Historical Newspapers of South Carolina

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T ~ ~ A -l " A Faily ompaion,Devoted to Literature, Miscellany, Nw,Agricultu, Mresc A F ml Co ao,vol. X I.W EDNESDAY M ORNING, OCTOBER 3, 18 "dqio.40 THE~ HERALD IS I'VB3LISIIED ~ERY WEDNESDAY MOl\I\G, t Newberry, S. C. BY "ilROS, F. GRRNEKER, Editor and Proprietor. Terms, $2.00 per .Innlel, Iavariabiy in Advance. "> The paper is stopped at the expiration of titne for which it is paid. SThe x mark denotes expiration of sub scriptionl. Drug s A? Fancy articles. BIUE G'L.ASS! If you Wish a soft, pleasant light to read by, get a Blue Glass Lamp Chimney, or a Combination Chim: ey and Shade froui - POPE & WARDLAW. DRUGGISTS' SUNDRIES. We have just received -..splendid assort ment of IIAIR and TOOTH BRUSHES, TOILET SOAPS, from 5c. a cake upwards, and an entire new supply of DRUGGISTS' SUNDRIES and FANtY GOODS ins gene ral, to which we invite the attiention of all, more especially the ladie s. Our stock of BDRUGS, PATENT M1EDICINES, PAINTS, OILS, VARNISHES, GLASS, SEGARS, TOBACCOS, PIPES, CAN DY, Brandies, Wines and W hiskeys For Medicinal purposes, Is full and all recently purchased, which we will sell as LOW AS TUE LOWEST, and upon reasonable terms. PRESCRIPTIONS COMPOUNDED ____ sotrp. A KISS FRCO-1 HER HAND. Only a kiss-imagined; A something that is-and is not; A gift to be cherished fore'er, But as oft'n forgotten as got! Not a kiss from her lips, But from her finger-tips Thrown blushing to me. Sweeter the kiss than of lcvers Loving under the white moons of May; Sweeter than honey that gathers In flow'rs on a warm fair day; - 'Tis a kiss worth a life That pure kiss of my wife Thrown loving to me. S. Atlanta, Jane 16th. hiiste1laneons. GOV. HAMPTON SPEAKS TO THE ILLINOIS GRAN GERS. The full text of Governor Hampton's admirable address be fore the Winnebago County Fair, at Rockford, Ill., is published herewith, copied from the Chica go-Ties. The enthusiasm with which the address was received can be judged by the frequent ap plause of his sentiments MR . PRESIDENT AND MY FEL LOW-CITIZENS OF ILLINOIS: If any evidence were needed to show the high appreciation in which I hold the invitation which brings me here to-day it would surely be found in the fact that I have trav eled more than a thousand miles that I may make my acknow ledgement to you for the honor you have conferred, in person. [Applause.] And let me say to you, and I say it with infinite pleasure, that had that journey been far longer, had its fatigues been greater, the sight that greets me here to-day, and the cordiality of the welcome given by the peo ple of Illinois, would have amply compensated me. [Applause.] Under ordinary circumstances I should scarcely have felt at liber ty to have left my official duties to participate in an occasion of this sort, however gratifying the honor might have been ; but the invitation of the Winnebago So ciety carried with it such peculiar weight that it imposed upon me an obligation which. I felt that I could not neglect. It wvas this society a year ago, before the po litical spirit which has now so happily subsided, had abated, that was among the first to inaugurate that spirit of reconciliation and fraternity which is now spread ing with such wholesome force over this broad land of ours. Therefore, when they made a call upon me. I, as a Southern man, felt that it was not only my pleas ure, but that it was my duty, to go and make a response to them in person, and thank them for their course in the interest of har mony and fraternity, and to pledge my cordial co-operation in this patriotic and noble work. [Ap plause.] Gentlemen of the society, if I comprehend the purpose of your invitation to me it was not that I should speak to you merely upon agricultural subjects, but that I should discuss those grav'er and broader issues which are dis tracting the country. But, my friends, in doing that you neea not fear that I shall violate the proprieties of the occasion by giv ing you a political speech. No; there are times when great ques tions spring up which overshadow all political parties, and in my judgment this is one of those eventful eras. 1 shall speak to you for no man, for no party, for no section, but for this whole country-[Applause]-and in do ing that I shall strive earnestly, honestly and truthfully to sink all men and all partisanship, and to place myself upon that grand high plane where alone true and pure patriotism can be found. [Applause.] As I construe the motives of this movement, my friends, it is in the interests of~ peace and conciliation. Under standing it so, it was that which brought me here ; and if by any thing that I can say or do, if I1 can in the slightest degree assist these gentlemen in the noble work that they have inaugurated, then indeed, my friends of Illinois, I shall feel that my mission has not altogether failed. The chief thing I had in view in coming here was to promote a true and correct understanding between the people of the North and those of the South. You must all admit that very many of the evils which have fallen upon the whole country have come from a misconception of the pur poses, motives and intentions each of the other. You