Historical Newspapers of South Carolina

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,?a^?an?-ga i ?i i.au.'iu.ii amebla'gmbgm?p91?---?-u? t. t a ?, i a i.-jli -i.ua* ' 11 j | mia ??? ? ? ? SPECIAL TRADE ; % Inducements! Ill FALL"STOCK!! _:o: WE htTt on hand and to arrire the moat complete Stock of general Merchandise we hare ever offered to the trade. Consiating of Domestic*, Dress Oooda, Shawls, 1 Casslmeres, Blankets a and Flannels, Kid ?loves, ^ Hosiery, White Ooods, Handkerchiefs. v NEW FALL UNDERWEAR. UrtUUEHLUS AINU HARDWARE, BOOTS AND SHOES. SPECIALTIES Lade's and Gent's custom Made Shoes dent's Hand-Hade Shoes. THE CELEBRATED 8TAR SHIRTS AND COLLARS Also our No. 60 Shirt, 2100 Linen Bosom and Cuffs, at $12 00 per dosen. Come and see us before purchasing elsewhere i as we are determined not to be undersold. Highest market prices paid 1 for Cotton In Settlement of Ac- 1 GEE A HUMPHRIES. Oct 11 41 tf_ C. D. Pag*. W. W. F?b*acbk. C. D. PAGE & CO., ?MAftTJPACSUUWB 0* . A CHEMICAL WATER FLUME, WOOD BURNED LIME. THE Undersigned having leased the Lime Works and Kiln, known as the LIMESTONE SPRINGS LIME KILNS, are manufacturing a superior qualitj of Lime ! fer i Agricultural and Building i nurnoses. which thev offer to the Farmers and Buiiders of Union County, at the following. < VERY LOW PRICES: 1 Agricultural Lime, (at Kiln) 10 cent* pe bushel. 1 Building Lime, ou board oars, 75 cents per barrel. < Properly used for Agricultural purposes, this 1 Lime would save the Farmers of Unien thou- | auds of dollars annually. Address, C. D. PAGE dt CO., Limestone Springs, S. C. j __ Not 1 44 8m? , NEW ARRIVALS! i ^ t FALL AND WINTER 600D8! i :o: , Stylish ! Attractive!! Cheap!!! 1 * Bice & McLure ARB now reedy to display to their Patrons tho moat complete end Seasonable Stock of DRY GOODS! ROOTS AND SHOES! CLOTHING! HARDWARE! : GROCERIES, &c?f &c$f they ever brought to this Market and invite an , inepeetion of thea, i WE DELIGHT IS SHOWING OUR GOODS 1 ^ CALL ON US IF f WANT BARGAINS. J f H V* HeLtRE. 1 Pet 16 || yi it ' FAMMliY^ yCEHlBS. i IIAMS AND ,* < FLOUR, LARD. CORN MEAL AND MOLA88ES. at No. T, Ka*t Union. Nov 15 40 If ! . 1 ?MOAfl AaiiA xjmsjk nAAnun. Correspondent : "Governor, what have you to Bay touching the Bluinc-Tcllcr iuvostigation ?" TilE BOTTOM FACTS WANTED. Governor : "I have no earthly objection to the investigation itself, if the right to mako it is conceded. Of course, under tho present circumstances, we could not lodge au objectiou touchiug the unwarrantable cspionago involved in this measure without being misconstrued, and I think Thurman, Lamar, Butler and others with thorn received this mcasuro with most becoming spirit. Now that it has been undertaken, 1 wish to see it go to the bottom. Whatever wo hare have dono ainiss^jet it bo shown. Howetfer it mtydxpoae afij* liction of ours, it must do us good in tho end. Nojjood citizen, no wise man, no good patriot can afford to cloak and cover up frautlor corruption in elections. It goes to the root of our institutions, and it destroys the fruition of liberty itself. But wc have aright to ask that the Teller committee snail toll tno whole story and not the half of it. Whatever comfort there is in it, and I confess it is a very poor one, due, an honest investigation will discover as much irregularity on the Ropublican side of our household as tha Democratic. And this much I may say, that so far as intimidation is concerned there was literally none whatever on our side, whilst on the Republican side there aro tho most unquestionable evidences of QROSS INTIMIDATION. Two eases of this kind happened with two of tho employees of my son-in-law Col. Haskell. Two of his >;hands" were sadly beaten for voting the Democratic ticket.? So, too, thcro were instances of unquestionable intimidation on the part of the Republicans all over the State. This was more or less to be looked for. We had all the surrounding influences of superior wealth, Bocial and political power, on our Bide, which. naturally, without actual or undue constraint, exercises a great control over the average votes of the country. When, thon, the Republican party saw power slipping from their hands like water from the broken vessels at the well, they first denied it and then put the thumb-screws ou their colored partisans to hold them to their old political reckonings whether or no. Every scnsiblo man, North or South, will at once recognize Ahr ?onditi6% of things, land the Onrkrtiished truth of the relation