but fool that many of those whoso
names .uro signed to' this communication arc
far more competent to offer counsel on tho
grave topics ?0W agitating the public mind
than myself, its I doom it to bo the duty of
every man, when called on by his fellow-citi
zens, in times ol peril, to contribute ail in bis
power to promote tho general welfare, or to
ward olT the common danger. I willingly com
ply with your flattering request.
Recognizing, then, the duty imposed on mo
by your call, and impelled, also, by tho great
respect 1 feel for those who have thus honored
me, I shall state with perfect candor the immi
nent dangers surrounding us. and point out
with equal frankness tho only course which,
in my judgment, wo can pursue with honor, or
with any hope of ultimate safety. Before pro
ceeding to the discussion of the present condi
tion of affairs, it is proper to lot you know
what wore the views entertained by myself im
mediately after the cessation ol active hostili
ties, and what was tho course I thought, our.
.people should?then,dbUbw. This car/hot be
alone more concisely than by giving to you a
copy of a letter addressed to James ( !. Gibbos,
Esq., chairman of a public meeting, which was
held here in August. 180"). Not being iu the
city at that time, I wrote the following letter,
which, yielding to the views of others. 1 after
wards determined not to publish:
August 2t>. 1SC?.
To fit's Honor James G. Gibbcs. Moi/or of Co
lumbia :
Sin?Having been absent when the late public
meeting was held in the city, 1 take this method of
expressing my views on the subjects discussed on
that occasion. It is with some reluctance that 1
express these views, as I do not concur in the policy
advocated by the meeting. Is it desirable that the
people of the State should take any action louking
to a rCSl-oration of civil government at present ? i
think ."nt; ami for these reasons:
The Stole i? cither' a member of the Federal
Union, or it is not. Ii l\ meml^r. they not only is it
a work of supererogation for he? to *sk admission
to the Union, but she is, by the Constitution 0* "10
United States, guaranteed a Republican form oi
Government, and shohas the right to administer her
Government under such a Constitution and by such
laws as she chooses. Bht if she is, on the contrary,
not a member of the Union, sho must be regarded
either as a Territory, or us a conquered province.
In cither condition, the United Statcsauthoritics uro
charged with the duty of providing a proper Gov
ernment for her, and I think the truo policy of the
State iB to remain passive until suoh Government is
given to her, or is forced upon her. If the course
indicated by the meeting here is followed by the
State, what will he iuu icsult? Will it lead to the
restoration of the Union ns it existed, nnd to the rc
csb.Mishiucnt of the Constitution and laws oi this
Stale? I do not think thnt such will be the case.
To resIuro the State to the Union h}' the plan con
templated iu the resolutions adopted by the meet
ing here- it will be necessary to cnll a Conven
,,'mof the Stole. That a Convention, chosen as
thai w :'* *JC' represent the wishes of the people
of lhe*S{Ai'"- 's an impossibility. Hut passing over
this grave ohje* *^on? there remains the still graver
one as to the adop.4.5"" of a Constitution; Are the
people of the State w?,7<?fb h>' ,ho adoption or a
new and totally different i.'o?sti!-Utiott, to ignore all
the teachings of the past, io h^bverl the whole oi
der of society, to change, in a mom^af^-ds whole or
ganization, und, in a word, to coinniiJ l/iC (':;~
pression may be used) political suicide? YoMhis
is the inevitable tendency of the course rceomn."ml- .
cd by the meeting. No one, for n moment, sup- \
poses that the State will be admitted into the Union
with its present Constitution. To gain ndmission,
the .Suite must come with a Constitution represent
ing, not the views and interests of the people of
South Carolina, but those of Massachusetts, ll
may be urged that the Slate must come with such a
Constitution, or not come at nil. If stich is the fact,
then let her not come al all. The United States
Government will hold the country, as it now docs,
by military occupation; ii? troops will be present
to inaugurate and enforce the new system of labor
deerecil by the President of the United States, ami
the people, though conquered, will not have the ad
ditional humiliation and reproach which they
would bring upon themselves, if they consent
to destroy their own Constitution, which was be
queathed to them by their lathers.
besides these various reasons nguinsl the policy
advocated by Iho meeting, it appears to me thai ii is
premature for the people to move at present. The
authorities at Washington have not indicntcll the
course I hey propose to pursue towards the Stale,
nor have they manifested great seal in the restora
tion of Hint Union for which they have professedly
been fighting for the last four yours. They have nol
asked tho Stale to return to the Union, nor have
they announced the terms upon which it can do so.