remember there is a profound truth as well as 1knowledge of human nature em bodied in the fable where it is told that in olden times a shield whbite on one side and black on the oth two roads, and two knights ap proacbing in opposite directions disputed as to the color of the shield. Finally their lances were put in rest, and they periled life each to support his own convic tions. It has seemed to me in looking over all these questions that something of the same sort happened between the North and the South. The Constitution was the shield. Viewed as it was from different points and with different constructions, the dis pute upon the points waxed warmer and warmer, the sword was called in, and under its red arbitranent many a brave and true and gallant and knightly sol dier laid down his life in support 1 of his conviction. What might have happened, my friends, had prudence and not passion ruled the hour it is idle for us to say now. The statesman looks to the past perils of his country simply that he may guard against them in the future; and the prayer and 1 the work of the patriot should 1 tend to the same end. All nature teaches us that this is a law of 1 God. God, speaking to us through 1 His immutable laws, tells us that < reparation is one of his laws. t When the mountain torrentsweeps j down from the side of the hills taking away with it everything that opposes its progress, leaving E ruin and devastation in its trail, our Mother Nature, with kind, < genial, soft, but sure hands, decks i again the chasm with her perpet ual verdure and covers it with smiling flowers. So let it be with I us. Philosophy and religion go hand in hand upon this, for while t one tells us that upon this earth matter is indestructible, the other t discloses that immoratl life is a fixed law of God. Well, my friends, I speak for the South. 1 We of the South have had not 4 only enough, but too much of war. [Laughter.] We seek peace. ( We come now to plead in the in terest of peace, and it is for that < I am here before you to-day. J [Cheers.] Can you doubt, my friends, that the South wants < peace ? Go and look at her ruined fields, her blasted industries, the misrule under which she has lived < for twelve years and you will doubt it no longer. Do you, men of Illinois, doubt her sincerity? She has been charged with many faults, but among those faults her t worst enemies have never said that she was hypocritical or that she spoke with a double tongue. Impetuous, rash, impulsive, she may be, but, thank God, false never! [Cbeers.] Do you want proof of her sincerity ? Look in < the recent past, and tell me if you can find anything more conclusive and higher than is given by her conduct. Need I tell you to looki back to those trying days when the Presidential contest was un-i settled ? What was the course of1 the South then ? Her enemies < told you through the North that they wanted an opportunity for another rebellion, as they calledi it. They said that they who had< met you bravely and honestly in battle were willing and anxious ard earnest to produce another revolution and to confuse the country. Did not the opportuni tv come to the South ? Then what prevented ? One gun fired in South Carolina, one mob in South Carolina, and we would have had civil war throughout this broad land. I tell you, gen tlemen, it is true and I know it, and it would have not been a war of sections, it would have been a war of one part of this great coun try against another divided by sectional lines, and it would have been what this country has never~ seen-it would have been a civil war whore brothers would have stood against brother, and the en emies of a man's own household would have been the murderers of his own household. Thus it is that I can turn to you and say that the South realized the danger of precipitating this country into a war, and she used all her efforts to prevent it. My friends of Illi nois, 1 can tell you that the peo pe of South Carolina, as brave and as spirited a people as the people of Illinois, stood then ten times more than you would have done. They did it because they had made up their minds to trust their cause simply to the vindication of the laws and of the justice of that reat God on high who holds the destinies of nations in his hands. That is what my people did. I tell you of Illinois-and I speak not as a Democrat-I don't know and I don't care whether I speak to Democrats or iRepubbeans-I speak as an American citizen to American citizens-and I say to you to-day, you owe a debt of credit to the people of the South. [Cheers.] Well, my friends5, what was the next p)hase in this great panorama ? Thbe question of the Presidency went into Congress, and who was it in Congress that prevented fillibustering? It was what some of the North have cho sen to call the Confederate Briga ers of the TTnited States Con gross. They were the men who said that the count as declared by Congress should be sustained ; and after Congress had appointed that commission and that com mission decided, there was not a man in the South who did not acquiesce in it honestly and hon orably, and proposed to abide by it. [Cheers.] There is a second instance I give you of the sinceri ty of the South. Again, my