Historical Newspapers of South Carolina

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fii witmy % IM ' I I ! II I i ||J _ ^ A TALK WITH SEHATOR BUTLER. | **YVcll? Oonornl. tho imftpAmiAn r?nt nKmn.1 I u\vi?- 4^--- ?-m The Late Fight in Congress and (he Present Situation. EDOEPrKLi), August G.? According to instructions I have interviewed Senator M. 0. Butler, and have succeeded io obtaining liis viows on some of the more important subjects now before the country. I called on liini at his residence, and after the usual exchange of courtesies stated the purport of uiy visit, and with a little preliminary skirmishing, tho interview proceeded as follows : "After tho smoke of battle has cleared uway, what is your opiuion ot tho result of tho political couftict at the extra session of Congress'(" "It is about what I supposed it would be when tho controversy opened. The Radicals sounded their gongs, raised a great hue und cry, and frightened the timid throughout the country; but, as it progressed, tho Democrats gained on their auvuiBuriu.i uuu cuucu 111 a SUOSIUUIIUI TIClory. The Radicals have, lor some years, concealed their real principles under attacks upon the South, aud this great debate has compelled them to throw off the mask aud show their disregard for tho Constitutional limitations which attach to our Republic, distinguishing it from any other that has ever existed, and boldly avow their purposes to make the Government what they choose to cull a 'strong government,' which in reality means nothing less than a consolidated Empire?built upon the destruction of tho States. Of course tho leaders dcuy kaviug any such purposo, but it is the inevitable logic of their position. They cannot escape it, aud the Democrats ought not to allow them to escape it." "Do von thinlr thnl llifik roll! ?!> issue in the next Presidential campaign "Unquestionably it ought to be, for if the Radical party succeed in establishing the doctrines announced iu debate, as the settled policy of tbo General Government, an eutire change of oar system of government will follow A constitutional government of limited powers, operating upon the individual citizcu through the States, except as to tlioso powers spocitioally granted in the Constitution, or such as are necessary to carry out spociQe grants, will be converted iuto n consolidated centralism?if I may uso tbo term?responsible only to the loaders of tbo dominant faction, who wiold the 1 iiupiwiu {man1*'** ?h?' W their parly aud for the distribution of the spoils of office; and this change will lollow 'much more speedily than you suppose. The cxcrciso of national authority, iu their view, means the destruction of Stnio milJinr. ity, except ns far as the Stato governments may be couvcuicut instrumentalities for enforcing the national will. The forui of government is much more effectually changed by this means than by a dissolution of the Union, or separation of tbe States, for in the latter case Republican institutions ma/ be preserved, but in the former they will be eutirely and hopelessly destroyed." "Do you think that Mr. Hayes sympathises with theextrcmc doctrinesof his party leaders, and is it your opinion that the rank and tile of the Republican party coucur in thorn V' "I \vitl reverse the order of your quesliou. T do not believe the rank and file of the Republican party iu the North do concur in such doctrines or principles as a general thiug. The rank aud filq,of the Republican party iu the South have no oniiii<?-. i r ><io oi i their owu. aud cah *? - . VI. vn , uu ent|y can scarcely Iviu responsible. 1 believe that a great many of the more conservative Republicans of the North arc really devoted to correct principles of constitutional government, but their leaders arc able, aggressive, nud, in many instances, unscrupulous uien, who lovo power for the sake of power and tho emoluments and importanco that it gives them, and not for the good that they may do to their fellow man, and, uudor tho cry of party necessity and party supremacy, many of these inou will be borne aloug and committed to a policy of government which in their hearts they do not approve. Tho battle-ground will bo at tho Nor',h, and everything depends upon the pluck nud energy of the Northern Democracy. If Ihoy do not permit tho Radicals to raise false issues and frighten the people by false nlarms, tlicy can win. Ilut they will have to press homo the real danger to liberty toith untiring pertinacity and ta?t. The nendulnui has heou swung back in the JSoQth as it was when Mr. Jctterson went into power in 1801 and upon similar issues. As to Nr. Hayes, I bavo no doubt lie is in full accord and sympathy with tho extreme men of his party on these questions. If you will read his veto messages to the lato appropriation bills of Congress, you will discover that he pushed the right of Federal interference with tho affairs of the Htates further than any man has over ventured in this country. No l'resident, not cron Grant, with all his reckless disregard or civil Mjsirutneuuuties iu ine auunnuiralion of government, uud reliunco upon forc? mid the strong hand of central power, ha.