When I hey have done these things, il will bo lime
enough for the State to take counsel how lo not.
1 recommend, then, will all deference to yourself
and the gentlemen over whom you presided the oth
er day, that the people should remain perfectly
quiet, taking no action whatever in public affairs..
Leave all these matters lo the United Stales Govern
ment, which will, doubtless, in good time, provide a
Government for you. Until that is done, the cnrt-|
ridgo box can take tiic place of I lie ballot box;
and the bayonet is n good substitute for the
law. It is better to be governed by these than to,
give to your State a Constitution which misrepre-!
scnts the wishes of the people, humiliates their
pritlc, debauches their society, destroys their pros
perity and degrades their State.
I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your
friend and fellow-citizen,
WADE HAMPTON. ?
It was clear to my mind that the true policy
of the South was to remain, passive, observing,,
with tlic most scrupulous fidelity, the obliga-.
tious wo assumed when wo laid down our arms,'
and ninking no concessions beyond those om
oraccd in tho terms upon which wo .surrender-'
ed. I held that, the United States Govern
ment had not only offered terms to the South,
but that its faith was pledged to the observance
of tbo.-e terms. Kvery official act of every de
partment of that Government, during the war,
declared that tho Southern States were still
members of tho Union, and Congress, by an
almost unanimous vote, in the most solemn*
manner,
"liesolccil, That this war is not waged, on
our part, in any spirit of oppression, nur for
an}' purpose of conquest or subjugation, nor
purpose of overthrowing or interfering with
the rights or established institutions of the
States, but to defend am. maintain the supre
macy of the Constitutioi and to preserve the
Union with all the dignity, equality and rights
of tb.? several States unimpaired. That as
soon as these objects are accomplished, the war
OUgllt to cease."
They same body gave the strongest evidence?
iJjnfc titcy regarded the Union unbroken, even
during the war, by their recognition of Mr.
Carlisle na ScnaJor iVoni Virginia?I mean the
noble SlOld Doimi.'ion/' ami not her illegitimate
and degenerate child, Wot Virginia?and al
lowing him to retain his sei.t until near the
close of the war. The very j.nro.'es given to
the Southern soldiers promised tin-, protection
of the United States Government to tho?:chold
ing them; so i 'tii: as they obeyed (lie JaW.S of
"the States wherein they resided :" thus recog
nizing, not < uly the Southern Stales as Stuh'.i,
but the late* oi' those States. We had every
reason, as far as we could trust to the faith of
our opponents, to believe that the Southern
States woodd he received unto the Union with
all their ''dignity, equality and rights unim
paired," as soon as they renewed their nlle
giaucc to the General Government, and ac
knowledged its supremacy.
It would be foreign to tho purpose of this
communication to discuss what faith has been
kept with the South?mankind has already
affixed to that sort of faith the name of 1'uioc.j
I only touch on tliese -.mints.to *h<*?s
talte^exVtTnnllWdHiy"tho South, wl
'hen it con
formed to those demands of the North which
were interpolated into the conditions, after our
surrender. Our Stale Conventions were mis
taken, .^o were the changes of our Constitu
tions; greater than all others was the legisla
tion ratifying the amendments of the United
States Constitution known as Article 13. 1
am well aware that the action of the Southern
people, at that-time, was dictated by an honest
desire to secure the blessings of peace, and by
a high sense of honor, which prompted them
to show that they were sincere in their wish to
do everything that would tend to the restora
tion of the Union on honorable terms. 1 have
no hesitation in asserting that the Southern
States would then have been brought back to
the Union with more of ''loyalty"?to use a
favorite expression of the North?than had ex
isted amongst (hem for forty years past, had
the North proved ii.self to be as magnanimous
as it had shown itself to be powerful. Hut it
was the misfortune, not only id'tho South, but
of the whole country, that the party which had
yb'niued possession of the Government was
more intent ?a securing its own power than of
restonV the Union t? own pristine glory.
