The Newberry herald. (Newberry, S.C.) 1865-1884, September 29, 1880, Image 1
THE HERALD
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Th~. GRII~KRR, ISeil Notices in Local column 15 cent
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rie paper i stopped at the expiration of DONE WTH NEATNESS AND DISPAT( H
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47 The >4mark denotes expiration of sub Vol. XVI. WEDNESDAY MORNING, SEPTEMBER 29, 1880. No. 40T S H
eviptionl.
.M1isceUaneous.
"R. S. F. FANT,
-sh%ole and Retail
DRUGGIST9
NEWBERRY, . C4
Off-rs Imported and InA 'enous Drugs.
St,pie and Rare Chemi.a_s.
Foreign and Domestic Medical Prepara
tions.
Fine Essential Oils anISelect Powders.
New Pharmaceutical 'tmedies.
Special attention is caired to the foll.
ing Standard Preparations
FANT'S Liver.Regulator.
FANT'S Elixk4r Catisaya with Pyrophos
phaef Iron.
FANT'S Co'nat d Fluid Extract of Buchu.
FANT'S Com,gotiudExtract of Queen ''
light and Sarsaparilla,- with Iodide
of Pot4slum.
FANT'S Soothing Syrup.
FANT'S -Essence of Jamaica Ginger.
PANT'S Agne Cure-well known to every
one in the County, having been
thoroughly tested in fever and
ague.
FANT'S Oologne.
Curatine and Iron Bitters-the great
Blood Fiuifier.
Sole Agent for Swift's Syphilitic Specific,
the Great Eruninator of all Impurities of the
Blood. The:uere for Scrofula. Rheuma
tism, Neuralgia and all Nervous Affections.
Buckeye Pile Ointment, a specific for
Piles.7
I als- efer the largest assortment of
Lamps aps, Perfumery, Hair Brushes,
Tooth fiasbes, and Toilet Articles, of ev
ery dese'Rtiow, at the very lowest prices.
Call and eamine for yourselves.
Prescriptions carefdl compounded at all
hours of the day and ight.
Mar. M1, 14-tf.
H. :HP.
IF YOU GET SICK
From Biliousness and call a physician, nine
cases out of ten he vill give you the same
prescription as
Unless he gives you CALOME.. Many con
stitutions cannot stand Calomel, and it is
generally considered injurious to the phy
sieal system. There is
NO CALOMEL
HILL'S HEPATIC PANACEA,
And if taken in time will save you the ex
pense of a physi.4an and his prescription.
Sep. 15, 34-1T.
NEWBERIRY 0COLLEGE,
NEWBERRY, S, C.
'THIREE COURSES of Instruction: CLAS
SICAL, PHL.OSOPHICAL and SELECT.
Als -
PREPARATORY DEPARTMENT
presenting the very best opportunities for
thorough preparation for coll"ge.
Special advantages afforded to those de.
siringto pursue an English Course.
'Board in private families, including fuel,
slights, furnished room and washing. $12 per
tnonth. Tuition, $30 to $56 per session of 10
unonths.
Next session begins
WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 15, 1880.
For particulars, address
G. W. HOLLAND. President.
Aug. 11, 33-2m.
NEW HOTEL.
This commodious edifice, situated or
MI STEEET, NEWBERRY,S. C., and
knewa a .he
BLEASE HOTEL,
iis now open, and invites the people one and
-.all to call and know what can be done at all
b.ours, to wit: An~ Extra Good Breakfast,
Dinaer. or Supper, for TWENTY-FIVE
VENTS.. .
Forty or fifty regular boarders will be
taken at proportionately low rates.
The convenience of loc".tion, excellent
spring water, well furnished table, etc.,
commend this house to every one.
Oct. 16, 42-tif.
STATE OF SOU'TH CAROLINA,
NEWBEREY COUNTY.
By Jacob B. Fellers, Probate Judge.