<i ever d.irod to claim for tho executive arm of the government tho power which Mr. lluyas insist* upon, (tend his veto mexHagox ourtfully, and ace if I exaggerate their scope sod meaning." . --J f h?. ?>/>VI>U in the couutry, in the earlier stages of the debate, that the Republicans outgcocralicd the Democrats nod put them at n disadvantage. flow do you account for that ?" ''It is due to several causes. As I have said, the Radicals sounded their gougs and uiade the most noise at first, and frightened the timid minded of both parties. They talked about 'revolution* aud 'rebellion' and 'secession* and slavery' and 'trcasou' and 'Coufederate brigadiers' and almost everything elso, except the real issues under discussion. But the country got accustomed to this, aud as soon as it was discovered that the revolution did not begin, aud that the 'Confederate brigadiers' were the most conservative and prudent 'men iu Congress, the people began to look at (ho facts, the scare wore off and the Radicals wcukcncd. Auothor cause for the impression to which you refer is to be found, I think, iu the coloring which was given to the debates in the Associated Press dispatches from Washington. When I came home sick in June [ was struck with the character of these dispatches. Iu thcui the Rudicals wcro almost alwavs made trt nnnoiir ?r> ...1 ? _r, -vantage than the Democrats, whether designedly or not I cannot say. Rut having a pretty correct idea of the drift of the debate, I could see that there was a partiality shown to the Radical speakers, aud the people uaturally formed erroneous conclusions from those dispatches. As to tho Democratic management, of course there were mistakes, but in the main the controversy was managed with great ttkill and tact aud ability by the Democratic leaders." "I judge from what you liavo said that the fiuaucial question will not occupy so , important a position in tho approaching campaign us the political questions to which I you hare referred?" "I do not think so. Id my judgment the Radicals committed a great party blunder iu not forciug tho financial question upon the Democrats, instead of permitting the Democrats to couipol them to meet issues which they (the Democrat?) uiado on 'th*> uso of troops at the polls,' aud the deputy marshals,' 'supervises,' 'test oath,' &c., &c. Truo, the Republicans were divided on financial questions as well as the Democrats, bat not so much so, und if they had foroed the fight on that issue at tho beginI ing of tho extra session, and kept it up, the in in ii 11 i f t'li 3D* it -ii~l jVVtifi have been divided; but they did not ao so, and the opportunity has passed. I think the difTercuces of opinion among Democrats, on the silver nucstion (Tor that is now about the only financial matter upou which there is a difference of opinion,) is more apparent than real, and I hope and b'elievo that before the Presidential canvass opens all differences will disnppear and the Democrats will be solid to go into the fight on the consolidation doctrines of the Radicals. I do not understand cither wiug of tho Democratic party to be opposed to silver uor to its equalization with gold." "What then is the point of difference in tho Democratic party on the bilvcr question ?" "As I said awhile ago, I think the difference is more appureut than real. Nobody objects to silver as a currency, and to its heiujj made ecj'Uil! wilu gold? but tho question l? hvw this is to bo accomplished. One j set of Democrats, more notably those who favored tho "Warner Silver Kill/' as it was | origlnallv i^'?,-o<iuccd, thiuk that the unlimited free coinage of silver by .the Governuiout is tho best way to briug about the equality?that is to say, if you havo $20,000 worth of silver bullion, which is worth in reality but eighty-five cents in the dollar of 412 J grains, you shall be allowed to carry the bullion to a United Stated mint and have it coined into standard silver dob lnrs, so that the inoincut the Uovcrnmcut stauip is put upon it that which was intrinsically worth but eighty-five cents becomes, by this artificial appliance, worth one hundred cents. Ou the other hand, there are those who think,that silver having been fully rcnionctized an 1 invested with unlini* ited legal tender power, it is best to limit its coiungo for the prcsont, at least, and gradually restore its equality to gold. They think that tho two metals, if lei alone in their present relations, will rendjust themselves to each other, ana to the business of the country with, perhaps, such modifications as trade and commercial interest and timo will dictate and justify. This is the Icadiug difference, only as to tho means to accomplish the sauio result, and I agree with those who hold the luttor opinions.? It is a very difficult, complicated subject, one of tho most difficult in governuicutal science, is this question of finance, and vory few men in the world understand it, at least, in tho nnnlirntinn nf its nrinninlna In irnv. crnmeut. And jet you bear men talk ubout it as glibly and confidently as if it were as simple as "The Ruloof Throo." 