After acquiring power, on the >ch ground oi
bringing back the Southern States !? ^ com
mon fold, with all their "dignity, equality and
rights unimpaired,'' they basely betrayed the
people of the North, by subordinating the in
terests and rights often States to the effort to
perpetuate the power of their party, falsifying,
while they did so. every pledge which they
had m ule during the continuance of the war.
The war. whi< h was professedly waged solely
for the restoration of the Union, in its progress,
degenerated into the open attempt, oil tho part
of its authors, to consolidate and perpetuate
radical rule, and a Government, which was
founded on the nohie maxim, that ''Govern
ments derive their just powers from lite con
sult ?l the governed," has been perverted to
the base ends of uihjectiug ten millions of it.
people to a military despotism.
That 1 may no! 1"' accused ;>:' stating this
proposition in stronger language than is war
ranted by the facts of the case, 1 beg t > ??nil
yonr attention to the following < \i. id from an
article which emanated from Massachusetts.
Hearing the uvprnnofitr of Uoston, its km
?'uaire vvhieh had it been uttered here might
have snu'.clcod of treason, can be regarded only
as loyal :
"The principle*/' says the writer, "on which
(ha war was waged by the North, wnt simply
tliis: 1 hat men ?:ia> rightfully be cot up lied
to submit to and sttpjioil Government that
they do nol want ; and Mint resistance on their
part mhkns ilium trtiitoW? and criminals. No
principle that is possible lo be named can he
mure self-evident ly false than (his, or more self
cvidcutly fatal t<? all political freedom. Vel it
triumphed in the field, and it is now assumed
to be established. If ii lie really established,
the number of slaves, instead > \' haviim bce:i
diminished by tho war, has been greatly in
creased; for n man thus subjected to a Govt rn
muut that he doca not waul, is u slave ; and
there is no difference iit principh . but mil} in
degree, bctwc.< u political and chattel shivery.
The former,Ho less than the latter, denies a
man's ownership of himself ami the products
of his labor, and asserts that other men may
own him ami dispose of him ami bis property
for their uses ami at their pleasure, devious It
the war. there wete some grounds for saying
that in theory, at least, if not in practice
[our Government was a free one?that it rested
|,ou consent. But nothing of that kind can lie
f.said now, if the principle on which tho war was
I carried on by the North is irrevocably estab
lished."
ilppii,?**%^vare . told in emphatic language, by
|ft Northern man, whose miud cannot be" ob
scured certainly by the so-called heresies of
{Southern doctrines, what was the principle on
[which the war was waged by the North, and
Ime are warned?God grant that the warning
may not be in vain?what will be the result if
t?iis principle is irrevocably established. Let
?it bo established, and wc may bid adieu to oon
jfctftutional liberty?republican institutions will
iJfte swept away in the Storni that will arise, and
(ype shall enter on those dark and gloomy scenes
which always precede a nation's death. The
fcchno will thou indeed have come for us to pray.
*iu the words of a fearless and eloquent son of
racorgia, for the speedy advent of "the Atimri
win Cajsar." The whole recent legislation of
the factional Congress at Washington scorns to
^Dnvo only in view to break down all the bar
riers, of the Constitution of the i'nited State.-:;
? ro.ignore the immortal truths of the great re
bellion of '7(5, and to eonvert a Government,
Svuic.li had, as its only foundation, "the consent
pfLth'c.governed."' into one sustained by foree
^flrrei.r-'Noiui of tho radicals pretend that the
Military Hills are constitutional. They ad
mit-?poi'haps i sin.aid say, rather, thoy trust
?that those measures are unconstitutional,
#hflc',ljjey endeavor to make the South ratify
f.hqti^iy arousing and j>]><.?:? 1 i:ito the basest
ffssions'.of human nature, tear ami cupidity
hey threaten us with cowli; cation on the one
hnnuV^nf, wo do not accept, these measures;
ihby gtVc them the semblance of law, while on
the other they attempt to bribe those amongst
nJsVwdio'are so base and venal as to bo willing
to'purehase immunity for themselves by selling
mo liberties of their cmdry.