Whereas, Ebenezer P. Chalmers, Clerk of
Couirr, hath mjade suit to me, to grant him
Letters of Administration, of the derelict
Etace and effects of John H. Gilliam, de'!
eeased..
These are therefore to cite aund admonisil
att and singular, the kindred and creditors
.of the said deceased, that they be and
appear, betore me, in the Court of Pro
bate, te be held at Newberry Court House,
S. C., on the 12th day of October next,
after publication hereof, at 11 o'clock ii
the Awenoon, to shew oause, if any the.1
have, wrhy the said Administration should
not be granted. Given under my Hand
this 30th day of August, Anne Domini
1880.
J. B. FELLERS, J. r. N. C.
Sep. 1, 31--64.
NOTICE.
.Application will be made to the Gear
Asembly of South Carolina, at its nexl
Scsijon, for a Charter re-Incorporating the
Presbytery of South Carolina.
Aug. 18, 34-Sm.
,L G. W. ABNE Y,
MaTTORNTEY -AT -LAW
-.ovroer'sstoreoet'alBaiding.
Anoj
A ltkill praettee ia the Courts of Edgefiel
NV'Newberrv. Al business entrusted tI
ibe promiptly attendedj to.
~ep. 15, 38-tr.
Pianos and Organs.
't
CLj
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C,
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CD,
C)9
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2G0ST -t 'C
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Whele House.
0
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C=D.
meat prices.ices
ApR. 1 1 .JA SON
TH-OAZ O OKAET
is elingou tw 0penh ilusrae
edred by Ge.anck thUprty lead
DR, .S.E Eribi A CKSorON,eceer
Cy,as OLyMBndorS. BohofCia
i mve to us,oe o r ne10 t
50c each elers oksate. m,a
Adul astcko HUBr Bedcins, Aeta
400Fil Se alwaRyls Bintr nd.
m7drat pris.AroTis
Apr. 18, 34-tf.
Dsellnor' Wto spea ndil lurae
wretntsb hislmaeion
Fitchs bypGen. Liaro Nveat chea
edtio and rscoenie ofpe
SeaIdELDy ovels-vaiey.lr
Va..8rio sbi the rautbor boroks. clr
ty, Lttr l ndosed. and h oEne lops
immeiney poplar,elaingerty 00
Prweek ns a kigp.ada!Oti
thic.i eahiso bies t book an-em,a
drs c,HEBBRD BOS.. STRE.
Ge. Sep. 39-3-3.
JUSTZOEREED
700IN ADI Ar TiESI
Aug.MBIA, S.tf.
em et'nded to Wert, a fte
emosaproestyrli. Nov cents or-tf
Pasents ers onbthte panLo
AFstcnhe joulnctibrar of evG. & C .Il
adtioe and U.c .ein shae.
eae eLibprear an els harey.
srousothe readbl bo. LI
Cap. 41-tteradNt,adEvlp
GENTLE HUMANITIES.
Shoe the horse and shoe the mare;
Never let the hoofgo bare;
Trotting over idinty stones
Wear away the Ikardest bones.
Life has many a stony street
Even to the toughest feet;
Men, the sturdiest, fnd it so
Ere through half of life they go.
Streaks of blood are in the way,
Trod by humans every day;
Seen by love's annointed eye
While the blinded world goes by.
Yea, if all the sighs were caught,
Wherewithal the air is fraught;
What a gale would sweep the skles
Laden with man's miseries!
Gently then, or brother man!
Do the utmost good you can;
God approveth e'en the least
Deed of truth to man or beast.
- -Thomas MacKeller.
MR. PULITZER'S GREAT
SPEECHI AT INDIANAP
OLIS.
"The Five Great Historical Besults."
Mr. Joseph Pulitzer, of St. Louis,
delivered at Indianapolis, on Au
gust 14th, the following most re
markable speceb, one well worth
perusal and solemn consideration.