thereof. Hence, though [ have not been permitted to exercise the executive fuuetions of my offico since the election, owing to tho unhappy accident which befell me, the Executive of tho State, in the worthy hands into which it has fallen, will be found, I doubt not, recognizing facts as they are, and opposed to lending itself to useless and unworthy recriminations }u the colored Republicans in this matter. Our courts are fully open to all parties, ind our State laics will be found amply orovident and sufficiently penal touchiny 'his wnole matter. Our judges are goutlemen above reproach, and will know neither Republicans nor Democrats in the discharge if their duties, and whatever fault might be found with juries on the scoro of partisan bias, either on one sido or the other, there would be the evidence taken under the" control of unpartisau judges and sent to the jury under charges which oould not and would not apuint at fraud or intimidation, [low happens it, then, that no oomplaint touching the elections are lodged with our courts? Why, plainly beeause tho Republicans know that 'those who live in gloss bouses should not throw stones." Correspondent: "Governor, do you frankly ickncwledge, then, that thore were irreguarities in our Democratic household ?" DEMOCRATIC IRREGULARITIES. Governor: "/ do, unquestionably. It ioemed impossible to prevent it in view of the terrible moral obliquy visited on our people by the Radical rule under which they have lived since the war. This is a Tar greater curse to us than all the thefts diet have been perpetrated on us, a bare catalogue of which filled columns of our newspapers. No one can regret this more than 1 do, and no oue oould have striven harder to impress its wrongfulness and tbsoluto impolicy upon our people than I bave. And 1 now hold as ever its utter impolioy." rHE DEMOCRATS IN FULL CONTROL OF THE STATE. Correspondent: "Governor, what have fou to say as to the actual Democratic itrength of the State T" Governor : "It is unqueationably and )verwhemingly in the control ef the State. Hence, even the poor excuse of being necessary to the preservation of civilized rule is canting to any irregularities put afoot m our suite. I have no diepoeition to ihirk (he investigation, and I waut it, as I I -1 I A- * - * ;iavo ma, to go 10 tne dottorn of tbe matter, if we oan have such an honest investigation is shall keep its eyes wide open to election inremilaritiee, in all parties, in all parts of the Union, it is wall and moro than well ? Bo far as tbe practicability of snoh an inrestigalion is concerned is snothcr question. Yet, without this, what of tho fairness of in investigation in a corner when the hustings everywhere else are 'fall of doad men's bones ?' Why investigate elections tn' tho Southern States,whero irregularities have sprung like thistles from Radical sowing, when tho Government dcpartinoncs at Washington and Federal officials all over tho Union arc openly and shamelessly taxed for Republican campaign funds ? If tho amount taxed on these officials is not necessary to their support, then it is so much of tho people's money taxed for tho.maintenance of party rule, which could ndl bo otherwise maintained, aud if it could he otherwise maintained, tlnn it is so much squandered to satisfy partisan greed. All w<: want is a fair and square effort before the couutry to purify the political atmosphere, and we arc content and more than content to tako all the ill consequences arising to cause we are Southerners and Democrats." GREENBACKS OK HARD-MONET. Correspondent: "Governor, I presume we will have to set you down as a hard money man ?" Govornor : "Of tho strictest school. I do not comprehend tho greenback philosophy at all. If I had becu in Congress at the tiuio I should have voted nguinst tho resumption measure, not becauso 1 would huvo been opposed to resumption. I have always recognized resumption as ucccssary to honest money and the actual paymcut of tho public obligations, which must be met dollar for dollar in constitutional money, and in good faith to the letter aud spirit of the law, as well as necessary to tho houcst payment of all debts. But yet I would, to use Mr. Tildon's phrase, "have got ready to resume," and more or less invited into co-operation with tho government the wise providence of tho business circles of the country, and permitted the business necessities of tho country, with its shaping hand, to disentnnglo the financial web which Republican statesmanship