Historical Newspapers of South Carolina

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* I ' 7^ " IV" f.M_?!?1?? < ; i II |I *"" ;> *,?^, ' v* - ^ v^-#*^.'> >'VCf jfV/V..- . . * ^ - . >\ ^W'KXAXDKl;, Sue-! of "liootiy C| Cyr.i liny 'return- ^ l l l Four for l'lckona I**.j didJjJf L'r^l ' ? "lit * I J~J |_ I ^ I ^.1 \ I p 1^ | __ vtfiilloo in tllv linnds . " '" K. % .<'> Goods, j V*/ W U ?& J ?J UJL LJ -- A' gy ! .. ?. ' :, ,.-.?-_?pSi^^ Jf^F^ .. *d of- ' "*' "TO T111NE OWN 8KLF DE TRUE, AND IT MUST H^AdV ImaOk'cLO- ' VnriifL ' -T^ " r"5o .% '.g li\ , " ( '"J _!.? ... >~9r.r<*tH, Buainoss' Ow?Mfc.. -il.IOl) CAM'W, n 0, II I anVl ?th*? AN* MAJt- ,,< > . * ... ' *?===S .3 Mori- BulmngiJ* _ L, 10 (?> II A Tir_ iL * <?io??la? BY ROB'T. A. THOMPSON. PICKENS COUKT HOUL^ u. o. sA^rfii^peril). ojj Crook,i ' " ^ - Nn - " -, ;. , ... r.i .r:.M ? ^...... . * no. 1/. P.QUT80M,, SI'EECH OF HON. J. H. HAMMOND, Delivered at Barnwell C. II.. Oct. 20,1858. I ih.itA you very eiuceroly for this kind Bud cordial reception. To Btuntf hero and Hpeak to tho people of Barnwell reminds ine of times long gone by. 1 have done it, I believe, but once in more than twenty years. Butthosy. re stirring times, when, n quarter of a oentnry ago, 1 so often spoke to yon here ot the Uons^n^nw .juKil^fchc I Union?of your rights and* ^ohgs in this | confederacy. No, not to you, hut to your fathcTf). 1 am, indeed, happy to recognize in tins assemblage many who wcro actors in tlioso scenes; hut many, many more have been summoned hence, while you have grown up to supply their pluces. The gallant spirits who then surrounded me here, and whose kindling eyes and heaving bosoms animated and responded to luy speech, have for the most part passed away j but the theme is still the same?and it is my part to-day, adhering with unchanged conviction aud o? hated zeal to every principle I then maim- nod, to discoar.se upon the saino great topics. Our battle then was fur t.ht?. (\?nRfitMtmii ami} ">?? - 7 ; """ V,IVJ 1'ition, if poasiblo?out of it, if need be.? And this i.s our buttle now. The lapse of thirty years has brought much experience to the survivors of thonu who enlisted for this grout cause in ^outh Carolina. The veil of what was then (he future?u future covered with angry cloud* and do*bt and darkness?has been removed, and looking baok, we now hoc the evonta of loug years Trhich were unknown to us. The hani fought fields; our ehcqucvcd fortunes; imv victories; our defeats: the dead, tbe living, all then deep buried iu the womb of time, are all now clear and palpable. \d to those of us who have been spared .<> make this retrospect, it is a proud Kati?faction to know that time and events have proved that our principles were true nud our cause just; to recognize the uiviliuching courage and ovcrpoweiin<r abilitv with which they have Veen ho long maintained, and to feel renewed assurance that they must finally and tally triumph. Your fathers confidcd m me . from the first moment that wo met npon this spot. The)- took mo iu their arms anil lifted mo into all the high places that were within their rcaeh j and 1 havo had ninny proofs that they taught you to confide in mo as they had dono. For this great and ccn erous nod abiding confident ar.d trust, 1 never knew bat one reanon ; nnd that was, that J always told them the truth according to my best knowledge and belief. And ab 1 dealt with them, I shall do with you. The last Legislature of tho State conferred on me the high honor of a scat in the Senate of the United Sta'OH, and during the late stormy session of Congress, I in part represented you thero. Yoxi will expect me to give you somo account of the proceedings there, und moat especially of those whioh occupied four-fifths of the time of the session, and produced such great excitement throughout the country. 1 allude to the Kkuhhh question. And as no exception has been taken, so fur as I know, to any act of initio, save my course on that, ] will take this occasion to give uiy views in full upon it. When, four years ago, tlio Kansas and Nebraska act was passed, giving governments to those territories, I was like most .,f ' 1 VI JUU, m ill iv??pU VIMZOU. J. WI1H CHriH'Stl}' engaged in renovating old lauds, and orcaiing new out ot' mornssefl hitherto iinpene, trable, and 1 had as little desire or expectation of crer again taking n part in public affairs, as the leapt ambitious of you here present. I made up my mind then that this bill was fraught with delusion mid trouble to the