!The orator said:
NOT IF THE PEOPLE WILL BUT IF
THEY CAN.
The real question is not whether
a change in Washington is poli
tic, but whether it is possible.
The issue is not to ascertain the
will of the majority, but whether
that well-known will-can be per
manently defied. It is not why
should the people want a change ?
but can they have it if they want
it?
Thrice in six years the Ameri
can people showed unmistakably,
that they wanted a change in
the character of their national
government. In 1874 they elected
a Democratic House. In- 1878
they elected still another. In
1876 they also elected a Demo
cratic President. The results of
these successive elections also
chan'ged the Senate until that body
too is Democratic to-day. Thus
there are
FIVE GREAT HISTORICAL RESULTS
in six years, the election of a
IDemocratic President, a Demo
cratic Senate and three Demo
cratic Houses, to show that the
majority of the American people
desire a cbange in the character
of their national government. Yet,
has there been a change ? Is the
ruling party or the ruling spirit
at Washington not unchanged ?
Does the majority govern to-day ?
Does not the fraudulent E~xecu
tive, by the abuse of the veto
power, thwart every measure of
reform, retain every partisan abuse
and defy the will of both Con
gress and the American people ?
The Democracy is not only
now, but really never ceased to
be, the majority party ,in this
country.
Is this still a representative
government.? is this still a real
republic ? Do the people truly
govern themselves? Is a politi
cal party in this country still re
sponsible to the people ? Is there
no accountability, no day of judg
ment ? Shall those who stole the
Presideney retain it indefinitely ?
Shall fraud and political wrong be
indorsed ? Is this to become a
personal and permanent govern
ment? Is this a government
based upon law and public opin
ion, or on fraud and perjury ?
LESSONS BY FRANCE AND ENGLAND.
Not long ago we read that the
French people ordered a change
in their national government. It
was a great gurisis. The marshal
president had a connliet with the
French Congress. t was a con
flict very much like the one
we had in this country-between
place, force and power as against
public opinion-the will of the
people. - It was said that MacMa
h. on would never yield. Troops
were ordered out. Paris was at
tfever heat. It looked like another
revolution. The unarmed repre
sentatives of the people seemed to
be poweles agaifist the fea.rlese
military President witb the ha
million soldiers at his comman<
But there waa no bloodshed. Ma
sbhal MacMahon submitted. JH
vacated the presidency and etel
pod into oblivion. It was a tr
umph of public opinion. It was
victory of the wili of the peopl
over military force. It was sel
government.
A few months ago we read the
the people of England, too, oi
dered a change in their nation:
government. England has a Quee
and Empress, and no Republica
institutions. The English Quee
was known to have a strong pei
sonal dislike of Mr. Gladstone-a
aversion which the whole royi
family had frequently and mos
offensively demonstrated. It wa
said that the Queen never woul
submit, never would yield, neve
would send for Mr. Gladstone t
make him prime minister. Ther
was no law, no line in the const'
tution requiri-g it-only custor
and public opinion-the will o
the people. We heard of grea
excitement and. another great cr
sis. But the Queen, after sovert
efforts to* the contrary, finall;
yielded. Mr. Gladstone was sen
for. He is prime minister of Ei
gland to-day.
In this case, too, it was a grea
triumph of public opinion-a tr
umph of repreaentative institt
tions-a triumph of popular sel:
government.
But how was it in free Americ;
when we last elected our Pres
dent? Did public opinion, th
will of the people, the voice c
law, the letter of the Constitutioi
prevail here? Was the choice c
the great majority not kept out o
his place by the greatest frau
ever known in history?
WHAT IS IMPERIALISM?
It is often asked why it is tha
those not to the manor born shoul
be so earnest and united in thei
opposition to Grantism and mi
chine politics generally ? But wh;
has this republic so many chi
dren ? Why has every land an
shore, every race and tongue cor
tributed fresh blood and braw
and brain to our rising nation
Why do these millions of foreig
born already here still receiv
daily accessions by the thousands
It is the spirit of imperialisr
And what is imperialism ?
