Keowee courier. (Pickens Court House, S.C.) 1849-current, June 28, 1850, Image 1
KEOWEE COURIER.
I " -TO.T1IINB OWN SELF 1)E TRUE, AND IT MUST FOLLOAV, AS THE NIGHT THE DAY, THOU CAN 8T NOT THEN BE FALSE TO ANY MAN."
VOIi. 2. PICKENS COURT HOUSE, S. C., FRIDAY, JUNE 28, 1850. NO 6
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the
KIIOWKE COUIUKlt,
TUINTKO AND PUDLISIIKD WEEKLY UV
TRIMMIER it LEWIS.
W. K. Easley, Editor.
rTUIMIS.
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rwl (n IliA Pn1?li?1iors nnqf nnid
I ADDRESS OF THE SOUTHERN" CONVENTION".
To the people of Maryland, Virginia, North
Carolina, youtli Carolina, Ocoigia, Florida,
Alabama, Mississippi, Tennessee, Kentucky,
Louisiana, Texas, Mi.-souri and Arkansas:
Fkllow C1TIEEN8':
In obedicnce to tho commands of thoso wo
renresnit. we have assembled together to con
I for with each other concerning your relations
with the General Government and (ho nonej&vcholding
States of the Union, on tho subject
of tho institution of slavery. We <locm it
proper to lay before you as brifly as the subject
will permit, the result of our deliberations
and councils.
In order that your condition may bo under
stood, and the conclusion at which wo have
arrived justly appreciated, it is necessary briefly
to refer to a few past transactions.
_ It is now eixtecu yeans since the institution
ofabtvery in the south began to be agitated in
CoiiL'roBS and assailed bv our sisterKtntos.
I Up to that time, tlie people of the Northern
States seemed to have ro&poctcd the rights reserved
to tho southern (States l>y the Constitution,
and have acted under the conviction, that
'the subject of slavery beyond the legislation
ofCongross, all agitations with rcspcct to it on
tho part of Congress, was equally forbidden
by the Constitution, but at tills iinio, n portion
of the people of tho North began to assail,
in Congress, tho institution of slavery, and to
aCcompliph their object of dragging it into tho
vortex of congressional agitation, they claimed
tho right of petitioning Congress lUX'U all subjects
whatsoever. A? v petition is only tho
first step in legislate ?,was'clear that a right
to notit 1011 a legislative bodv. must be limited
I by its jjowcra of logu>.',\tion. No ono can have
a right to ask of nnothcrto do that which ho
has no moral or legal right to ilo. Nor can
any tribunal lmvo the power to rcccivc and
consider any matter boyond its jurisdiction.
The claim therefor*! to present. petitions to
'Congress on tho subject of slavery, was considered,
by the southern Hepreaentatives gendral
lv nu tin nttomnt iiirlirnr.tlv in iia$nmo inrisdir1
Hon over ilie auly?ot itsolf in all parte of (ho
Union. They object, without disguise, was the
'overthrow of slavery in tho Statoa; butour assailants
framed the petitions presented chiefly
agai it slavery in tho District of Columbia and
our '1 erritories, and against whnt they call tliu
internal slave trade?that is, the transmission
'of slaves from ono southern (State to another,
tfrinscious of tho fatal tendency <lf tho njjitation
I oi slavery m i;ongrew, to oesiroy the penru
and stability of the Union, nn effort wat* mndo,
supported by ft large portion of tho Nortlicrn
Representatives, which providod, thnt nil petitions
on tno subject of slavery, should be
cither considered, printed or referred. This
rule was assailed by the JSotthcrn States, as
violating Clause of tho Constitution which prohibits
Congress from passing laws to prevent
tho people from penccably. assembling nnd
petitioning for a redress of grievances. In December,
1844, this rule fell before tho almost
unanimous voice of the North; and thus the unlimited
power of introducing and considering
tho subject of slftvcry la Coii'/ross. was asserted
I 111 the mean time, tho course of the Northern
people showed clcarly, that tlio the agitation
of slavery in Congress was only 0110 of the
they relied on to overthrow this institution
throughout tho Union. Newspapers were set
up amongst thorn, and lecturers wa hired
to go abroad to excito them agaiest slavery in
teo southern States. Organisations wore
formed to carry off slaves from tho (South, and
io protcct thim by violence from recapture.