had wound round 1 and rouud the great industries of the country until it stood like the lion in the meshes.? The small operations of daily lite, gradually cutting mesh after mesh, would in due time and with wise providence and paticucc, 1 have relieved the distress of the country, < nbturully and permanently. Sudden re- 1 sumjition, in-my view, cost tlic j>eople of the 1 country too much to be advocated. I should i have preferred more of what tho doctors call tbc tentative process thau tbo enormous physicking through which the country has been put. No one can tcfl"tfie^wOtTcss loss nud sorrow through which the people of this country have passed in this rapid resumption measure, which can bo compared to nothing else than the Egyptiau order to the Israelites, to make BRICKS WITHOUT STRAW. Yet, when tho hard-pan has been reached, painful though the process may have been, it does seem to mo to be unwise to go back and, perohance, have unwisely to travel over the same ground again. I do not think it wise for the Democracy at this stage to set back the wheels of resumption. Let us rather now tako advantage of whatever good may be found in it. The past, with all its sorrows, it might be as well with all our might and main to put bravely behind us, and look out to tbo wide future bofore us. Tho truth is, resumption will provo a partial sucocss or failure before 1880. We, in our own interests, whether Democrats or othorwiso, should wisely endeavor to make the most of it, and tho country has a right to expect this much at our bauds." THE JACKSON DEMOCRACY. Correspondent: "I believe, Governor, you have always stood on the platform of the Jackson Democraoy ?" Govenor : "Ever, and I stand there today. To my view, wo should get back there as fast as possible. The true Jacksou policy, as I apprehend it, is to disentangle tho business transactions of the country from the legitimate financial conduct of government affairs. To mix the mv tuiugs i3 uu warranted DT ttio Uonstitutiinnnd dangerous to the last degree.? Why, does not everybody see, &om what ha* transpired before us, that the mouaont that the government becomes involved in its financial operations with those of the country at largo, the moneyed men of the country and tho great industrial classes become involved in 'an irrepressible oonflict,' even more terrible than that which J tho great New York politician of a former day pressed upon the attention of tho oountry! The moneyed men in their own interest endeavor to shape and control tho ( financial polity of the oountry, more or hss, as the necessities of the case or the GREED OF THE MONETED MEN , might demand. The industrial classes, at < first uucouscious of oontrol, or patiout uuuoi ii ov luug oo I/U91UU9S pFOSpCfS WIID ' thorn, as soon as reverses come?either aris- < tag from the exigencies of the time# or the misshapen policy of the govdrrfaient, It .< matters not?begin to hotel agamet the undue control of the moneyed cktteet, who in tarn cry repudiation, until there is a lost confidence, a general look-up of eurrent notes, and consequently universal stagnation in business. Thus, in atteaspting 4o join that together which the Constitution has left apart, we erect a dangerous propinquity of interests, which muat lead in , the end to anarchy, actual repudiation, if 'SHfc.1 * not bloody revolution. The Jackson De*, mocracy, on tho contrary, puts tho conduct j of the financial affairs ot the business nud industries of tho country at large in its -own hands to expand and contract according to its own necessities aud tho uncontrollable laws of trade, more or less variant in differcut sections, aud hence moro or less adapted to the wants aud iutcrcsts of each section. The State Legislatures incorporated the banking institutions of the country, which, in the enlightenment of the times, will only permit such variations from the common staudard of chartered privileges and requirements as the spcoiul industries and necessities of tho case may demand and justify." THE CAMPAIGN OF 1880. "So far I as can sec," continued tho Governor, "I do not rccoguize the necessity just now of the Democratic party taking on its back the responsibility of the financial question. Tho Republicans as a whole have shaped out the finaucial problem which they now claim is a success. Let us not meddle with it, but givo it a fair chance of success. If they have brought thn cnnnlrii *J ? ? J w uvutu a uuur 1U UCUlCVlllg ib let us at least strive not to make it au