friends, if she was looking for op portunities for revolution need I point to you that recent one which has just passed? We re tall those unfortunate strikes which spread over the whole North. Where was the South thcn ? Did she come forward, znxious to take a part in any strike ? Didn't she stand then, is she has stood since the war, manfully conservative ? Didn't She say, and I know the fact, that while they sympathized with ,omnmon labor, which was not >roperly requited, they knew that ,he country where capital was not >rotected would lapse into bar )arism ? They knew that, while ;hey sympathized with the labor r, the laws must be upheld, and ot one single man in the South oined in those riots. [Cheers.] Yeu may put that down to the 3redit of the South. You may ;ay there was another opportu ity when she could, if she had hosen to do so, become a disturb. ng element of the political econ my of the country. These, mry riends, are the evidences of the eeling at the South. She has iven bonds to fate to preserve ,h peace, and she wants peace. She wants you people of the North ,o understand her condition. She vants you to realize precisely vhat she accepts as the result of ,he war. She wants. you to un lerstand the motives which have .ctuated her, not only before and luring, but since the war. I for nyself, my friends, have no con yealments to make for the past. have taken part in the war, nor ,vould your respect for mc be in -reased were I to offer any un nanly apology for it. I did what ou did. I obeyed the command )f my own State, as you did ours, and you men of the North vere guided by your own con ciences as we of the South were aided by ours, and I say to you hat up to the beginning of that var I used all my influence to reserve the Union. [Cheers.] I as a Union man. [Renewed hers.] I did all I could to pre erve it, I did all I could to avoid war, and when South Carolina ~aled her sons, as Illinois called ers, I obeyed her command, and, nen of Illinois, I fought you as ong and as hard as I could, and I ave no apologies to make for it. Loud cheers and laughter.] I ~emembher especially that I fought be 8th Illinois, and I thought it >n of the best regiments in the FederaI army. 1 fought them very hard indeed. [Great cheer .ng and laughter, and a voice "You lid well."] Now, my friends, we went into the war believing we were right, but when the war end d we surrendered, and I want to mpress that upon you. We sur rendered in good faith, and [ dhal enge a man living to say that [rom that day to this that 1 have violated in any degree the tenor :f my parole, or done anything nconsistent with my honor as a oldier or a citizen. [Loud cheers.] When I sheathed my sword I re newed my allegiance to the Uni ted States governmen t. I pledged myself to support the constitution of the United States. When I too-k my official oath the other day as Governor of South Carolina I swore to uphold it as it now stands, and so help me God 1 in tend to keep it. [Loud cheers and a voiee "that's what we want."] We surrendered. in good faith. We accepted the constitu tion of the United States with the amendments. Now, we opposed the amendments when they were offered to us, and we had the right to do so. I think some of these Northern States opposed them. We opposed them on account of their tenor and on account of the mode in which they were offered, but they became a part of the constitution and of the organic law of the laud, and as such we accepted them as an integral part and parcel of the constitution of the United States. If I remember right, it was said by one of the reatest soldiers and statesmen of England, the Duke of Wellington, that it was the duty of every cit izen to stand by the laws of his country, whether right or wrong. Now, we propose to act upon tdat. We propose to obey the constitu tion of the United States and to stand by it, and we ask, and we have a right to ask, that the con stitution shall stand equal for the protection of South Carolina and. Massachusetts, of Illinois and Lou isiana; and we have the right to ask that every citizen in every State should be equal before the law and under the constitution of the Unite Stas [Cheers. So much, my friends, for the views we entertain. Then we come ap pealing to you for peace. We come appealing to you, because it is not only the highest wisdom to restore peace, not only because it is statesmanlike, not only because the very theory of statesmanship and politics requires the restora tion of peace, but we appeal to you because it is the very main spring of patriotism, and if there is anywhere the mainspring of patriotism moving strong and per petual, it is in the hearts of the people of Illinois. Your State it self is the offspring of the noblest purpose and the noblest patriotism that was ever inspired in the hu man heart. When your great mo ther, Virginia, gave this wide western domain to the country, you remember why she did it. It is on the record that she did it because she said she preferred the good of the whole country to her individual aggrandizement ; and you, men and women of Illinois, you would be unworthy of your proud lineage if you forgot the lesson taught to you by so heroic an ancestry and proved