South, and so expressed myself on nil Kuatabfo occasions. The. bill had two leading features in it.? It enacted that every territory, in terming its constitution tor tliu purpose of applying for admission into the Union, should have the right to establish itri own organic or constitutional laws, and come in with its own institutions, wi , the single condition tlmt they should be republican. Why, unless our constitution is more wasto paper* all our institutions shnn\s, and our theory of self government a fulluoy, this principle Itnd privilege is tlosi'f ?sA6iif>r? linn nf #-liA buttoni of tho whulc, ami constitutes the corner stuno. It its tlio very right for which our fathers fought sad made a revolution, I might not have refused to re-afflrm it?but it was supererogatory; it might well Weaken tho whole structure to dig up, for tho purpose of verification, its foundation. The other feature of the bill was the rcpual of the Missouri Compromise line.? That whs already repealed! It had lo?$ fulfilled iU?mi*Ku>n. It had caluted the troubled waters for o, time. It was obsolete until the annexation of Texas, when we acceded to the demand to extend it through the northern deaerta of that Stute. Hut when ^ilifomin tame?California th?t should have been, and may yet be?a slave Ht?te?sjid wd demanded to ftxtcml that lino to the PueiHc,>nd tliua for the Houth a portion of tl& mngnifloont tcrrito1*V tn linWhtJlilJ 1 c'"*^ - j I'? ?? ?'T * MIVUU UUW IH'ilH- j uro, it Vl^reftMcd. Thon that lino wne blotted out < verywhoro nnd forever. To ropoat ir,W'?? ? moro formality. The Supremo ('wirt lin.s recently prornonncctf it uh4-ouHt?U(tionul, and f?o tTio reppoj wa?, in no WApaM, of nny Importance. But this bill, with those two features, neither of theUI of an)' practical importance, ' magnified and exaggerated by orators and newspapers into a great Southern victory, led tho South into the delusion that Kansas might bo made a slave State, nod induced it to join in n false and useless issue, which has kept the whole country in turmoil for the last four years, and gave fr^sh life ,viid viiror to the abolition unriv u I J Through tho most disgusting, as well as 16 home. of fruucV?? ?1 forco, the Terri'j'ou have fnsas at* last came before Congress for iktfihission us a Stato, with what is known as the Lccompton Constitution, embodying slavery among its provisions. But at tho same time, the convention, by an ordinance, demanded of tho United States some twen- j ty-thrce millions of acres of land, instead of \ the four millions usuallv nllnwrd in now i States containing public lands. It was nl- | most certain that a majority of the people i of Kansas were opposed to this constitu- ! tion, but would not vote on it ; and this j additional nineteen millions, which, if allowed, would probably have kept them j again from the recent polls, wns what the. South was expected to pay for that worth- | less slavery clause, which would have been t nilllllHoil IIK KllHtl 1IU K".ilia..u ' I confess my opinion wus that the South herself should kick that constitution out of Congress. ]iut the South thought otherwine. When the bill for its adoption was framed, with what was called the Green Proviso, 1 (strenuously objected to it, nnd felt very much disposed to vote Against the whole, but again gave up to the Houth, which accepted it by acclamation. If that proviso meant nothing, and 60 1 interpreted it it <m' ,u ...... i i-i -- i - .V, ? uugvunu tlliu IlilU liU UUIillK^K there, being without precedout. If it could be niado to mean anything, it must lmvc Imhjii something wrong and dangerous.? Hut, as I ^id, the South took that bill far and wide. The Ilouse rejected it. They theu passed the Crittenden substitute, which proposed to submit the Lcconipton i/onstitutiou to a vote of the people of Kansas and to accept of it, if ratified by them. The iSenate had previously refused that substitute, and did ho a secoud time. It then asked a coniniittec of conference.? That committee reported what is called the "Knglish Bill." By that bill Congress accepted the Loco nipt on Constitution puro and simple without proviso. The Land Ordinanoo of the Lccompton Constitution, wnieii wan in no wine a part of the constitution, bnt a separato measure, demanded, as I. have said, an a donation uf some twenty-tlnee millions of acrce of land, being nineteen millions more than had been given to any other land State. The English liill cnt this down to the usual amount of four millions of acres, and required that