actual funeral, whereas it will in such an emergency become our funeral no less than theirs. Let us look to the permanent interest of tho wholo country, and endeavor, whether we wiu or loose, to deserve well of the whole country. "I am convinced we cau win in 1880, if tho Democratic party of tho Union will have done with men of expediency and leuru to toe tho mark squarely and fairly on estajlishcd principles, and I know no better school than the old-line Jackson Democracy. Then let us put good trusty men in nomination, fearlessly avow our principles, and show ourselves worthy of trust bv being willing to take defeat at the hands of the people should they disapprove of our policy. A Constitutional rule, tel/tfovcrnmcnt and no sectionalism should be the sum and substacno of our platform, lilted to good, honorable trusted and tried standard-bearers, it matters not whether they be from tho East or West. I have no patient with au Eastern Democracy, and Western Democracy, a Northern Democracy and Southerp Democracy.? It is no Democracy at all that is not as wide as the whole country. Uutil wo can Dud an .Eastern constitution and a Western constitution, or Northern or Southern constitution ot the United States, let us have douc with this sectional Democracy, which means aud ought to mean ceitain defeat.? Let us trust the people with the matter, and I believe tho sober sccoud thought of the people of this great country will go back to tho Coustitution of our fathers with one conLCut aud find iu its wide bosom what we all want, with the exception of a class of wicked mischief-makcr8--,2>c(/c<?, blessed .heaven-born peace !" IIONESTV TUE BEST TOLICY. The Governor then, of bis own accord, turned to a consideration of the State debt and Us being met squarely. Ho said be began his administration advising and advocating tho broadest generosity to the public creditor in the interest of the people of tho State themselves. Nothing could make him believo that tho people ot South Curoliua, if let alone, would do wrong in this matter. "The whole dcLt, just as it is, could bo carried bv the people, and ,1. .i.;/!.. .!.'. - ??oy u/i/ucct juiii u mure io ineir interest in the end to carry the last dollar of it as it stood than to repudiate or seem to repudiate one dollar of it. Even if there was no other consideration, no higher one, we were too poor not to protect our credit even from scandal. Still further, the political attitude of 1880 domanded that we should not add to our troubles the influence of commercial men against us in our final struggle for righteous government and homo rule. " "When I first went to Washington to see Mr. Hayes," said tho Governor, "the oominoroiai dim ot tbe North Mot a delegation ahead of me urging the President to recognise my government in tho interest of intelligent and honest rule. I found thoir good word had proven, as it ought to have done, potent with tho Chief Executive. It teems io me to come in bad ijrace from our people now to turn their backs Aatiy agaiust this same class which, whether our bouds were issued regularly or irregularly, is in possession of them, shorn down in amount by an accommodation, adopted during the Radical rule, betweeu the State and her creditors, so as to leave the State two millions Ijss debt than ber unquestioned obligations foot up. This is a fact we can't get away from, and should wo bravely go forward and show our determination to meet tbe last dollar, 1 am convinoed that arrangements can be made, through the old English financial agents of the State, to cash all our obligations for $5,000,000 and fund the same at a low rate of interest? thus DTOvincr an actual, instant wnni. relief1 to our people, and saving our good namo without a blot on it at tho snmo time." "As I have said," be continued, "I shall go to Charleston on the 22d of February, and I suppose they will expsot me to talk to them. If I am strong enough I shall do so. As this will narrowly approach the t - i i a li i.' , n . . -i- .ta?aau u?.a time when I must retiro from the Executive chair, in which I have honestly and faithfully endeavored to serve tbo beloved | people of my beloved State, I shall conclude my trusts with tho same ndvico that I undertook theui, and that is for our people to meet this obligation to the full extent of the letter of tho law as woll as its spirit."