'??;.?Aro.these despicable niotiws. sinnig enough
T^;corruJpt the virtue of the Southern people?
$ill jmak people, who have proved themselves
tfapubitfcof m::i.'.n ? ::ny a::d nil .-.o rinees '.'or
tlfti piiKe'-of their principles, sinks., luv ::s to
buy..-t|p,j|iJer<> privilege to live?even if they
live slaYfcs?j.y giving up all that they have
heretofore held srured. ami all that makes life
i&plf worth Ji::ving ''. Wii! they allow their ac
tion ..td Ijc influenced by threats'/ Threats
can never govern bnve men. Are they afraid
of confiscation by ('ongf's-? If they adopt
these Recount met ion Acts, the}' will most as
suredly puffer eonlise.ition in its woist and mosl
tyrannical'form, through the "reconstructed"
Suites. It is for them to determine these mo
rnwit<pus questions for themselves. They have
.j^BKa^" rried concession to the verge of folly.
r^^P^BjKeVirtidt^c ??N'jrtbni-u writer?zfgf&s t?^.
'?The programme of the ruling party cannot
be altered or changed by concessions. That
has been tried in the South. All the demands
of Congress have been complied with by the
Statt--, lately in revolt. They have altered
thei. Constitutions, adopted the amendment
abolishing slavery, attended to the condition
of the fVccdmon, repudiated the debt contracted
by them for war purpose.-, and in this manner
showed their anxiety to resume constitutional
relations with the Federal Government. But
each concession has been met with a fresh de
maud, until, at the present time, ten States
have been turned into military divisions, ten
Governors chosen by the people, superseded by
five brigadier-gonerals. and the will ofn minor
ity Congress placed over and above the power
and author of the Constitution. * # *: *
In order i" carry out this scheme, which was
concoct oil 1*3' tho revolution?r',' committee ofl
Congress, the Southern States are made sub
ject to a military tyranny, without limitation
or responsibility, or other cheeks or instruc
tions, than that it shall use its powers literally'
to carry out the polit ical purposes of the ruling
party in the nation."
Has this policy of concession to unlawful de
inamis beeil 20 productive of benefit that wc
still desire ?V. pursue h ? Arc wc prepared*, for
the sake of expediency?that fatal raiiuey,whivh
has lured us so far on the road to destruction?
that Trojan Horse which was brought with it
an Iliad of woes?to barter away the few rights
remaining to us '.'' Vet this is the course wc
nuist follow, if we accept terms which we
know to bii contrary to the conditions on which
wc surrendered, which arc inimical to all true
reconciliations, and which are in open and pal
pable violation of tho Constitution which wc
swear to Support, at the very moment we are
grossly outraging its most sacred previsions !
W< uld in t (In sc who vote for these laws, know
ing tlieiii to be unconstitutional, bo guilty of
perjury V What good can come of laws which
begin Hi fraud and can bo carried into oil eel on
ly by perjury '{ Lot me nol be understood a.
makihg any reflections mi th sc Southern nu n
who honestly and conscientiously advocate our
tifccplanco of these military bills. Any di
visions amongsl us arc be deprecated, and it
h as unwise as it is unkind lo impugn the mo
tives of tin ii who. on many a In M. have proved
their devotion to the South. Kspccially ?h> I
regret the virulent attacks which have ben
insult; "ii that gallant soldier who so long and
s?? al'iy led tho illustrious l?'irsl Corps of (he
\nnv of N'orthern Virginia It has been his
hard late, in peace as'in war. lb 1?. wounded by
his own people. That charity which "hopcth
things," ami a natural distrust of our own
judgment, should make us treat the convictions
of such men with at least kindly and proper
consideration. Hut for those "who see the
right, and ycl the wrong pursue," who, while
tboii country seems to bo struggling in the
throes of death, eonsuli only their own base
fears and low instinct:?who, to save their
vile property or still more vile person-, would
degrade their Statt?who bid u> accept difi
liohor as the price of safety?language lias no
(onus strong enough t ? brand their infamy.