Injustice, -inequality, class di:
tinctions, privileges to the fey
wrong- to the many, corruptio
and venality, but above all-fraut
ulent one-man power.
Those who wait for a King a
Emperor to appear before the
recognize imperialism will wai
until it is too late. No purple c
throne, no sceptre or crown, n
King or Emperor will ever heral
its advent in this country. It
natural advance guards are vena
ity, fraud and centralization.
It is all the more dangerous b<
cause it comes unheralded and ur
heeded. Its spirit may creep int
the arteries of free institutions
its essence may poison the ver
life-blood of liberty. Already in
perialism rules in the name an
form of many republics. Mor
liberty exists under the Britis
Empire than in the South Amer
can so-called :-epublies. Less sel
governmen t exists under the nanm
of some Presidents than that <
Kings. Names signify nothinj
They deceive rather than denon
iate. Brazil has a monarch whb
is really a republican. There at
many republicans in this countr
who are really monarchs. Et
gland has a legitimate Empre
who does not govern but obey
the people and Parliament, whi
our illegitimate President ove
governs and defies the people ai
Congress.
THE sPIRIT IF NOT THE FORM.
Show me a land where the wi
of Congress is beld in1 contemI
by the Executive, and where, t
the impudent use of4the veto poa
er, it ceases to i'e the executi1
and becomes the dictator of Co
gress ; show me a land where sea
in the Senate are bought wil
the gold of INevada, barter4
for a mission to Peru or hand<
over as personal property fro
father to son, as in the State
C.,mrn; show me a land whe
If two men like Conkling and Cam
i. eron are practically the political
e- monarchs in the two greatest
e States, and over nine millions of
- people ; show me a land where ex
i. ecutive influence of the vilest par.
a tisan character controls-the army,
e the navy, the treasury, the ju
E- diciary, and a legion of over 100,
000 office-holders; show me a land
, where one person controls 8,000
miles of railroad, mostly built by
I government subsidies; where an
other has forty-seven millions of
a government bonds registered in
his name, and where still another
can appear at a White House re
nception with diamonds on her
body worth over a million of dol
t lars; show me a l'and where the
money power, the organized cap
ital, privileges and monopolies of
r tht country, the railroads, tele
graphs. banks, protected manu
factures, etc., are favored and fos
tered by the government, and
where all these powerful interests
f unite in opposing any change
t of that government; show me a
land nt here laws are di3regarded,
!elections nullified and the highest
courts are perjured to prevent a
t change and give the enormous
executive power to one clearly
defeated by the people ; show me
he-o worship, one-man power,
boss rule, Senatorial triumvirates,
defiances of the pcpular will,
fraud and sham ; show me an im
potent House of Representatives,
a polluted Supreme Court, a stolen
Presidency, and you have shown
and seen the spirit of Imperial
ism I The danger is not about a
fi - - -
change in the form but in the
spirit of our government.
THAT DANGER HAS ACTUALLY COME.
It is before us now. It is the
issue of the hour, and the duty of
the Democracy is to meet it, battle
with it,overthrow it and restore es
t tablish and the same principles of
true, popular, self-government up
r on which the republic was origi
nally founded and without which
it is sure to founder. Gentlemen,
those who were born to it may
treat it as a matter of course, but
I prize American citizenship. I
3 did not gain it without sacrifice,
and cannot lose it without sorrow.
a Where I was born-the most an
e cient empire of the world-im
? perialism flourished. I tore theties
' of. home and kin, broke the fetters
of a subject, and, though but a
- boy, came to t.hese shores friend
, less, homeless, tongueless, guide
a less-save that grand guiding star
-of liberty which this republic pre
sented to all the world. I became
r an American ; I became free. Be.
y fore the republic clothed me with
t equal citizenship its laws exacted
r as a condition that I should re
o nounce all allegiance to imperial
d- ism and Emperor. I joyfully com
s plied with that condition. I have
- kept faith. I am only keeping
faith now. When, by the secret
.march of centralization and the
.open defiance of a daring and des
o pce-ate political party, this repub
,lie itself is infected by tendencies
yof imperialism-what more natu
. ral, what more fit, what more
d grateful than those should be first
e to recognize the danger, give the
b signal of ala.rm and come to the
irescue who know from actual sad
f. experience what imperialism real
e ly is and who owe their freedom to
the republic ?