yourself unworthy of it. These are the conditions upon which we pro pose to stand. Now we recognize that the constitution is para mount. We recognize that our Union is restored. We propose to be good citizens, and I come from the Palmetto State to the Prairie State to take the hands of the men of Illinois in peace, fra ternity and reconciliation. [Cheers. I believe it will be met in the same spirit in which it is offered.. I must say to you--I should not, perhaps, have alluded to it. but that some newspaper reporter and they ought all to be killed said I had received sone letters t h r e a t e n ing me. [Laughter.] Well, I did receive one or two. I should not allude to them ex cept for the reason that I will givo you when I have read one-. I know you have no Ku Klux up here. [Laughter.] You D-D OLD REBEL [laughter]: If you or any other of your stripe come to Rockford to make a public speech you may expect to go back in a box. [Loud laughter.] There are a hundred veterans besides my self who have constituted them selves a committee to that effect. A word to the wise. [Renewed laughter.] Now, my friends, if there was anything in the world that would have brought me to Illinois it would have been just such a thing as this. Cries of "hear,'' "hear."] I have read this letter to you because I know that it was a slander on the people of Illinois. [Cheers.] I know especially that it was a slander upon the veterans of the Federal army. [Cheers.] I knew that the men whom I had met on fields of battle were not cowards enough to threaten to be as;sassins. I knew that, and felt it, for a brave man knows how a brave min will act. I knew that if the whole Federal army was can vassed-all the three millions of men that they put into the field they could not find one hundred men among them all who would forget that they had been soldiers and sink to be assassins. [Cheers.] I knew that, and I know it end say to you that I have met hundreds and thousands of veterans, not only in battle, but since the war, and bad the solution of those troubles after the war been left to the men of both armies who fought on many battle-fields, we would have had none of the troubles and sorrows and wrongs and evils of reconstruc tion. [Loud cheers.] Brave men would resort to no such mneasures as that. [Cheers.] My friends, I have spoken very little about agi culture, I confess. [Laughter.] But you all know how to raise corn, and I am sure you don't care to know how we grow cotton and make sugar and plant rice and tobacco and dig sweet potatoes. That would be of no interest to the people of Illinois. I should like, however', to talk to you, if I had time, of your great State. I may not live to see it, but many of you will live to see these fertile valleys filled up. A part of your State is called "Egypt." Why could you not be as prosperous as the Egypt of old ? We are told by the ancient wr'iters that along the Nile there were in a space of ten or twelve thousand square miles twenty thousand cities and towns and eight millions of people in them. You in Illinois have over fifty thousand square miles. What would it be if your population was in the same proportion ? You have a soil as rich as that on the Nile. You have a climate far better, and above all you are peopled by the younger races of the world, and the grandest destiny that was ever offer ed to a people is in your hands. Think what the Mississippi valley is. Think that it reaches from the Blue Mountains on the east to the Rocky Mountains on the west, and that it runs from the tropics to where perpetual snow shines in the sunlight. Think of the hundreds of millions of people that could be supprted here, and then think of the glorious destiny that must be yours ; and when you think of what may be that glorious destiny forget not what was the destiny of the people of Egypt. Rich and culti vated as they were, with science, education, and everything but re ligion, they have died, leaving only stupendous pyramids as burial places for their dead and the ruins of splendid temples that were dedi cated to the worship of apes and crocodiles. You have the great problem to solve that the people of all times have had to solve. The great problem of the relations of labor to capital, the great problem of the relations of people and States to the general government, and that problem is made more difficult by the infusion of universal suffrage. But I believe that we can solve that question if we devote to it one half the energy that we do to mate rial pursuits. We can do it by edu cation ; and when I say education 1 do not mean the mere improving of faculties so that one can read and write. I mean the education of heart and soul as well as the mind. When you have succeeded in doing that, when you will make a man learn that all learning is foolishness in the light of God, when you can teach him that and make him look to God for life and freedom, then we will be on the high road that leads to peace, prosperity and hap piness. My friends, I have been led oft' into saying more to you than I intended. I can only close as I begun, by thanking you for the cor dial welcome that you have given me. It is more than a personal honor and I do not take it as such. I