They are .is far beyond the run eh of adequate
punishment in this world us they are beneath
the scorn and contempt of all honorable moil.
Hut to ret urn to the consideration of the
Koconst ruction Aets, from which this digres
sion has led imi. What inducements do tho
advocates of these measures hold out ton.- to
? ...... ...... . - fT; T
accept them ? Ca? they promise us peace ?
Look at Tcnncssscc aud learn what kiud of
peace we are to have. Can they promise us an
acceptable State Constitution?one that will
not be interfered with by Congress? Look at
Delewarc, Maryland, Kentucky?three "loyal"
sovereign States?which are to be put ou trial i
beforo a Star Chamber Committee, on tho
charge of not having Republican Constitutions.
Can they promise a restoration of the Union ?
The radical rulers expressly declare that their
measures arc not --finalities." Can they prom-!
isc, even that doubtful good, representation in
the Congress of the United States? I refer
you to Kentucky, whoso Representatives arc
ignominiously rejected, because rebels voted for
them ! But suppose that the State accepts the
terms proposed by the Military Bills ; that she
agrees to tho permanent and total exclusion
from her councils of tho intellect, the experi
ence, the wisdom aud the patriotism, which, in
times past, gave her lustre; that, instead of
thesec noble qualities and virtues, she commits
her political destinies to the guidance of igno
rance, inexperience, folly and Radicalism: that
she adopts a Constitution disfranchising forever
tho men who, in obeying her command to de
fend her, believed that they were serving God ;
that she
"Buys?ignominious purchase?short repose,
Willi ?lying curses ami the groans of those
Thai served ami loved, ami put in her their trust."
Suppose she does all these things, aud that
I the Radicals then graciously permit her to send
her representatives to Washington, from what
[ class will she select the men who are to fill the
places once honored by Lowndcs, Calhoun,
McDuffic, Preston, Chcvcs, Ilaync, linger and
their glorious compeers? The same body which
has shown such wisdom and magnanimity in
framing these Reconstruction Acts that are to
bring so many blessings in their train, gives
you the answer in the following Act of Con
gress :
"1. Hereafter any person elected or appoint
ed to any office of power or profit under the
Government of the United States, cither in the
civil, military or naval departments of the pub
lic service, excepting the President of the
United States, shall before entering upon the
duties of such office, and before being entitled
to any of the salary or other emoluments there
of, take and subscribe the following oath : 'I
do solemnly swear, that I have never volunta
rily borne arms against the United States since
J have been a citizen thereof; that I have
voluntarily given uo uid, countenance, counsel
or encouragement to persons engaged in armed
hostility thereto; that I have neither sought
nor acceptcd^ior attempted to exercise, the
fuiKtiotfte?any nffica whatever, under any
aulliority^P piuicnddtl authority iii hostility to
the United States; that I have notyeildcd
a voluntary support to any pretended Govern
ment, authority, power or Constitution within
the United States, hostile or inimical thereto.
And I do further swear, that to the best of my
knowledge and ability. 1 will support and de
fend the Constitution of the United States
against all enemies, foreign and domestic; that
L will bear true faith aud allegiance to the
same; that I take (his Obligation freely, with
out any mental reservation or purpose of eva
sion ; and that I will well and faithfully dis
charge the duties of the office on which I am
about to enter?so help me God !' And any
person who shall falsely take the said oath
shall be guilty of perjury, and on conviction,
in addition to the penalties now prescribed for
that offence, shall be deprived of his office, and
rcndei cd incapable of ever after holding .any
office or plaee under the United States."