the people of Kansas should ratify this modification, aud surrender all claims to tho remainder of the lands, as the condition of her final admission. Such, a requisition has been made upon every new State carved out of the public lands, that has been admitted into this Union?some tiiues in the enabling act, and where there was not one, always after accepting the constitution Go to the statutes of Congress and you will find it iu every ono of them. It is the custom, it is necessary, and this feature iu the English Hill wns in accord ance with strict precedent. The only difference is thin: that usually the Legislature of the Htuto has hoon required to ncccpt this compact by an ii revocable act, but in this case it was referred to the people of Knij&i] directly. In this there was no sacrifice of principle whatever, nor was it without precedent altogether, for in the case of the Htute last before admitted, Iowa, 'this question had been submitted to the legislature or the people, as Iowa might prefer. This is tho whole sum and sub a\.i . r.'- * i i MI niMiiuu ui u:is j-jllUllgU 1)111, OXCCpr tltltt )t further declared that unlivs tho people of Kan&is accepted this modified ordinance, they should not bo admitted us a43tato until thoy had a population that would entitle them to one representative under the federal appointment. ] voted for this bill; 1 voted properly; I voted no compromise; I sacrificed no particle of principle or :..i * i ? >uuuii:iu Miitiusi. xb is truu iuj jjiiniHf'.oiogy is halting aud bungling. It was drawn up hastily and in groat excitement. I objected to the wording ci it in several passages, but! assured myself that nothing sinister was designed, and I voted for it, leaving its authors responsible lor itn dictation on the sta'uto book. 1 thought it preferable to ih<5 iiiot bill the Senate pnsned, aud voted for it more willingly. It is true some Northern Democrats who voted against the Senate bill voted for this, and thuk it wiiM curried. JJut was Unit a reason why I should not voto for it? Does that prove that 1 sacriiiccd any principlo?? They found thowfii>lve3 wrong, and perhaps wanted Homo oxcusc to rotracc their Htcpu. I was happy to arajist in giving it to thorn without co8t to oursclvcK. I wn? particularly plcasod to got rid of tho inygtorious proviso of tho first bill, and to requlro a Koloinu compact in regard to tho publjo lliinl-; luKl/tlk lniil l H MIVM nau 1IUII U??U JJiyvm* ed for in that bill, Tho onlv princtylo involved in this wholo Kansas aflttir?if an affair ho rotton from beginning to end, can hkve ft principle at all?wan this : Would Oongrcnw admit n fllavo State into tho Union J The Senate said ye#. Tho llonsc, by adopting tho Crittenden subntituto, (mid yen, if woarcassnrfd (M? *. mniAi'i'v /if jlirt rinA^lo " Stoto arc m favor of it. For this ?ub.?ti tntc all tho opposition voted in both Houses, so that every member of Congress of all parties, first and last, committed themselves to the principle and policy that :i State should be admitted into tho I'nion, with or without slavery, according to the will of its own people?thus re-enaoting one future of the Kansas and Nebraska bill. 1 should myself have been willing to rest there, and let Kansas rest also. Whatever there WAR nf ni'llinlnlA i\r tuinnv in ?lw. , -.f" VIIU^IUUU tor, was sccurcd by the votes alroady given. The English Bill, however, onuio uniu due course, and I voted for it cheerfully, believing that it was better calculated than any that had been offered, to close up this miserable business, which has furnished much the most disgraceful chapter, so far, ill our history. But it is said that in submitting thit laud ordinance to a vote of tho people of Kansas, Congress submitted also the Lo compton Constitution with its pro-slavery clause. If so, the passage in which it was done can surely be pointed out. Badly drawn up as the bill is, 1 should like to sec the clausc or the words that would just if) such an assertion. If there was such a clause, why did not Judge Douglas and bis friends vote for it? Why did not the 15laek Republicans and all who voted foi the Crittenden substitute which submitted the constitution, vote for this bill. It was the very point they made, yet to a mar tliey voted against it. That 1 think shouh be CI III UK.VC. But, then, it is said it was a virtual sub mission of the constitution to the people because, if they refuse to ratify jjie modi I'ed land ordinance the admission of Kan sas under the Leconiptou Constitution was