1 confess, very frankly, that there aro many branches of the subject that I do not fully comprehend and grasp, but I prefer in this, as upon all other questions, to tako a conservative position, and in the meantimo give tho sub jeet candid consideration and tho exorcise of my best judgmont." ''In what respect do tho advocates of the 1 unlimited free coinage of silver cluini thai , it will be beneficial to the people?" # ??iij, mcjf say it win tnako money uioro abundant, .stimulate business, enhance prices, employ labor, and iu that way relieve the pressure of the times." "is it your opinion that it would have that effect?" "No, not to nuy appreciable degree. I believe that business will revive more surely, perhaps somewhat more slowly, and reach a normal condition uiore certuinly?that prosperity will be restored in all parts of the eouutry upon a more substantial and healthful and pcrmnncut basis if the fiuauccs should bo let aloue, (save one change in the system which I c:uld suggest,) than by incessant tinkering, and the preparation of fioaucial nostrums,at each session of .Congress. Money is tdic most timid and eouser-_ vativc of all tlio elements and instrumcntulitios of business, and requires to be placed upon a firm aud certain basis, and then to disehargo its proper fuuctionR. Those who are deuiandiug more money, an inflation of the currency by the unlimited free coinage of silver, the issue of more greenbacks and Slioli tnmnnmrt? u*??l?Ai>U54Vo ...!! - * ?wm|/vi?? j iiianucuiiio, win uui nucouiplish what they desire, until one and only one, very important change shall have been made in our fiuancial system. In the silver war both parties are fighting at a shadow, and I should be tempted to read tho 'Oouiedy of Errors' to some of uiy political friends, who have gono daft on the silver qucstiou, if I were not afraid of giving offence." "What is the change which you would suggest?". "Abolish the national banks, and repeal the ten per cent, tax on the issues of iState banks, and the financial problem will be solved, in uiy judgement." "In what way would that benefit the country 1" "In more ways than I shall be ablo to iudicatc at present. One thing, 1 think, is clearly demonstrable, that the unlimited free coinage of silver will benefit, no class of people other than the bulliou speculators. They would make fifteen cents ou tho dollar at tho prcsuut value of bullion on every dollar coined, and men like you and I would have that fifteen ceuts to pay, and in an operation of two or three hundred millions it would amount to something. Silver bullion from all parts ot the world would Hood the mints. Every government with a surcommercial centres. And how arc we to get it out ? No easier than we can now yet money, aud no more readily if there wero two thousand millions of silver coined in the next six months. Abolish tho ua tion.il banks, so that uioucy can be inure properly distributed fur the benefit of tlic whole pooplc, and then the loosening of the floodgates of silver coin would not do so much damage. Hut turning in an increased volume into the old currents would not bcuedit the people at large. You must first eradicate the evils of the system, before attempting to build it up to a healthy, vig,orous growth, by administcriug stimulauts. ''Who in Congress is responsible for the agitation of the silver question ?" 'The Western meu, in great uiea*vuo. ' ' Thty ure more largely in debt, I believe, than we are, aud the shrinkage of values and reduced price of their products, (a result which sueccods tho feverish, speculative character of values after a great war such as ours, as iuevitably as day follows night?we have felt it keenly at the South,) hus dimiuished their capacity to pay, aud they uaturally clamor for somelhiug for relief. There is great force iu their appeals, but, in niy humblo opinion, they aro not pursuing tho effective course to ovcrcoun tho difficulties which cuvirou us. You sec, it is so plausible to say, as most of the free coinage men do say, 'that silver has been degraded, and ouuht to be restored to the I position it occupied betoro the war/ 'that it is the people's money and they want it/ 'that it was the dollar of our daddies/ &c., See. Now this all seems very fair ttud reasonable and proper, but those who claim this for silver, forget, or overlook, the changed coudition in the commercial world. In the ten years intervening bctweeu the years 1852 and 18G2, the auuual average production of silver throughout tho world was estimated to bo ouly from forty to fortyfive millions of dollars, and very little of this from Amcrionu mines. Whereas in 1875 tho aggregate production throughout the world is estimated to have been seventyfive millions of dollars. Silver has depreciated much more than degraded in value, owuing?io the largo additional supply producoi by the American mines iu recent yoars. Tho entire revenues of Indian are now collected in silver, and I commend to the extreme silver uieu tho cxpcricnco of the Indian (joverunjcnt of lato years by reason of it. She lost in exchanges in ouo jeur 915,000,000, because of her having i nothing but silver, llcsides Germany has demonetized silver. The Latin Union has suspended its coinage. England, the great i financial ccntro of tho