Is representation in Congress so very desira
ble that we should send men there who can
take that oath, rather than that we should re
main unrepresented longer? Can the people
of the State trust those who could or who
would take it ? For the honor of our State,
I should prefer that she should not bo repre
sented iu the halls of Congress until her dele
gates can enter them as fico men \ represent
ing a sovereign S-U.iO, with all her "dignity,
equality and rights unimpaired." When that
day comes there may be a restoration of the
Union in fact as well as in theory; when
North and South, forgiving the past, even if
they cannot forget it. may meet as equals on
some common ground, where the honor, the
rights and the fe?lings of both can be recogni
zed and respected. But until that day docs
come, in the words of Patrick Henry, "Gen
tlemen may cry pcaei ! peace! but there is no
pfoe,!"
It is scarcely necessary for me to say that,
entertaining the views I have expressed, I
think it far preferable the S'ate should remain
in its present condition, under military rule,
than that it should give its sanction to meas
ures which we believe to bo illegal, unconstitu
tional and ruinous. It is my honest aud firm
belief that the voluntary acceptance of these
ii,i tisurcs by our people would surely bring, not
only to the South, hut to the whole country,
evils far greater than any wo have yet suffered.
The North, flushed with success, and drunk
with power, may not be able to realize this
fad ; but as surely as the South falls a victim
(o irresponsible and unlicensed power, so sure
ly will (he Ninth lose its liberties. Ruin to
the South will react on the North?and if wc
are crushed into the dust the Northern people
will see but the foreshadowing of their own
certain doom. Recognize, as an established
principle, the right of any political party that
may be in the ascendency to fix Upon all who
differ with them laws unauthorized by the Con
stitution of the United States, and we shall
begin thai downward career which will lead us
steadily through confusion, anarchy and blood,
to tho certain overthrow of republican institu
tions ami I reo government. Believing this,
regard it as the duty of every man. in the o:
crci.se of the right accorded to all by the: ?
military bills, to oppose their adoption by all
lawful means. As the people have (he privi
lege, then of expressing either asseid or dis
sent on thi> question, 1 advise them, earnestly,
to record the latteras fully and solemnly as
possible (ttt every muH remitter. "
vote, against the Convention, since the question
will be made on that issue. ...
These, gentlemen,' ure the 6on'clusioo8,,to,#
which I have been brought by the most nnx-fxu
ious consideration Of those "important matters
soon to bo submitted, to the people of. the
State." They have been laid before y ou at great
er length than I intended, but it'seemed to me :
best to let you have my premises, as my con- ,
elusions, in order that you might judge of tho
.correctness of both. I can only say that I'
havo discussed this momentous question with
the single desire to;arrivo at the truth, and, I, ,j
hope that it has at least been discussed in a'
temperate and' dispassionate spirit.' ''hCfi--nld*'
bring one other subject, suggested .-by your':Iet-i >';i
tor, to your consideration, aud I shall tax your; ., - j
patience no farther.
You say, truly, that I, as well as yourselves,
"have hoped and striven for entire harmony,1"
of action among our people/' It has been my
most earnest desire to secure this harmony, as
it has been my constant effort to allay 'excitc
mcnt, aud to counsel obedience to tho laws.'
This has been the prevailing sentiment among
our people, and if it fails of its object, it will *
not be our fault.
As it is of the last consequence to maintain f/
the same amicable relations which hnvc'hcrcto- '
fore existed between the whites and the blacks,
I cannot too strongly reiterate my counsel, that.|
all classes should cultivate harmony and dxcr
ciso forbearance. Let our people remember
that the negroes have, as a general rule, be- ?
haved admirably, and that they arc in a man
ner responsible for the present condition of af
fairs. Should they, in the future, be misled
by wicked or designing men. let us consider
how ignorant they necessarily aro and let us,
only the more, try to convince them that we .
arc their best friends. I)enl with them with
perfect justice, and thus show that you wish to
promote their advancement and enlightenment.