defeated. Wei!, the facts are so; 1 can uot and do not deny them. Hut 1 should like to know how that could by any possi bility hft\o been avoided or remedied.? onppo.sc \jongrcss nail admitted Kansai without modifying anything, yielding ovci to lior enormous ,4laitd grab," which cm braced many more acres than there are ii all South Carolina, J. should like to knov if the Lccomnton constitution would uo: have been submitted to the people an vir tually as it was by the Kuglish bill; tha is, not submitted at all, but left with them an inevitable necessity. Congress could d< no more?no loss, no other way. The con Htitution belonged to the people of Kansas Congress could not withheld it from then a moment; nor could it uiako them organ i/.c uudcr it?assemble their Legislature assume tho position of a State, and sent Senators and Representatives to Congrosi against their own will. Can Congress co crce a Stute into the 1'nion '( Then Con cross can coerce u State to remain in tin Cnion, or drive u State out of it. Congresi is omnipotent. But wliero arc then tin I rights of tho States'( Fortuuatelv for us the constitution of every State ami of ever Territory asking to bo a State, is not onl; virtually but actually in the hands of it people at all times and uuder all eircuui stnncpy nml flmtr l.n control without the utter destruction of th constitution and nn entire revolution. Th whole power of Congress i\i the premises i exhausted when it accepts the CoUBtitiltioi without condition. There are sumo who go still further am assort that, although thero might ho 110 wa; to avoid a Submission of tho Lecompton con stitutiou to the control of the people of Kan sas?, yet that tho conforenco bill was a com proniino of principle, inasmuoh as it ?poci!i cally required them to net, and it inailo fo them tho dofmito opportunity to defeat tin ?"n XT.... this is true, as ti faut, yot the inference is nb stud upon its very face. If Congress couh not take tlio Leconipton constitution out o tlio hands of the people of Kansas, what dif forenca did it make whether they voted on tlx ordinance in August, under the direction o Congress, or any other time, whether tixci by Con^rosa or themselves? August was agreed upon, because it was very well to bo a timo and let things end. J Jut from Augus to August, ngain and forever, this constitu tion was in the htm(h of the people of Kansas and they could do with it what they pleased True. Congress might have avoided thutspe cific occasion and August vote, by swallowint tho land ordinance and all, mid asking n< security for tho remainder of the public livudi but Hbiil Kansas could hivvo refused to organ ize a? i\ State, and uo jjower under our con ( titution could have interfered. It id nl words nnd nothing inoro. Congress win charged with bribing Kansas to bccoino r slave Stato. Hut the bribe was by tho con fercnco bill four millions of acres of land instoand of twenty-three million.*. If wo lnu given her tho whole twenty-throe millions foi uer Uoo'vnS slavery clause, thcro might havt boon homo ground for tho charge. Yet ii would have beon of no avail, for Kansm could, under no bribe or coercion known U our govorumont, havo boon compelled tone ce|>t tlio constitution or ordinanco,or bocomo 11 State against her wilt at any period whutovoi I will riot presume that any one is less pro ficiout in constitutional loro, or is loss con vprsant with tho history of congressional nro cocdings in tho admission of now States,thai; myself. ISut 1 will say that 1 am iiicapabic of com pi ehonding theni at all, if in this con forertco bill there wna any " compromise" ol MMIVM'I II J/I miyipiun UI III^IUPH, nuj uunucp hIou whatever by tho South ; any departure from tho Btrictost cohatrnotion ot tlio (jb'nsti tution;or any material deviation from the uamil practice of tho government. Tho people of Kansas have, by an overwhelming majority, rojoetod tho land ordinance a? modified by OongrQs*, mvi vofiiKctl to coina into tho Union on sueh forms, JJe it so. It i? what I oxpoeted??wliat I rather do sired, It sorts prboisoly what 1 fell when I saw Kittitas thrust luarsoif luto Cunpros* and doinand?rooking with Mood nml fraud?to be enrolled among the ?Stato?. l<o( , or gallon, 1.12 (h 1.23 licr Htny out. l >i. . 00 (? l.oo I in before who lma the - - fl 3.25 ! not bocnuwe she will b( - 3.23 Or. 3.50 cause 1 fully approver - < (<V\ 7 clause of tho euiiieroiteo bill, -130 (ri) 6.00 , reason voted uguinat tlio admission 'JO (a) 06 . Unless in exceptional cases, m>' 30 (<?, 00 Kansas was last winter. I d< " 1 <L (?