. PROSPERITY MORE DANGEROUS THAN
- PoVERTY.
0 One point made by Republican
e oratoiJ is the great prosperity of
the country. The country is do
-ing remarkably well-everybody
S is prosperous- all due to the Re
a publican party, of course-why
e not let well enoungh alone !" If
- there is prosperity in the land, it
d sin spite of and not on account
of ~the ruling party, it is through
the labor of the toiling millions,
1 not the work of politicians;
t through the unexampled resour
y ces, harvests and industries of the
m marvelous country, and not
re throtugh a notoriously fraudulent
r- administration or a corrupt party.
te But there is one aspect of this
h prosperity which deserves serious
d thought. Great prosperity pro.
d duces great wealth. Great wealth
n is power. It inevitably forms a
of class which selfishly, though na
rtrly,fonersm its own interest.
No government can make the
wealth ofa country, but the wealth
of a country may make the gov
ernment. I heartily despise de
magogical appeals against the rich
or any one particular class, but
this question is so grave that it
must- be treated without gloves.
The growth of the money power
in this country has been fabulous,
and its eonnection with, and in
terest in, the government is
alarming. Our foreign commerce
-that is, exports and imports
alone amounted to, for the year
just cl-sed, how much do you sup
pose? Over
$1,500,000,000 IN A SINGLE YEAR.
There is not one importer and not
many exporters who do not de
pend directly or indirectly upon
the national government. There
are 2,048 national banks, with a
capital of over $455,000,000 and
$713,000,000 of deposits. Alto
gether there were last year 6,360
banks, with $656,000,000 of capi
tal and $1,893,000,000 of deposits.
You know that, more are less,
they were directly interested in
and on the lookout for Wall street
and Washington. Do you know
that we have about as many miles
of railroad ip this country as all
Europe ? Actually we have over
80,000 miles of railroad, or more
than England, Scotland, Ireland
and Wales, all Germany, all
France, all Austria, all Hungary,
all Italy and all Russia combined.
Do you know that the amount of
money interested in our railroads,
capital and funded debt is $4,589,
000,000, or more than twice the
amount of the national debt?
Last year the receipts of our rail
roads amounted to $529,000,000,
or more than twice the amount of
the total revenue of the national
government, and though the five
years after the panic of'73 were
the worst ever known, they still
managed to divide for the last ten
years $700,000,000 in dividends.
The capital invested in manufac
tures and industries is fabulous.
There are over four thousand du
tiable articleson our glorious tariff,
and there is hardly a manufactu
rer under our present system of
protection who does not have to
look to Washington for tartiff le
gislation. Now, nearly all these
powerful interests are united in
the support of the Republican par
ty. So, of course, 'are the 100,000
office-holders. To all of them Re
publican rule means personal pros
perity sure enough. But the
masses of the people may stop to
remember that history does not
show a single republic that did
rot perish after its people became
too rich. No republic perished
while it was poor. No republic
lived after it became too rich.
History has no exception to this
rle-that as long as republics are
poor they arc pure. As they grow
and become richer and richer, cor
ruption grows, p)ublic virtue de
clines and popular self-govern ment
becomes difficult and decays. This
is the teaching of Rome and
Greece. It is the lesson of his
tory. It is the danger of this re
public-the very fact that it is
almost incredibly different and
changed fr-om what it was when
it was founded--the very fact that
it is no longer poor, but rich,
daily growing richer.