.Although tho Constitution requires that ail fu
Igmro slaves Iiko lng tvTes Iroin justice, should
bo rendered up by v*io States to which they
may havo fled, tho Legislature of almost ev,ory
Northern ?tr.tc, faithless to this treaty oiijj
iillation between tho States, pasied laws designed
and calculated entirely to defeat thin
.provision of tho Constitution, without which
tho Union would have never existed, and by
,thesolaws virtually nullified tin act of 1794,
passed by Congress to aid its enforcement.
Not content with tho agitation of slavery in po- !
litlcal circles, the Northern people forced it al- !
eo into the religious associations extending
icvcr tho Union, and produced ft separation of
jthc Methodist and Baptist churches. The result
of nil these various methods of cssailing
.slavery in the southern States, was, thntlt be[came
the grand topic of intercut and discussion
Iin uongrosft niut oui ot uongresx, nnu ono ot
thai moat important chmenta of politics in tliu
Union. Q'li us nn institution, belonging to flie ,
m uthorn State* exclusively, \v?h wrested from '
their exelmivo control; mid hmtetid ofth&tpro- I
tection which is the great object of nil govern- i
inont*. and which tho Constitution of the United ,
Htates guaranties to nil the State* and their :
institution*, the Nortiiern ytate*, mid Oonjef-esj '
under their control, combined together to a.v !
ail and destroy fdnvoiy in the nonth. Tho
Southern States did nothing to vindicate their j
rights tad nireit this conrso of thing*. The ,
Mexican war brok out; h..<l instead ot that pat-1
piotic cooperation of all sectione of tho Union,
I which woiild have taken place in tho better I
elixys of tho Republic, to bring it to a just and
honorable conclusion, in tho very first appriation
bill to carry it on, the North endeavored to
thrust in the subject of slavery. Throughout
tho war, they kept up the agitation; thus clear- j
ly manifesting; their determination that the
General Government in none of its operations,
internal or external, shall ho exempted from
tho introduction of this dangerous subject. Tho ,
war closed with honor; and an immense territory
was added to the United States. Their previoiiB
threats were realised; and tho non-slaveholding
States immediately claimed the right
to exclude the people of tho southern States
from all tho territory acquired, and to appro
pnato it to tnemseiuos. n tins pretension
arose from a mere lust of power, it would be
hard to bear (ho superiority and nmsterv it implies,
It would degrade tlio southern States
from being the equals of the Northern States,
to a position of colonial inferiority. Hut, when
your exclusion is not from a mere lust of power,
I but is only a further step in tho progress of
i things, aiming at the abolition of slavery in tho
States, by tho extension and multiplication of
non-slnveholding States in tho Union, the pretension
is seen to be as alarming as it is insul|
ti'-.g. Tho southern State^in their Legislatures,
set forth with great unanimity, tho rights
in our territories belonging to them in common
with tho Northern States, and declared their
determination to maintain mom; and muling
in the Northern (States 110 disposition to abate
their demands, the convention in which we are
assembled, has been brought together to take
counsel ns to the courso of the southern States
shoald pursue, for the uiaiutainnuce of their
rights, liberty and honor.
Such is a brief, but imperfect statement of
past transactions; and tlioy force upon us tho
question, in what condition do they place tho j
southern States? And first, what is their condition
in Congress? The time was when your
Representatives in Congress, were neither
offered, nor would they endure reproach in
your behalf. 15ut formally years past, they 1
nave heard you in Congress habitually reviled
by the most opprobrious epithets on account of
uiu 111.S111U11D11 ui wuvtTy. ii uiuir ppiriva nre
yet unbroken, they must bo chilled l>y a sense I
of humiliation at the insults they daily receive I
as your representatives. You are arraigned
as criminals. Slavery is dragged into every
debate, and Congress has bccomc little else,
than a grand instrument in the hands of abolitionists
to degrade and ruin tho South. Insiead
of peace and protection, aggression and
insult on the south characterize its procedings
and councils. Ami what is your condition,
with respect to your sister States? Where is
; that respect and comity, which (due from all
nations towards each other) is more especially
due 1'r. m ?Statcs lxmnd together in a confedcra- j
cy, and which was once displayed in all their j
intercourse; instead of roepcct and sympathy t
?denunciation and hostdity, on account of |
your institut ion of slavery,have 'have for years
past churnctcmcd the communications address
od to you by the Northern /States. And what
is your condition in the Union? The non-slave- |
holding (States stand combined, not only to :
wrost from you your common property, but to
place upon your front, the brand of inferiority.
