The Lexington dispatch. [volume] (Lexington, South Carolina) 1870-1917, October 30, 1912, Image 4
?? Wants a Watch! i?
S 0
| jjj
a We want, every pipe and cigarette smoker '
in this country to know how good Duke's S
2 Mixture is.
0We want yon to know that every grain in that big JM
one and a half ounce 6c sack is pore, clean tobacco
?a delightful smoke.
SAnd you should know, too, that with each sack yon K
now get a book of cigarette papers and ^
11 A Free Present!: Coupon |J|
a "These coupons are good for hundreds of valuable pres- 4
ents, such as watches, toilet articles, silverware, farni- TM
r. tore, and dozens of other articles suitable for every member ^
|1 of the family. dfc
Ton will surely like Duke's Mixture, made by Liggett J5
^ Ifyerr at Durham, N. C., and the presents cannot fail M
S we w*u*end y?u Q
I our neu? illustrated |i
M tgmJ catalog of presents 8?
^us* 8en<* 115
^ BBS \ ' C#*fo*s from ZhUu's Mixture may b* kl
^B|f assvrUd- with tars from HOR5E ar^
?Hpp LE^^^^^^5WST1>'S55W |j|
RET^TE3t ?rf e<i<r /4fj or coupons ^
nurses a no T.?: o. ,,
II | The Watchmaker. 1218 Mam St.
|Kal||nO Parlor Restaurant,Columbia,S.C.
jk Jk Hook and Layton
(101 Cor, Gervais and Assembly
4w^% staple and fancy
mMm T3 if fj groceries. canned
hf 1 ! goods, fruits, negeta
Sff? i BLES. tt&Alfl, JfJSEl),
i ' ETC.
___ ? , , _r ... , at lowest prices and solicit a share of
Well broke. You Will be the LexingfcDn trade, always call
able to find what you are and see us when in the city.
looking for in this lot. =~~- ' mJIZIZ ?-17T^
Come and make your se- wouce.
lections. Prices and terms t?sr sd ?
to please. rier whatever on the lands of the un
dersigned, a9 the iaw will be enforced
g\ | n n f.L. against all parties violating this notice.
Swyoert & Smith,
LEESViLLE, SOUTH MB3UU j
u SALLOW COMPLEXION
I impurities in the blood, and the fault lies with the
3 liver. It is torpid.
SIMMONS
RED SSl
LIVER REGULATOR
J (THE POWDER FORM)
J Is the greatest of all liver medicines. Its powerful purifying and
I strengthening influence is at once apparent in an improved appetite,
j good digestion and a feeling of strength and energy in the body.
I When the system has been put in order the yellow cast in the skin
j gradually disappears and the complexion becomes clear and healthy.
j CCL3 CY DCALCRO. PRICE. LARCC PACKAGE. El.OO.
I A?k for the genuine with the Bed Z on the label. If yon cannot get it, remit to ns. we will send ?
~ * - ? ? 1 " - - - .J unr.l.r it i
II !t by mail, postpaid. tj:m:Ro::s x>tver neguiator is put upaiauiui^uiuwnu ?i vuw.v. - , ... ~_
E| Price 91.00 per bottle. Look for the Led Z label. ' ,
U J. H. ZE'LIN & CO., PROPS., ST. LOUIS, MO. JJ
JUSI RECEIVED if you want.
?
A CARLOAD OF Your Watches and I
T onnDQQoo cl0Cks put inifirst"
1 ulllllluub'o class order at] reasonable
prices bring
A A ? ? ? Jj +V? nm +A
r -; -' sp
! WL-*
i v?ZA. %# V '1
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THE !/
b bi.bm ill.'
WHY NOT ELECT [
WOOOROW WILSON!
!
J
Chicago Post, Influential Republican
Paper, Asks Its Readers
a Leading Question.
FRAUDS OF PRESENT REGIME
.
Says the Tariff Has Been Too High
for a Generation, and Must Ive Lowered.