We all want prosperity, but not
at the expense of liberty. Pover
ty is not as great a danger to lib
eryas wealth, with its corrupting
demoralizing influences. Suppose
all the influences I have just re
viewed were to take their hands
off instead of sup)porting the Re
publican party, would it have a
ghost of a chance of success ? Let
us have prosperity, but never at
the expense of liberty, never at
the expense of real Relf goverment,
and let us never have a govern
ment at Washington owing its re
ten tion to the power of the mil
lionaires rather than the will of
the millions.
THE ARGUMENT AGAINST CHANGE AN
ARGUMENT FOR A MONARCHY.
Point No. 3 is that the Demo
crats are terribly hungry for a
place, and that a change in the
100,000 offices of the country
would be a calamity-would, in
the language of Mr. Schurz, take
the vm-y machinery ot the gov.
ernment into pieces-would be
something dreadful tb contem
plate. But this is a direct argu
ment in favor of a permanent gov
ernment-a permanent office-hold
ing dynasty.
If we cannot afford to change
the ruling party because that
means the change of 100,000 office
holders, we shall certainly be
much less able to do so four, eight
or twelve years hence, when the
power and number of these office
holders will be much greater. In
my opinion a change of adminis.
tration does not imply a change
in every office of the cointry. Nor
would such sweeping changes be
desirable. But to hold that the
country. cannot afford to elect
Hancock simply because of the
offie-holdeis who would lose their
places is to give up the very
spirit of our institutions, the
character of a representative re
public based upon government by
political parties, their accounta
bility to the people and frequent
changes. If we cannot have a
change now we can never have
one. If Mr. Schurz's argument
against a change because it would
put the ins out and the outs in iE
good to-day, it will be still better
in the future, and we might at
well settle down to the idea of a
permanent party dynasty as irre
movable and irresponsible as it it
reproachable - the monarchical
idea in Republican clothes.
THE SOLID SOUTH.
Point No. 4 is the cry about the
solid South. .I. understand the Re
publican positign to be this-that
it is a great political crime for tea
Southern States to be all Demo
cratic, but it would be the highest
political virtue for twenty-tw
Northern States to be all Repub.
lican. A solid South is monstrous,
a solid North sublime-according
to Republican logic. Now, what
is there in all this cry? When
the war closed every Southern
State was made Republican by
force. They were put under mil
itary rule. Next they were pul
under the rule of thieving carpet
baggers. To make Republican
rule permanent a million negroeE
just emerged from slavery wer(
made voters and masters over th(
disfranchised whites. What en
sued you know-the most mon
strous misgovernment, robbery
and corruption, probably, the
world ever saw. Then the South
was solid for the Republicans. Bal
a reaction had to come. It came
Gradually these Southern States
regained local self-government. T<
them Republicanism meant rob
bery, oppression, and govern men1
from Washington, govern ment sel
up by bayonets and kept up by
bribery. Democracy meant loca
self-government. There was n<
alternative-they had to becom<
Democratic. There was no othei
place to go to, and the Republicar
party itself is aldbe responsible foi
it. There is not a single State it
the North that would not hav<
done the same thing under th<
same circumstances. The Repub
lican party had the South at its
feet and could have made out of it
what it pleased. Had it acted
with real statesminship and wis
dontr it could have saved it. But
in its anxiety to force the South
to be Republican it employed and
tolerated methods so gross and re
volting that they produced a re
action. If there is a solid South~
to-day t-he Republican policy and
leaders are responsible fore it.
Now what has the South done
since 1868, when it was Republi
can ? if you believe partisan lies
the Southern people are exclu
sively engaged in buli-dozing, kill.
ing negroes, organizing for an
other rebellion and general thrift
lessness and depopulation. But
the highest Republican authority
pronounces this infamous. Nc
less than
GENERAL GRANT,
returning from his last tryl
through the South.