-.l?>r | i a State should ho admitted '> 'i tion than would entitle lie" 87 15 | tho House. It is not just to c. " c and is not consonant with tho , ' - ,mi -i nil iu * N1' government. * > Hut I will not detain youlotfj^r with vvlint ' belongs to the past. Tho present and the future arc what concerns us most. You desire to know my opinion of the ebursc the South ; should pursue under existing eirouinstance*. ' 1 will give you frankly and fully the rjp.Mi'iis i v?f my observation and voiiection on this a!!- j 1 important point. The first.question is. do tho j people of the South consider the present un- , i ..rii....... . .? ' - 1 .>.ii %ji iiii-ou uuiira us an evil in u>olt, atnl a thing that it isdesirable wo should ;rr>t rid of . under all circumstances? There arc some, . 1 know, who do. . But 1 am satisfied that mi overwhelming majority of the South would, if assured that this government was hercaftor to be conduc-1 ted on the true principles and construction of . ' the constitution, decidedly prefer to remain ! in the Union, rather than incur the unknown [ cools and hazards of setting up a scporato , government. I think I state what is true . Men I say that, after all the bitterness tlmt i I I.as oharactorixcd our long warfare, the great j lioilv l?f tlll> Slilltlini'li iwnnl.1 .1.. ? ' 1 I-",:'" "w.v ' ! union, and will not seek it us a primary oV 1 jeet, lv vover promptly they may accept i' :> < I I an alternative, rather than submit to unconstitutional abridgments of their rights. I eon. fes&that, for many years of my lite, I believed tVisit our only safety was the dissolution of 1 the Union, and I openly avowed it. 1 should entertain and without hesitation express the " sumo sentiments now, but that the victories 5 wo havo achieved and those that 1 think we arc about to achieve, have inspired me with [ the hope, 1 may so v the belief, that wo can . luuy sus'uin ourselves in the Union uml control its notion in all grci affairs. It inny be well asked how I can entertain such views * ami expectations, when within these few 1 years tho Smith has lost her equality in the - Senate, and iho free States havo at length a ? decided majority in both Ilouses of Congress, r while this unfortunate Kansas contest hus ^ swept into their political grave# so many of our ancient friend? in those States, that it " may ho doubted whether they have at this 1 moment, after the focent elections?the finale > of the disastrous Kansas abortion?a major) ity in any singlo one of them; and there - i-i:uin* 10 do lit present 110 prospect (it our extending the area of slavery in any quarter. 1 These facts are true ; and if you will hoar . with mo, I will place them all in the strongest light I oun beforo you?for it is of the utj most importance that wo should at least see clearly how we stand, and what arc our rcs sources, in order to form an idea of what we - can do, and how avoid waiting our strength - on what cannot he accomplished. Tho cfiualj ity of tho free and slave Ciates has long been , lust in the House; by the admission ofOali* i* - f ? ' ' " ujrm.'i 11 was iosi in tno &enato. Since Mien another free State has been admitted. nn?l ' another yet lias passed the Senate, ami in a Y lew years uio/e wo shall have Kansas. Ney braska. Washington, Nov. \loxieo, ami pers Imps others on our roll. The imigration from . Europe to tlie North is sufficient to form 0110 ^ or more new .States every year. To the South u there is literally no emigration. We liave, since the closing of the slave tro'le, added to u ourpopnlatiou mainly by tho natural increase s of our people, and wo have no surplus popuu lotion, white or black, to colonize new Slates. We lost Kansas partly l>v our inability to i uumin/iu ii, nun wi! are poruaps yei to nave o y struggle for a portion of Texas. The idea, - thon, of recovering tho equality of tho two - sertions, oven in tlio Son a to, seems remote in. deed. Wo liavo it proposed to rc-open tho . African slave trade, and bring in hordes of r slaves from that prolific region to restore tho e balance. I once entertained that idea my, self, but on further investigation I abandon. e<t it. i wiii not now disvupfion I of it, further than to say that tho South is f itself divided on that policy, and, from up- | - pearnnccH, opposed to it by a vast miyoritv, I j while the North is unanimously against it.? f It would ho impossible to got Congress to veil open the trade. 