world, adopted tho gold standard years ago, and sho is to day i the riu)icst nation in the world, with nil douiitrics paying tribute to her sagitcity i and superior financial foresight. Moreover I inter commuuicnt ion in the commercial world required Weeks and months, wbcti only minutes and hours uro now required since the adoption of the submarine telegraph The balance of trade in our favor for the last fiscal year amounted to some two hundred and fifty odd millions. I speak from memory. Suppose this amount could be paid iufeilvcr at eighty-five ccuts iu the dollar?instead of gold?and you will have some idea of our immense Josses. If these balauccs should be paid iu silver, at it* present value, instead of gold, our losses would be uiore than thirty million dollars So that we have not the same conditions us when silver was the "Dollar ol our Daddies," and it is much easier to talk about restoring it to its toruier relation to gold and tc tho business world, than to accomplish it For the life of mcj 1 do not comprehend bow any man who has a pound of cotton to sell can desire any other than a gold standard. The price of cotton in this country is regulated by tho price, in gold, in Liverpool. Why then should I be required to take for my cotton u currency which is depreciated in England as well as America, when 1 ought to get the best price in the best eurreucy ? Let us see how it affects the chief market crop of the South. The value of uumanujitctured cotton exported by us for the tcir mouths ending April 30, 1879, was one hundred and fifty million eight hundred and suveuty-uinc thousuud three hundred and forty-five dollars (?150,879,345.) Run fifteen cents in the dollar >i t. .i . - - wuuugii mat suu>, (jiuu 1 merely adopt that to roproecut the depreciation of silver, by way of illustration?it may be uioro or less,) and the measure of loss to the cotton produce may be approximated. This, of course, would not happen if we could control tho price of silver iu England, Frauco, Geruiauy and other countries with which wo have commercial transactions; but wo cannot make eighty-live cents' worth of silver worth ono hundred cents in England by placing the government stamp ou it, as wo can at home, for when it gets to England it rates simply as bullion aud passes there only at its bullion value." 'Do 1 understand you, then, to favor a single standard of coiu currency ?" . "No, not absolutely. 1 think that it was wise and proper to rctnonetizc silver aud to limit its coinage, as I believe, with proper limitations upon the coiuago of silver, to be regulated by circumstances, the two coins might be made to supplement each n arngpiouMjy - -vr-nm -cu t fre tflnfoHTOCi Iflttti' si matters now staud, would hare the effect o'' driving gold out of the country and entailing great losses upon our people, as I have cudcavored to illustrate by the losses ou cotton alone." "llecurring to your suggestions abonl the National Daaks, would not their abolition tend to unsettle bnsiucss and produce confusion in monetary circles?" "I think not. Tho repeal of tho provision of the National Dank act, which imposes a tax of 10 pur cent, ou State issues, would settle ihc troubles, at least so far as wc in the South arc concerned. The comparatively small amount of capital invested iu South Caroliua in National banks would be transferred, no doubt, to institutions organized under State authority as bunks of SSUC, aild become much more satisfactory to investors in bauk stock. Wo should thou have a currency answeiiug all the purposes of our people iu their business operations, as uudcr Stato banks before the war, aud would be all tho better by being kept at home if such should hn its fnin Our merchants and business men would have no difficulty in arranging their cxchaugcs with New York, Baltimore, or even with Europe, as thoy had uouo before tho war. The government issues of greenbacks would remain in eircululion. 1 have no doubt oi the ability of the government to maintain | resumption upon the present amount in | circulation, or perhaps on a larger amount, | in the progress of the development of our iucreased specie paying capacity. The reopening of State banks would aid resumption and supply the deiaaud lor more currency, bccauso it would bo more generally and equitably distributed than is tho case with the National bank currency."?Special to the News and Courier. To Remove Dandruff.?To remove dandruff tako an ouuco of powderod borax, a piece af unslaked lime the size of a chest iiuc, ana a isuiespooniui or spirits oi amuionia ; put them iu a quart bottle and fill it up with boiled or pump water Aflei twelvo hours apply this wash to the scalp Ladies can apply it best with a fine sponge Hinso with tepid wator. After n few ap plications the scales will disappear, the hail becomes soft and brilliant, and the younf hair bo seen to start out. Dandruff shouh be cured gradually, so as not to pro duco sick headache or dizziness by it suddcu suppression.?Exchange. - - ? - ? ? JilNIMKNT FOR IX BUR ALQ1 A.?ttqiia parts hartshorn, sweet oil, chloroform, spir its of ammonia; dip into this a cotton clotl doubled the size of a dollar; lay it on