V ou nre not to extend, on account of your in-)
Btitutions, but they arc to increase and multiply i
(hot the shame and Bin of shivery, may by their
philanthropic agency, ho extinguished from i
amongsf you. But tho worst feature of your ;
condition is, that it is progressive. As low and
humiliatiiiL' as it now mav br.it is destined, if
not ai rested, to "u lower deep." Every eftbet j
is a cause; and tho spirit of fanaticism I nooks ;
no delny in the progress it creates. If you
were to yield everything tlio North now rc- :
quires?hbolish slavery in the District of Co- i
lumbia?subhlit to bo legislated pirates for
conveying slaves from one State, to another,
lot trial by jury and the writ of Habeas corpus,
wrest from you iu tho Northern States every
fugitive slave; givo up all your territories to |
swell Northern arrogance and predominance, I
would things stop there? These are all means I
! aiming-at <tno grout odd?the abolition of slavery
in the Stutcs. (Surrendering ono of those
hienna you will but inflame tlio power by
which another will bo exacted?nnd when nil
mo conquered, will the evil be afrostcd? In
fifty years, t wenty new non-slaveholding States
may bo added to tbo Union, whilst hoiiio
which nro no\v slaVohohling, may become nonslaveholding
/States. There then, will be no
need nanow, onunly to put aside the Constitution
to roach their object. If they will deign
to do it, the non-slaveholding (States will then |
have the power by two thirds in 0<>ngi,o?"? ?nd
three fourths of tho States, to amend tho Conttitut
ion, nnd then lift to its express sanction to
oonsnmmato tho policy. Your condition is
progressive.
Iffrom tho past trans lotions we havo narrated,
wo lc.it n our condition in the Union, thoy
! tench us also that our past past policy of nonI
action and submission to aggression cannot
II bring us peaco and safety. When tho doors of
; Congress wcro thrown open to agitation 011 the j
subject of slavery, if tho southern <State? had
moved with energy to avert a state of things
| unconstitutional itself, and surely tending to
bring the SlavehoVJing and n6n-#1aveholding
' States into collission, although Into, it. might
not have been too li te to stop subsequent on
i croacnineius upon our rignts. tint t?io southern
States wero passive; and thoir forbearance
lias had the effect of inspiring the Northern
people with the belief cithor that wovuluen
union with them more than wo value tho institution
of slavery, or that wo dare not move
| from n conscious inability to protect themselves.
Yon havo ungenerously stood still whilst your
1 supporters and tho defenders of the Ooimtitu1
(ion in the.Northcrn Btotos, in their eflocts to
protect yon from the figitutjona of slavory in
Congress, have been politically annihilated, or
lmve turned yonr foes. You have tamely ac
quicken until trthate and persecute the South,
i lui3 becoino a high passport to honor and power
iu tho Union. Yon have unwisely B.tood
blill, whilst year after your tho volume of nnti*
dlavery policy und sympathy has awoll^*n into
unanimity throughout all the non-sluveholdiug
State*, and tho coctiotm of tho Union now face
oach other in stc.m collision. You hnvo -waited
until the Constitution of tho United Hlutea
is in danger of being virtually Abolished, ?>r of
| becoming what tho majority in Ooujjrtsi think
I proper to make it. 'lhnt great principle on
' 0
" - which
our system office govornmcnt rests, o
so dividing (he powers uf Government, that to
ft common Government only those powers
should ho granted which must nffect nil the
peoplo composing it c<pially in their operation,
whilst all powers over all interests, local or
scctioual, (Jmuld be reserved to local or sectional
Governments, it is in danger of being
uprooted from their constitution. Local and
sectional interests absorb tho timo and business
of Congress, and thus a scctional despotism,
totally irresponsible to the people of the
south, constituted of tho Representatives in
Congress from tho nou-slaveholding States, ignorant
of our feelings, condition and institutions
reigns in Washington. These arc the fruits of
your past forbearance and submission.
If we look into the nature of things, such re
milU5 \N 111 IIU|> MJUIIl IV UU I'lUU'i IIUW VI Biuillgu.
There is butone condition, in wliicli one people
ean be safe under the dominion of another
people, and that id when theii interests aro
entirely identical. Then the dominant cannot
oppress the subject people without oppro
ting themselves. Tho identity of interests
between them id the security for right government
But As this identity can scarcely ever
exist between any two people, history boors
but one testimony as to the fate of subject people.