4 If it could bo done, then it would be nnt necessary, for that result could only bo t brought about by such an entire almndnn. niont by tho North and the world of all opi position to our slave system, that we may , safely cotiso to erect any defences for it. But - if wc could introduce slaves, whero could we t find suitable torritory for new slave States? ) The Indian Reserve, west of Arkansas might < uiubcunc. jjui we nave solemnly guaran. teod that to tho remnants of the red raco.? . Everywhere olso. I holicvo, the. borders of our I Stated have readied the groat desert which ^ separates Mm Atlantic from the Pacific States t of thin confederacy. No whoro is African . slavery likely to flourish in tholittlo basis of , tlmt Sahara of Amrica. It is much more I likely I think to j^et the Pacific slope, and to the north in tho great valley, than any whore > olso outside of tho prosont limits. Shall wo, t assume Hlliri'ftaf. hllfil MavSaa nml I'nnlwil America to mnko slave States? African slavery appears to liavo failed tliorc. Perhaps, and most probably, it will never suecbod in thoso regions. If it might, what are wo to d> with tho seven or eight million* of tho ha.'dly semboivili/.ed Indians, nu<l the two or three millions of Orcolo Spaniards und Mongrels wht>flow hold those countries? Wo would not enslave tho Indians? Uxperionco has proven that they arc incapable of steady labor, n.?d ore therefore unlit for slave F rv. Wo would not exterminate thorn, even . if that inhuman achievement would not cost s c.ges of murder and incalculable sums of mo liny. i Wo could hardly think of attempting to plant tho black rnco thero, superior for la* bor, tbouah inferior perhaps in intellect, - and expect to maintain a permanent and | peaceful industry, such ?s slave labor must bo, to be profitable, amid those idle, rost' h?n demoralized children of Monteaumrt, . fwmrcoly mote oivilizcd, perhaps word sunk t in superstition, than in hi* a^o, vid now i trained to. civil war by halt" a century of iu ?? > . The in/-?^ rn?1ttfmmg about OOf,,,1,^*; Wlii.t x.ieok adjoining , o KHtato, Widow i Mcr/ t"cso people or t. i? ,yTsouthern Htroujrth . ticros on watcrn ot' j 0 T/legrado oCliTSclvcs ffng lands granted to j ??nn f?n nninil 1. ?* *<* o corv into this I'nion tvt'b 8MW?,Wir Jtf > M Joron 0,11 a"^ way 'rt to 1,0 containinn- to '? England and Franco, I have no doubt tin vouuj^f/ladly sec uh take this burthon on ?h (i "4t^.crf, it' wo would) ^ivjre for thoni their be in(if. aiu^ a neiUMji?]>>^uto ftoross tho Istli- an pel vet '^Uc'' !l ?'c n<nMolV!iv/? for our- F; them11,1(1 .. 5 originallvN with re or ],v" ,Vj' we ,^,laCC' co,,tIllV.il,br [ Nation en or u> ... .(>?C'k. waters of KcoMffT i i (i, by foreeof ;ivn? vndsof James itobdL ' , , justify it, and it u? ? - '<* " ouhl , r.< our Pacific relations. 'MTnccossnry 'lor j no tion of those unhappy Sta11 ! deplorable, bill the good God *Mlds"tlfas' j in tlie hollow of His hand and will won*. . out their pioper destinies. 1-, We might expand the area of slavery by b acquiring Cuba, where African slavery is ei already established. Mr. Calhoun, from ft whoso matured opinions, whether on con- tl stitutional nripeiplos or southern policy, it f( will rarely ne. found safe to deport, said that Cuba was " forbidden fruit" to us, unless ti plucked in an exigency of war. There is it iiv u-iicuiuiuiu ground 10 suppose tliat wo can it acquire it in any other way; and the war ]> that 'vill open to us such an occasion will c< t and general, and bring about re- c. Milts that the keenest intellect cannot now o anticipate. 3>ut if we had Cuba, we could d not make more than two or three slate i.v Plate.* there, which would not restore the g equilibrium of thc.'North and South; while, o with the African slave trade closed, and si her only resort for slaves to this continent, hi she would, besides crushing out our whole tl sugar culture by her competition, afford in o! a few years a market for all the slaves in ai Misamii-i I AI 1 1 ??-- '' . . .b'wvMi i) /. vviivuuu^ iltlll i'lill | iilllU* OIIU II i-, notwithstanding the exorbitant tnxes tl imposed un her, capable now of absorbing tlio atmual increase of all the slaves on this k continent, and consumes, it is said, twenty i p to thirty thousand a year by her system of tl labor. v. Slaves doorcase there largely. In time, tl under the system practiced, every chive in | il America might be exterminated in Cuba g as were the Indians. However the idle t African may procreate in the tropics, it yet '1 roninillK I i n.'rtvnn niul .1 ? ?