take it as an evidence of the good will of the people of Illinois to the people of my own State in the far South. [Applause.] We are all now bound together. We are all stand ing under one flag, obeying one constitution, and it is for us to say what will be the future of this coun try. Give us your help and we will give you our hearty co-operation. We feel and know that if this is done, if we can have a restoration of fraternity, if we can make the people of this country understand each other, we feel then that there is a glorious future before the whole country. We can make it so. We can make it so by each and all of us performing in his allotted sphere his duty, and having done that to leave the consequences to God. Eaving performed our duty, look ing back to the past only to gain wisdom for the future, and using the present wisely, and looking to the future with hope and trust in God, I am sure that we may all say, North and South, paraphrasing the wish of the poet, that our States may all be distinct as the billows, yet one as the sea. [Applause.] FOR THE HERALD. ROADBRIM'S NEW YORK LETTER. No. 86. Advertising Swindlers and their Various Schemes-Pious Dodgers-Creedmoor-The Great Rifle Contest-Frank Leslie's Failure-John H. Keyser-Niews of the Markets, etc. On my table, as I sit down to write, are twenty-two letters, eighteen of them from different portions of the United States, as far apart as Maine and Texas, three from Irel-and and one from England-all of them are letters of inquiry as to the character of New York firms, which have made a special ty of advertising. To describe the various articles that enter into their catalogues would be as impossible as it would be to discover the moons of Mars through a penny whistle. In every instance these letters refer to some bold-faced swindle, and to an or dinary New Yorker the deception is beneath contempt. How men in their senses can be duped by them is a mys tery, but how newspaper men, of all others, can be trapped by these shal low thieving scoundrels, is beyond the comprehension of thoLe who under the most favorable circumstances are prone to take no very charitable view of hu manity. Swindling advertising has been re duced to a science in New York, and for the benefit of my brethren of the press I propose in the limits of this letter to give a few specimens of the system by which the newspapers of the United States are annually robbed of hundreds of thousands of dollars. To begin, the advertising swindler never is able to pay cash, but his promissory note is always ready in from thirty to ninety days; he is will ing to take from ten lines to a column, and the articles with which he offers to enrich the public, embrace every conceivable thing, from a jew's-harp to a grand piano. There are two lo calities in New York especially rich in advertising swindlers, Bond Street and Bleecker Street, each contending for supremacy. I do not mean to say that there are not other places in New York, which deserve an especial dis tinction, but in these favored localities the genus swindler flourishes with perennial glory. One advertises beau tiful sets of jewelry for twenty-five and fifty cents. You can rewit the sum in postage stamps or currency, and he wil asw the risk. The stuff he sends out is not worth ten cents a bushel, being made of glue with a lit t!e piece of wire stuck in theai to hang them in the ears, which they poison when they touch, and the materials of which they are composed would melt dowu like snow with the thermometer at ninety, but the poor fool deserves to be swindled who expects to get a fine set of jewelry for twenty-five or fifty cents. Another individual ad vertises a piano for one hundred and seventy-five dollars, equal to those nmanufactured by Chickering and Steinway for one thousand. In fact so bold have these swindlers become that they have advertised Chickering, Steinway, and Weber pianos for $225 a piece; a large firm in the United States has been filled with these coun terfeit rattle-traps, each one of which should have consigned the maker to the walls of a State Prison. A few months ago the American Patent Roofing Company sent their advertisements, payable in thirty and sixty days, all over the United States; hundreds of papers inserted the ad vertisement, and not one of them ever got a cent. At the request of a paper down South, I called at the John Street office to find an empty room and the answer of no effects. Ano ther individual advercised a sewing machine, equal to the fiuest manufac tured, for the sum of fift:en dollars ; the address was boldly given on Broad way, and on receipt of five dollars the machine would be shipped, and ten dollars would be collected on delivery; if after trial the machine was not found perfectly satisfactory, it could be re turned, and the Company gave their written obligation to refund the money and pay all the expenses of transpor tation; what could be fairer than that? Nothing; here you had every appa rent security, there were only two sliglht difficulties in the way, which were, that there was no such num ber on Broadway, and that there was no such Company in existence. The morning the government seized their mail there were seven hundred