th spot where the pain is, and hold nuotho cloth over it to confine the fuuics. Do no let it remain on long nt one lime, or it wil . .cause a blister. Shako the bottle well nm .kt'sp corked tight. Also, good for rhennis thnn ?Mfs. Mary Olio; in Gcrmantou>\ Tctrgraplu MIXED FARMING AND STOCK RAISING. l'mf. Jno. It. Page, of tho University of Virginia, contending iu the Southern Plauter for the abuudouuieut of the systent of cultivating two or three crops ou largo areas of poor land, at a considerable expense in fertilizers and labor, aud f ir the adoption of a system of mixed farming and rearing, of stock, by which half a dozen or more crops may bo cultivated in rotatiou ou a small scale nud at less expense, says ; It will be contended that this system is only applicable to communities with dense populations and a ready market for everything that can be made out of tho soil aud produced in the form of meat, dairy products, &c. I admit that it can only | attain the highest perfection uudcr such a condition of things; and have mentioned' these fuels simply to illustrate the principle . involved. Hut that an aualagous system, in which all products that cannot be sold shall be converted into salable meat, milk, wool and manure, is the safest and surest method of obtaining prolit, aud permanent improvement of the soil, cannot hn son. cessfully denied. While no system can bo made universally applicable, every farmer ought to cudeavor to work out ouc for himself, according to the location, soilnud character of his farm. Iu doing this the following principles must be kept in view : 1. The cultivation of small areas of land iu a rotatiou of crops?primary or staple crops for sale directly, and secondary crons to be converted tuio meat, wool ana uianuro for udditiouul profit and improvement of the land. 2. That the land cultivated must be made rich in plant-food, chiefly by the stock which consume the secondary products, aud fertilizers only purchased to supplement the deficiency. 3. The grain crops ought net to eneoocd eech ether, but thut there eught to be enalternate sucecssiou of grain, grceu and grass crops. 4. That a long course is more favorable to the soil than a short one; that a five-fieldsystem is better thau a three or four-field, and that u six or seven-field system is pro lerablc to either lor the improvement of the soil aud the carrying of stock. 5. That the free use of lime or plaster with green crops, plowed in in regular rotation. furnishes t ho cheapest method of improving a largo class of lands; while pure *pn08pnHlCJ WHn tHlmlc vi bOOo Or BUIplllllC of ammonia, and sulphate or muriate of potash, mixed in proper proportions aud op-plied in reasonable amount, will generally secure a remunerative crop and a good stand of clover and orchard grass seed (a good foundation fur the permanent improvement of the field.) G. That the making, saving and applying to tho soil of all the manures and waste products of the farm and household should be made a regular business. Fixed principles of uetion are as necessary in tbc most exact avocations of life, and it is necessary to adopt thcui and to study them, in order to achieve a successful farm practice. To this cud, these imperfect remarks are iutended. The relations of the laboring class in our midst to the existing I cotuuuou oi agriculture ftho wages of those who work und the large numbers of those who are idle and preduccous) and the change that will bo produced by a change in our system, I will not attempt to discuss, but will close with the expression of the ! 6rm belief that the only basis for a profita, blc aud improving system of mixed fnrm| ing, in Virginia is the system of mixed farm-ing, the rearing of stock and the adoption of rigid economy in the use of labor, fertilisers and domestic affairs. This is tho only way by which wo will bo able to create capital at homo, without which we can never be independent or highly prosperous. i How iie I)n? It.?Around the Sea Peach Palace are handsome baskets of exotics suspended about half way between the ' upper and lower piazzas. The other day a sharper thought he would amuse some companions by guying nu employee of the cs-1 tablishuicnt. I suppose, lie commenced, you have to* havo a good roach to water thorn plants ? No! 1 Perhaps you stand on some one's shoul1 dor to get at them ? No we don't! 1 dure say you climb up tho pillurs and throw water into the pots out of a clam shell? No sir ; wc do not. Woll, hew do you water them ? And tho employee replied : r We hang by our toes from the upper pi; azza and pour tho water on the flowers out 1 of silver cbaticea. The gnycr departed highly satisfied with 8 the man's technique.?'New York Ufar. Fan Scarlet-Fever Sore Throat.? I A decoction of sage and blackberry-roofr '* unudo vory strong; thon to a pint of the doII coction add 1 oz. pulverized borax, 4J oz. o pulverized alum, 1 oz. gum myrrh, and r sweeten with loaf sugar. To bo used as a 4 gargle and a very little to be swallowed.? II This has never been knowu to fail. d ?- ? .> - ?? * ' f Take trno view of life i fee rfrood thai n ytid hWd Work iu Ihe wdtld's tjusy path, , end do it well and honorably.