Now, what deed or crime, I ask,
has she committed since she ceased
to be Republican to deserve sc
much villification ? I will tell yon
in figures and facts taken from
Republican authorities.
-OVER ONE-THIRD OF ALL OUR EX.
PORTS
are raised in and by the South.
According to the most eminent
Republican statisti.-an in the coun
try-,- Edward Atkinson; of Bostofi
the value of the la.ten cotton
crops alone was not less than $2,
500,000,000, -and- probabl$3,000,
000.000. 'two-tbirds .4this has
been expo ted-which n'hs that
for one 'single staple produced by
the "rebels" during the last ten
years this country received the
enormous sum-of 2,000-miflios-in
gold,: more than theetf-eesos
tidnat deUt, from Europe.That
this was largely due, to the opera
tions of regaind self-government
is shown by the simple fact that
while the cotton produced in the
four years of carpet-bag rule of
186,~'67, '68 and '69, amounted to
about 8462,000.000; in the years
1876, '77, '78 and 79, under Demo
cratic rule, it amounted to over
$951,000,000, or absolately -
MORE THAN TWICE AS MUCH,
an increase of over 100 per cent.,
an addition to the national wealth
in four years alone from a single
staple of $500,000,060 as the differ
ence btween Republicanism and
Democracy. If you look at any
Republican almanac you will see
that or the $2,978,000,000 of agri
cultural exports between 1865 and
1871, the products of the South
alone amounted to about $1,546,
000,000. if you believe that emi
nent Republican, Mr. Atkinson,
thd value of the cotton crops of
1870-79 was, as I said ~before,
about 83,000,000,000.
Now, is all this the r6sult of
bull-dozing, the ku-klux and South
ern outrages and rebel rule?-Were
these glorious rebel deeds com
mitted under Republican carpet.
bag rule or Democracy? Can
such results be due to -the shot
gun, the ku-klux or the tissue
ballot. ? Slavery is dead.. - Seces
sion is dead. State sovereignty is
dead. The Union is no longer in
danger because there is too little
power at Washington, but on the
contrary becau6e' tbere is too
much. We have rushed from one
extreme to another, from secession
to centralization and imperialism.
As we killed secession, we must
kill centralization. As we de
stroyed the slave power, - let us/
now destroy fraudulent- one-man
power and the money power in
nolitics. All these have their
abode in the Republican minority.
If the republic will -not destroy
the Republican party, the Repub
-lican party will certainly destroy
the republic. To keep the Repub
lican party in power is to give it
a vote of confidence. To give it
a vote of confidence is to endorse
and -approve -the great theft of
the Presidency. To approve that
is to encourage and invite its
repetition, not only by itself hat
by other parties in the fat.ure. To
retain the Republican party after --
all it has done is virtually to de
eldare that political parties ma'y do
as they please, they -will not be
held responsible. Upon these-ideas
we demand a change. -We demand
the election of Hancock aind the
success of theiDemocraCy. -We de
mand it not for the sake of. party,
but for the vindication of liberty.
We demand it not for the sake of
the offices, but to preserve the
republic!
How A WATER SNAKE PIsHEs.
A correspoudent, writing from
Planto, Texas, descri bes as follows
the manner in which a moccasin
used his body as a sort of eieve in
catch ing small fish. His_soakeehip.
was in a shallow pool 4bounding
in minnows, and was briskly twist
ing and turning in a;!l directions,
giving his body as many convul
sions as possible to inclose the fish
or force them into narrow spaces
between him and the bank, in
either case the fish would endeav
or to escape by leaping over the
snake's body into the water be
yond. Meantime the moccasin
with elevated head caught the fish
in his moddh as they, .passed
through the air.
They who are fallen lowest
remember the heights of virtue,
honor, and peace, whose shining
they once -beheld, and whose pin
nacle they once almost touched.
And are we not alin so -
and some degree fallant