/-? i. ?? ....... v.iv, niuio ?>? ?" > gainst tho conclusion, tliat lie can, in those h regions, work and thrive. It is saUl Cuba n is to bo "Africanized" rather thaw that the d United States should tuke her. That threat t: which at one time was somewhat alarming, S is no longer any cause of disquietude to the South, after our experience of tho African- s< izing of St. Doiuingo and Jamaica. What ai have we lost by that ? 1 think wc reaped d some benefit; and, if tho slaves of Cuba arc turned loose, a ercat suynr culture n ?/ <J t CI " " I would prow up in Louisiana and Texas, p rivalling that of cotton, and diverting from d it so much labor that cotton would rarely V bo below its present price. si You must not suppose, for a moment,that g I am opposed to " the expansion of the area I of African slavery." On the contrary,(1 g believe that God created negroes for no oth- b er purpose than to bo "the hewers of wood t and drawers of water"?that is, to be slaves a of the white race; and I wish to see them s in that capacity on every spot on the sur- t face of the globe where their labor is noc- i< vsaary or uenencini. ^\or uo 1 doubt that c such will be the final result. Much loss s would I oppose the acquisition of territory d that would place the slave States 011 a nn- t! nierical equality, and more, with the free a States in the t'uiuii. ]iut thiu >v?vifiw and t; scrutiny of the resources of the South shows t( L think, pretty conclusively, thut we have ii not now the surplus population, uor suita- h bio territory, within our present reach, to ol urea to uuy uumucr 01 slave estates; that to t; attempt it by oostly, yot impracticable and t< abortive, enterprises, will be to waste our in strength to 110 purposo; ami that the idea ci of recovering the equality in voting of the slavo and free States, whether on the floors ft of Congress or elsewhere, is visionary. We sc had better then, I think, at onco make up ol our minds according to the facts, and giv- lii ing up all bootie s efforts, look every con- rc sequence of our position full in the face.? ciFor one, T can do so without dismay?with- tr out the slightest trepidation. so hy the South, numbering twelve mil- p' lions of people, possesses already an iinue- In rial domain that can well support an hun- at drcd millions moro. What docs she need to seek beyond her borders, or whut has she B to fear? "With such a sea coast and bar- in bors; such rivers, mountains and plains; sj so full of all the prccions metals, so fertile ei in soil, so gonial in climate, producing in it such unpnrnllcd abundance tho most valua- ii hlo agricultural staples of tho world; capa- ti ble of manufacturing to any extent; and ai possessing tlu) Lost social and industrial 11 systems that havo ever yet. been organized, t< sno might have sunk into ^loth from excess jv of prosperity, had she not been kept on the ei alert by tlio ficrcc assaults of an envious u world. Assaults which, lit one time alarm- N iug, it has been in fact scarcely more than si wholesomo oxereisc io repu!} an exercise ?' which has made us the rr.oet virtuous and ni one of tho most enlightened and most now- ol orful people who now flourish on the globe. pi The South hits lonjrbecn nndor-viduingnnd T doing greut injustice to herself. She has ei been lamenting her weakness, and croaking m about the dangers that beset her when she N might glory in her strength and hurl dofi- $ ?uvv ui u?;i vnvui|vc? j 11 ,f" I110 IVK'lHIs at!' !S.\ mV nnnouiiue liiin n canUidu^y ho next election. , , tYion<!? of Rov. J01f& o,"', " ?nve I it /innourtco hirt> n omllilntc ft,. I 1'iuki'iiH district, * thu cmhiui^ ol?V',8CH' PH\? The friends of TiiOM(":n *? pcctfull^ iinnouii it ill i in a our propV#flfntyyjgpys </finp? ?o. "' /nit permit ino Hupqcst, not yet. Tlio dissolution of u I'nion is an nltornntive thnt we liavo VllVKllt cnilllllilllfl T?wl fur lltrdl wn ulw.lll.l over ready, l>ut a peaceful, prosperous d powerful people may not challenge.? ite a day too Boon. .'ft. ?