?Columbia Register. INTERESTING INTERVIEW OF GOVERNOR SIMPSON BY THE CORRESPONDENT OF THE CINCINNATI ENQUIRER. Correspondent?Governor in view of the fixed political complexiou iu South Carolina, which may as woll bo accepted | ns a political fact, and in view of the possible influence arising herewith, it has beI come important to know the policies and political preferences finding acceptance with your people. I have, thercforo, called to know your Excclloucy's views touching vv.iuiu t|iivoMUua U1 lUierCSL 10 tuc public. Govoruor?I am quite willing thnt you should know my individual views touching matters of public policy, and though not elected to office with particular reference to my opinions touching such matters, I think the views I entertain aud hold arc in common with my fellow-citizens generally in the South. Cor?Who do you prefer for President, and ought he to come from the East or tho West? Gov.?I prefer Senator Bayard for President over any man in the United States, lie is pure iu character?which is the first aud uioel impoitaut qualification exalted in intellect aud sound in politics. I think ho ha) the best conception of the true theory of our system of government of any of our public men, and his integrity of char> acter would not allow him to deviate from that theory for any purpose whatever. 'Tia strange thnt people of the United States don't sec this, aud broaking through party trammels, don't put him at tho head of tho government. Next to Bayard I would prefer Hcudricks or Thurinan. Not be cause tney are from the West?I dou't thiuk that the question of locality should have auything to do with this matter.? That idea implies that a largo number of electors could be iuduccd to vote for a man simply on account of his locality, without regard to his political views or character. 1 have a higher opinion of the masses than this, and I don't think we should pander to this idea. If there seemed to be ? v? any chance for Hancock I would prefer hiui next to Bayard. I don't know any man in the East suitable for the place. Cor.?What are your views about hard money ? Gov.?As a citizen I am a hard monoy man, but in the election of President, I thiuk ovcry question of mere legislation ought to be subordinated to the higher question of coufining the general government to its constitutional orbit. That is the vital questiou of the day with us?in fact, the very existenc of the government of our fathers depends on it?and where a man iu sound on that, this covers a multitude of faults on mutters of mere legislation. We had better decide the question whether wo shall have the right to legislate before we fall out about what measures wo shall adopt. [ Cor.?What do you say as to the solid South Y Gov.?As to the solid South ? That matter is perverted. The South is not solid as a section against the North as a section. The pjople of the several Southern Statos arc solid in tho belief that wo in the South havo been most unjustly dealt with by the Republican party, since tho war, in overthrowing our governments, and-" putting us under tho heel of ignorance, corruption and incapacity. They are solid in the belief that the only rescue from this stato of things is the restoration in each State of integrity with competency, and as these qualities were founc^alono in tho Democratic party of these States, that that party should be placed in power; and inasmuch as the danger to this camo from tho general government transcending its con* stitutional powers and interfering with the internal affairs of the State, they are solid, fnA in # Vi r* KaIIaP ? " vvj ?i*v uvuvi i/iiub niub guvcrnmenQ ought to be confined to its coustitution&l boundary; and they are surprised that tho people of the Northern States are not solid on the same line, because this is no sectional question, but it is a question which lies among the foundation stones of thQGovernment. Cor.-?Do you think that the Democratic party South ought to demand a place on the national ticket in 1880 ? Gov.?1 don't think the Southern Democrats ought to demand a place on the national ticket as a im< que non?certainly not on tho ground of looality. No; what we want is good government: and what I mean by good government is, as already stated, coustitutional government. Wo don't care anything about offico. No doubt thor Suoth could furnish men eminently qualifiod, bat office ft a small matter to us compared to the great question of getting tho national government back to its old moorings. Bayard and Hendricks would start ttyui government right for tho second century. ? Why is dancing like milk ? Because it strengthens the calves.