They have always been compelled to
minister to tho prosperity and aggrandizement
of their masters. If this has always been j
the case under tho ordinary iiffcroncc of inter- I
..cla .....I r,,..li...ru nvie I n-^? 1
how much moro certainly must tlio experience '
of history be realized between tlio people of!
the Northern ami southern States. Hero is a i
difference of climate and productions throughout
a territory strctchiug along tlio whole belt
of tho temperate zone, affecting the pursuits
and characters of the people inhabiting it.
13ut the great difference?tlio one great difference?the
greatest which can exist among a
people is tho institution of slavery. This .
alone sets apart tho southern States as a peculiar
people?with whom independence as to1
their internal policy is tho condition of their ]
existence. They must rule themselves or per- i
ish. Every colony in tlio world where African ;
slavery existed with one exception has been |
destroyed; and if this has been the case, under j
tho old nndefftte Governments of Europe, will !
it not prevail under the dominion of the rest- i
less neonle of the Northern .States? Thev do 1
not practically recognise the inferiority of the ,
African to the Caucassion racc. They do not
realise, because the circumstances uftheir condition
do not compel them to realise the impos- j
sibility of an amalgamation between the races, i
Exempt from the institution of slavery, it is |
not surprising that tlieir sympathies should bo
against us, whilst the dogma on which they j
profess to build their ay stem of free government?the
absolute rule of the majority? '
leaves no barrier to their power in the affairs j
of the General Govcrnmct, and leads them to
its consolidation. Religion, too, false or real,
fires their enthusiasm ogaiugt oti'r institution
which many of its professors believe to be inconsistent
with its principles and nrccepts. To
expect forbearance from such a people, under |
such circumstances, towards the institution of
shivery, is numifestlv -vain. Ft" tliev li.ivc ti.?en !
false to the compact made with us in the Constitution,
and hayo allowed passion anil prejudice
to muster reason, tliey hiivo only exemplified
that l'railty and fahhility of our nature
which hns pro<luced the necessity of all government?,
and which, if unchecked, over produces
wrong. The institution of slavery having
once entered the popular mind of the nonplaveholding
States,for action and control, tho
rest is inevitable. If unrestrained by us, they
will go on until African slavery will he swept
from the broad and fertile (South. The naturo
of things, therefore, independent of experience, 1
teaches us that there can be no safety in submission.
To submit to ovita, however .threat,
whilst they arc endurable, is the disposition
of every people?especially of an
agricultural people, apart and association
in their pursuits. But the responsibility
of preserving n freo government rests
with nil its members, who have the pow er
or th& will to destroy it. A minority,
by submission, may as much betray the
constitution, as a majority by aggression.
The constitution does not protect a majority;
for they have all the powers of tho
government in their hands and can protect
themselves. The limitations of a constituting
are designed to protect tlio minority?those
who havo no power, against
those who have it. 7/ence, the great
motive and duty of self-protection is peculiar
to a minority, independent of that
faith to the constitution which thoy owe
in common with the majority. They must
protect themselves nnd protect the constitution;
and if they fail in this double
duty, they are at least as culpable.as those
who, in aggressing upon their rights,
UVU1UUOW 111*5 COII3UU1.ID!]. />UU Hie
public opinion of the world is in conformity
with these views, f ho oppressor
is luited?but the unresistingly oppressed
is despised. More respect follows tho
tyrant, than tho slave who submits to his
power. The Southern States, therefore,
although a minority, are not exempt from
tho responsibility of preserving the constitution,
and, in preserving it, to protect
themselves.
In what way shall they preserve tho
constitution and protcct themselves?
Aa a general rule, it is undoubtedly ;
true, that when, in a government like j
ours, a constitution is violated by a major- j
ity, who fdone can violate it in matters of i
legislation, it cnnnot bo restored to its in
tcgrity through tho ordinary means of the
government; for these- means, being under
the control of tho majority, are not
nvnilnblo to the minority. It is for this
rcuson ihntfrctjuent elections of our rulers
take jjlfuie in our system of free gov
eminent, jn order that the people, by tin if 1
direct intervention, may change the ma- ; jority.