*( question ntill mains, can the free StYAea be brought to ncur permanantly in any line of policy at will subvert the coustU^Vvfo and se>usly damage tho South in ^federv? I do Mot Ijolievo tV? can.? I" j;. - v'-vl af"A , and in1X ! uo idea 1 ho friciuiH ol Mr. A. t; i i>i osjioctfully iinnounco liiiu u cft!jg|}Jv? , , "" (lico of Tax Colloctor of rickC fl.rmi?rVi H niMiiii,' election. S . " '>0' nilot box or b) ( f ^ 1/1"8 5 whether to naucipatc <n> r.,,j '---or nfcrip us of tho nits of their labor; or to govern us with le mildness and paternal eare due to iujriora. The nervous in the South, and the aboli011 demagogues of tho North, may believo U..J U.l.nn 4 1 ? ?I * i/uv iiiivii It V/I/Iiivn wu mr; nuiuttl ICM, ' neither sober sense nor patriotism should rcrail, the sense of danger and the love of utton and tobacco would, with our northrn ,brethroni n ever ycrisis override their !ovo f negroes. On this 1 think you may depend, cspitc the insolent boosts of the abolitionits of what they will do when they get the ovcrnment in their hands. The North linn nly to 1)0 made clearly sensible how far he can go, nml what the iSouth will not iibmit to. She will not trespass beyond ir\t, but will content herself with the t^lory ('carrying the Alternate biennial elections, < she has just done?always leaving it to us democracy to carry that which makes ic President. i But J am making mere assertions. .jVh, >w me, then, to refer to jucts toxnfts, tine aat power of the South in this UifiTy> SpiII1 lirpvfMit sl*i(o r>f tlm ivfn.it , Mv^r.W.M,o . hich she is most deeply interested. V.'hen lirty year a nyo, wo bei?an this arduous coniet fur the constitutional reform of this overnnient nnd the security of the South, lie South herself wns thoroughly divided, lie tariff, the hank, the internal improvclent system, nay, even abolition itself, all ad the sanction of a larno numborofour iout prominent southern men. If they id not all originate, they wore nil resusciited, in that era of infatuation, when a outhcrn President proclaimed that wo ere "nil federalists, all republicans," when juthern statesmen Micered at State rights, ud the constitution became for a time u The tariff of 1828 levied uvernge duties f more than forty per cent, on nil our imorts. liy the tariff of 1857 the average uties was reduced below twenty per cent. ^*e have accomplished that much; and, bodes, the principle of free trade is pretty enerally conceded now throughout the nion. It cannot be denied that this is a reat success. 1 think the duties should e reduced still lower; and DOfticulnrlv th?fc ' * ~ *f " he discriminations against tho agricultur1 interest.1; should be abolished. i-5\it it is opposed that there will be a demand for heir increase at the next session, if so, twill of course be resisted, and I trnstsuceswfully. Free trade is the test, the touch tone of free government, as monopoly is of cspotisiu. 1 have no hesitation in saying liat the plantation States should discard ny government that made a protective in 11its policy. They should nut submit > pay tribute for tho support or any ullivi nlustrial system than their own; much ss, to make good the bubble speculations f another section of the Union. Unequal ixation is, after all, what we have most > fear in this Union, ami against that wo list be always ready to adopt the most dosi ve measures. The internal improvement system was i:t dl vigor in 1828. Inaugurated also ny minora men, it absorbed all the surplus 'the treasury, and being in its nature, uninitcd, it was capable of absorbing all the svenue that could be extorted by the highit possible tariff. That ton, it' not desoyed, has been clieckcd and crippled by lUthcrn action. It is true that it still apjnra annually in Congress?but the once I...' J 5 - - <**'? n^iikv unburn la HOW 11U10 more tllftll ft urdy ooprgnr. We had then, nlso, in full operation ft ank of the United States, with branches i all our principal cities. It received and )cculatcd on all the revenues of the govnnicnt, and controlled and concentrated i the North all the exchanges, thus lovytg a per eentngc upon every commercial ansaction of the South. Q lint hna been nniliilflted. It sleeps the sleep that known o waking. Hut let me say that the kvb 1 !-l. -i. I I! ? - i .r>? -- Ill w moil lb USUlUllNIICa Sllll CXlStH. DCSi to of it,s destruction by tho federal govrnnicnt, nnd tlio collection of the revenocr i specie, our exchanges still contro in the ortli, nnd our otherwise stable industry is ill compelled to participate more or lefts i nil the reckless speculations of that Tnitical section?more fanatical in its lovo ' money thnn oven in if* devotion to r?ooh. JU?t this w n nelf-itu^osed vo&wdrgo. lirotich too privileges which our wmfh n legislatures liave. granted <o onr innitorable. bnnk?t wo aro made tribute** to iffffm ' ' ,? V cw York, 1fluch.il itself tributary to lion on, tlic j?vcnt world ccntrc of exchange# \ our ago. Tlios, hy our owu $6t$, we py (BEE VOtttTH PAO* jj ,jx ' i $. '