Do this, and the negroes will not only learn to
trust you, but they will soon appreciate the
fact so evident to us, that we can do with
OUT THEM FAIl BETTER THAN trey can do >?
YVJTttOUT US.
On a late public occasion, where many of
you were present, I expressed my perfect will
ingness to see impartial suffrage established at
the South, and 1 believe that this oninion is i
entertained, not only by a largo majority of the
intelligent anj^ reflecting whites, but also of the
same class among the blacks. I deprecate uni
versal suffrage, not only on general principles,
but especially in the case before us, because Im
deny the right of Congress to prescribe the.:
rules of citizenship in the States. The Su
preme Court has decided that a negr? is not 'a
citizen of tho United States, and Congress ?
cannot reverse that decision by an Act. Thg.
States, however,-oro competent to .'?onifgr,siitU*n,
zenship on the negro and I think it isn"'
the part of wisdom that such action ^should
be taken by the Southern States. We hav?
recognized the freedom of the blacks, and have I
placed this fact beyond all probability of doubt, -
denial or recall. Let us recognize in the same
frank manner, and as fully, their political
rights also. For myself, I confess that I am
perfectly willing to seo a Constitutiou adopted
by our State, couforring the elective franchise
on the negro, on precisely the same terms a.* it
is to be oxcrcisod by the white man, guarding
against the abuse of this privilege by establish
ing a slight educational and property qualifica
tion for all classes.
I have thus, gentlemen, endeavored to 'com
ply, as fully as possible, with the request con
veyed in your letter. A sense of duty to thu
State, and an eminent desire to show my re
spect to my fellow-citizens, from whom I have
received so many marks of kindness and conti-'
deuce, are the otdy motives which could havut
induced me to take any part in public affaire.
If the crude views thrown out for your connt'd--*'
eration, arc instrumental in arousing any ono
to a sense of the dangers surrounding us, or if
they can be of the slighest benefit to rhosd whrf
have called for them, they . will havo accom-"
plished their ends. Thanking you again for ?
the honor you have done me in asking counsel
of me, and praying that our efforts to save ??r
beloved State from ruin may be successful, F M
am, with groat rcapect and esteem, your friend^
and fellow-citizen-,
WADE DTAMI'TON.
To Messrs. I>. W. Kay, W. II. Tali.ev, j.,
I\ Thomas, ft. M. Law, and others.
CoiuntUd. August 7. 1867.
im ?
The South Carolina Pknitentiaiiy.?
The Hoard of Commissioners of thu Penitenti
ary?consisting of Messrs. Gregg, Robertson1
, .... i ;
and Cameron?met m this city, recently, and1
proceeded to inspect that institution. The fol
lowing is a summary of their report: There'
arc now completed fifty cells, and the stone'
cut for twenty more. The first convicts were*
received on tho ISth April. At present, there/
are upwards of 100. There 1ms been one'
death; one escape; one pardoned by the Gov
ernor, and one. discharged. The cost .of sub
sisting convicts is about twenty ccr/fs
a day ; but the entire cost of keeping a convict
cannot yet bo. ascertained. No convict who is
now working is worth less than sixty cents per.,
day and his board, if ho was a hired laborer;
thirty arc worth eighty cents per day and their
board. All are kept at work, except when ex
cused by the surgeon. Stone-cutting and ma
sonry is the chief employment. Seventeen aro ?
daily sent to the quarry?about one and a half
miles distant. An amount of Clothing is on
band, sufficient to last until the 1st .lanmirv.
Each prisoner, on entering, is invested with 1
the convict costume, after boiug thoroughly
cleansed and purified, and the Commissioners
1 sard no complaint made, during their convcr
ions with the prisoners, concerning either
eir treatment or their food ; mid it was found
.mt nearly all of them were in a fair way to
??nru a remunerative trade. With lew excep
tions, punishment has been found unnecessary.
SillCO the month of April, fhc convicts Iu>YS -
performed 2R*? ? S at sixty
cents per day, i count