But this resource cannot avail us i
in the violation of (bp constitution, which ]
now press and b the ?South. By 1 1
changing their repi .. '.atives, how can '
the people of I he south effect the majori- '
ty in Congress and restore the constitu- <
tion? Their representatives arc true; and \ 1
have done nil that men can do, to pre- |
serve tlie constitution from the aggression j i
of tho majority. Removing them, and '
putting other rcpe--.<ntntives in Congress, 1
could have no effect in restoring the con- , t
stitution. It has been broken by the j '
representatives of the people of the nor- j '
thorn States, who sustain thorn in their j
violations of the constitution. 1 i is clear i
that the ballot-box in the south is power- j i
less fir its protection. And the same 1
causes which induced the violations of the j 1
constitution by tho northern majority, \ <
prevents its restoration to its integrity. I
Throughout the northern States there has i
been no indication of any change in their , <
policy. On the contrary, the majority :
against the south is greater i t the present s
Congress than in the last, following the <
usual course of every successive election i
for years past. Nor have \vc seen in the t
action of the Slates, with fev exceptions. I
nnv proof of a returning sense of of jus- 1
tice to us, or of revercncc for the constitution.
Several of them, lest false infercn- i
ces might be drawn.as to their position,
have taken care lately to reiterate in the i
most offensive forms their former declaration
againts our rights; and when a great
senator, representing one of them, anxious
for the perpetuation of the Union,
has ventured to advocate something of
justice to the south, he has been rebuked
by the Legislature of the state he represents,
and virtually denounced for his
fidelity to the constitution. This resource
then, under tho ordinary operations of ;
the constitution, is of no avail. And how ,
is it with the present Congress, the only
other sonrcc of redress in the usnrl administration
of the constitution? For six
months it has been in session, and during
this whole period of timo slavery has
been the absorbing topic of discussion
and agitation. Yet nothing has been
done to heal the discontents which so justly
exist in the south, or restore a blleeding
constitution, vlll we have received
has been bitter denunciations of our institutions
by many members of Congress,
and threats to coerce us '?to submission, i
Although nothing has been done, a report
has been made in the Senate by a committee
of thirteen members,, which is
now pending in thnt body; and as the
measures it proposes have been pressed
upon the /South as worthy of her acceptance,
wo deem it proper to lay before
you a brief consideration of the matters it
contains.
This report embraces four distinct measures?
1st the admission of California as
a State, with the exclusion of slavery in
her constitution. 2d, Territorial Governments
to bo erected over the territories of
Utiih and New Mexico, with nearly one
half of Texas to be added to the latter.
3d. Tho prohibition of the slave trade in
tho District of Columbia; and 4th., provisions
for the recapture of fugitive slaves in
tho non-slavcholding States. To under- 1
stand whether these measure are tionsis.
i M * 1 i 1 i 1 P
lent, witn our rignis aim wovr.-,y 0I our j
acceptance, each of therr, must be consid- i
orc<l separately.
The South is excluded by tlio bill
from the whole of tliat part of California
lying or. the Pacific, including one hundred
pnd fifty thousand squaro miles of 1
territory; nnd if this is done by thelegis
latiori of Congress, the modo in which it
is done is of no importance. California
belongs to the United States, and all action
by the individuals in that territory,
whether from tho United States or from
the rest of the world, appropriating the
eoil to themselves or erecting a govern- 1
ment over it, is of no validity. They con- '
stitute a people in no proper sonso of tho
term; but aro citizens ot tho Stales or 1
countries from which they have come, and <
to which thoy still owe their allegiance. 1
WKcn thereforo Congress nttenipts to 1
carry out and confirm the acts ol these in- I
diviauals, erecting California into a /STtate i
and excluding slavery therefrom, it is the i
same thing as if Congress had originally
passed a law to this cfkcct, without tho I
intervention of these individuals. The
exclusion of slavery from California b <
done hv the act of CoKorress. and bv no . !
otlior authority. 'J"he constitution of Cal- i
ifornift bocomcs tho net of Congress; nnd
the Wilmot proviso it contains, is tho
Wilmot proviso pnssod and enforced by
the legislation of Congress. Hero thon i
is that exclusion from this territory by i
thrnct of Congress wh'ch almost every ?
southern <Stato in tho Union has declared ]
she would not submit to plainly nnd praotically
cnforcctf by this bill. A free people
cannot be satisfied with tho mode in
which t! icy arc deprived of their rig! t .