letters addressed to them in the Post Office, the greater part of them containing money. Not a solitary paper which aided the swindle ever received a cent for its pains. A notorious firm which hrs as many aliases as there are days in the year has made a specialty of Gift Enterprises; this firm, thanks to the exertions of Anthony Comstock, we have succeeded in banishing to the virtuous province of Nova Scotia, and we take this occasion of congratulating our brethren of the Colonies on the latest Yankee importation. This firm in. contradistinction of all the other swindlers has frequently paid for its advertisements, but the amount paid was small in comnparison with the number they swindled. Their mode of operation I referred to a few weeks ago, but it will bear repetition, and serve as a wholesome warning to the unwary. The travelers of this firm are constantly moving all over the West and South ; they make it their business to get acquainted with the people they intend to gull; they are sometimes looking for farms ; some times me1chants desiring to locate in business, and not unfrequently clergy men traveling for their health. When the proper man is found, his address is forwarded at once to the office in New York, and he forthwith receives a cir-cular of the grand drawing of the Universal Prize Association founded for the purpose of erecting an asylum for destitute children. Managers, the Rev. T. H. Wobble, Rev. F. W. Squezem, Hon, M1. M. Blow, aided by a committee of eminent ladies aud gentlemen ; the funds to be solely un der the charge of S. S. Default, Esq., President of the Mount Atlas Bank. Not a thing is overlooked ; every point is guarded; the whole thing looks as fair and as pious as a Moody and Sankey hymn-book. The schedule sets forth that there are fifteen hun dred prizes, ranging from articles of jewelry and silverware worth five dol lars up to twenty thousand dollars in cash, which is the capital prize. In addition to the above attractions, in any event a chromo will be sent you, the cash cost of which in New York is five dollars, so it is perfectly im possible to lose anything; if you send a dollar by mail you make four dollars clear by the operation, and you get a chance for a sum of money that will make you comfortable for life. Think ing the matter over you say to your self, if it is a swindle it's only a dol lar gone, and right here is where these thieving rascals understand the weak point of humanity. Sharp peo ple may pooh-pooh, and say nobody could be taken in by such a miserable trick as that, and yet a recent Post ofice seizure of their mail revealed in a single morning fifteen hundred let ters from every portion of the United States and Canada. From this con crn a man in the far WVest, or South, or in Canada receives a letter and a circular inclosing a couple of tickets for their grand drawing which is to take place on the 21st of September. The New York house has been in structed by a friend of theirs who did not wish his name mentioned, to for ward them the inclosed tickets on which all charges are paid, and they sincerely hope that the receiver may be fortunate in drawing a prize. Now let me ask any sane man what cance is there of being swindled there ? None whatever, because there is nothint pay. The drawing, ADVERTISING RATES. Advertisements inserted at the rate of $1.00 per square (one inch) for first insertion, and 75 cents for each subsequent insertion. Double column advertisements ten per cent. on above. Notices of meetings, obituaries and tribt.tes of respect, samc rates per square as ordinary advertisemnen is. Special Notices in Local column 15 cen $ per line. Advertisements not marked with the num ber of insertions will he kept in till forbid, and charged accordingly. Special contracts made with large adve: tisers, with liberal deductic,ns on above rate?. --:o: JOB PIU V'TIXi~ DONE WITH NEATNE2SS AND DISPATCH. TERMS CASH. however, takes place, and the lucky ticxet 17,851 has drawn a grand-ac tiot, piano. The lucky holder receives official notification of his good fortune, aecotnpat:ied with the information that the piano will be shipped to him~ on the receipt of express charges, and boxing, which only amount to the modest sum of 87.50-a mere bag of nails for a grand piano. The money is duly forwarded, and that is the last the unfortunate individual ever hears of the prize drawing or the grand piano. It seems wonderful that peo pie should be continually taken in by such miserable and shallow devices ; but, unfortunately, such is the corn position of humanity that I am flood ed week after week with letters of in quiry in regard to swindles which it appears to we a child should be able to detect. Beware of the generous people who are going to give you something for nothing ; beware of all circulars that emanate from Bond or Bleecker Street,and pay no attention to any kind of an advertisement that has only a postoffice address. The latest swindle out is the Louisville Lottery Association, aided by Russell & Co., 37 Bond Street. Look out for their circulars, and if you have won a gold watch don't send for it. 'Wifile no mail is impenetrable to the rascals give a total strength of 290,000 men ~ lOAflfl hrn-oe~a ThA ~ff~ctive