\ sovereign State will disdain to inquire,
n what manner she is stripped of her
property, and degraded from an equality
nrith her sister States. It is enough that
.lie outrage is done. The mode is of lit:1c
consequence. There is therefore in
.lie mode of extending the Wilmot proviso
nvr>r the torritni'v nf f!nlifnrniii nrp.
ion ted by the l>ill nothing to mitigate tho
ndignation of the Southern States, or to
audio their determination to redress tho
wrong if inflicted. They are excluded
iora the whole Territory of California, a
Perritory extensive enough to contain
'our largo States.
If tho constitution proposed by Caliornia
contained nothing about slavery,
ivould the North allow her to enter into
he Union? (Such wore tho territorial
jills proposed for California at the last
Congress, but they rejected them becauso
:ho south was not excluded from this tor
ritory ? express terms. 1 ho inhabitants
:>f this territory have been left without,
my eivil government, solely because the
south would not consent to be legislated
sut of them with her institutions; and
now that this object is accomplished by
[he constitution presented by California,
ihese conservatives?the advocates of
law and order?arc eager to admit her,
without right or precedent, into the Union.
We ere aware of the incovcniences.
the inhabitants ot California may havo
suffered for want of a civil government
established by Congress, and therefore
nrc prepared to yield much on account of
the circumstances in which they have?
been placed.
Y'iie next measure is in perfect keeping
with this first feature of "the report:" It
tiikes from Texas territory sufficient for
two large Elates, and adds them to NewMexico.
What the bill contains with respect
to slavery will be of little conse
quence; lor it js designed that. nest winter
New Mexico, thus constituted, shall follow
the example of California, and bo admitted
as a .State with a constitution excluding
slavery from its limits?for without
such exclusion she cannot hope to 1)9
admitted by the non-slavcholding Stntes
into the Union. The effect "will he that
territory, ovei which slavery now exists,
equal to two States, will be wrested from
the south, and will be given up to the
non-slaveholding States, fl^he protext is,
that there is some doubt as to the boundaries
of Texas. Texas, by her laws,
when sho was admitted into the Union,
had but one boundary towards the West,
and that boundary was the llio (riande.
Congress, in the resolutions admitting her
into iho Union, recognised this boundary
by'laying down a line of limitation between
the slavcholding aitdnon-slaveholding
States?(being the Missouri compromise
line of 3G deg. 30 min. parallel of
north latitude)?through that very pait
of her territory her right to which is now
questioned. Her boundary of the Rio
Grande to its source alone gave her this
country; and Avas thus recognised and
ratified by "the resolutions of annexation.
To vindicate this boundary for Texas, as
a member'of the Union, the Mexican war
took place; and in the treaty of Ouadaloupc
//idalgo it was finally vindicated
and settled, by a clause in the treaty designating
the Rio Grande as the boundary
between J/exico and the United State^
Thus, by the laws of Texas, by the legislation
of Congress, and by a solemn treaty
of the United States, the Rio Grande isllie
western boundary of Texas. Yet
the pretension is set up that her territory
docs not extend to within three hundred
miles of the Missouri compromise line, *
Where Congress, in receiving her into the1
Union, determined that her territory
should he divided between the sluvehold-ing
awl non-slnvoholding States. Trxis
is tho only State in the Union which ha*
the solemn gunranteo of tho Government
of the United States in every possible
form of her bounu>uw?. a ot tliio i? t'i i
Government which disputes them; nt d,
wilder tho pretext that they are verydoubtful,
proposes to take from her nearly
one-halt of her territory. It is by virti:o
of such pretensions, that by the bill tv. o
States are to be taken from tho SoutlTe: n
und given to the Nor.hurn States; nr d
this wrong is aggravated by compelling
us to pay for it through tho Treasury of
tho United States.
It Is undoubtedly proper that Tcxnd
hould be quieted as to her boundaries;
hut she should bo quiote 1 by a law of
Congiess, plainly acknowledging tbem.
' ? i i/f.J ii
jli, niwr nor oounuaneB arc seuicu, mo
General Government, to carry out thrt
purposes of the consti u ion, or in go id
faith to fulfil alltho oblig ition3 tho annex-'
ution of Texas to tho Union requires*
should thinlc proper to purchase any territory
from Texas, the arrangement may
be unobjectionable. But. any arrange*
mcnt concerning her territories, whtah
leaver a shade of doubt as to tho righto?
f i*% r/fr *