The Chicago Post, an influential independent
Republican newspaper, propounds
this question to Republicans:
"Why not Wilson? '
'This question is addressed particularly
to Republicans.
"Gorernor Wilson suits the Democrats
down to the ground, suits all
Democrats who are worthy to be called
Democrats. But in an emergency
like this, why should not Wilson suit |
a large part of the Republicans as
well?
"Why not Wilson?
"Governor Wilson is a thoroughred
American gentleman, not only in the
accident of birth, but in his every
ideal, impulse and principle. That
should be the first requirement of every
presidential candidate.
"Governor Wilson is a. tried and
trustworthy executive. His brilliant
record as governor of New Jersey <
proves that. <
"Governor Wilson is an eminently
sane and sensible man. He is an eminently
honorable man. He has dignh
fled every place which he has held. 1
He has performed a splendid public j
service by lifting the present . cam- 1
paign out of the riot of mudslinging j
with which Roosevelt began it. .
"In every personal characteristic, *
Governor Wilson is equipped to be <
any man's president, without regard ]
to whether that man is a Democrat or 1
a Republican. What, then, of his po- 1
litical qualifications?
"Governor Wilson is, and always has 1
been, a sensible Democrat, but he is ]
not and never has been a silly, violent
partisan. J "Governor
Wilson stands for honesty
and efficiency in federal administra- j
tion. So do all save those who profit <
by graft and inefficiency.
"Governor Wilson stands for the (
curbing of trusts and monopolies. So
L 1 _ j. _ 3 ,1 '
do all, except monopolists anu meir uefender,
Theodore Roosevelt.
"Governor Wilson stands for a
prompt and steady downward revision
of the tariff. So do nine-tenths of the
people of the United States.
"Governor Wilson believes in a more
radical tariff revision than do a large
number of the rank and file of Republicans.
But Governor Wilson is
the only candidate who if elected will
permit the revision of the tariff at all.
"The tariff has been to high for a ,
generation. Is it not better to take a
chance at getting It too low?according 1
to Republican standards?than to let ]
the known frauds of the present re- <
gime continue for another four years i
to rob the public? I J
"Why not Wilson? He will give an
honest, a dignified, a capable adminis- <
tration. He will respect the constitu- i
tion. He will see that the tariff is revised
downward. He will curb trusts. ,
He will serve the people.
"Why not Wilson?"
r1
FACTS WORTH REMEMBERING j
John D. Archbold, for the Standard
Oil company, gave $100,000 to Roose- '
velt's campaign fund in 1904 but refused
to prosecute the harvester trust
more, which was demanded.
* *
J. P. Morgan of the steel trust and j
other interests gave the Roosevelt fund
in the same year $100,000, and did give \
up $50,000 more. j
*
Mr. Roosevelt furiously prosecuted ;
the Standard Oil company, but he re- 1
fused to prosecute the harvester trust
and the steel trust and gave the steel i
trust permission to absorb its only serious
rival. 1
* * *
Georee W. Perkins of the steel and i <
harvester trusts gave $48,000 of the ;
New York Life Insurance company's
money to Roosevelt's campaign fund, ;
and refunded it when the fact became
pubiii. j
?
\
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IT;*' B~rT"
iGi^T
ANQEiS VETERAN
"Comrade" Editor's Effort to
Distort Democratic Position
on Pensions Rebuked.
CIRCULAR TO G. A. R. POSTS
Sought "Mean" and "Harsh" Expressions
by Wilson Supporters,
but Finds Facts the Reverse.
Ignoring the fact that the Democrat- ,
ic house passed the most liberal pension
bill in the history of the United
States and that it was the Republican
senate that reduced the appropriation
the editor of the National Tribune of
Washington has appealed to grand
army posts all over the country to supply
campaign material for use against
the Democratic party.
Colonel (Sergeant) John McElroy.the
editor, has not met always with the
oo-operation he desired. This is evidenced
by the fact that indignant
grand army men have forwarded his
circular letters to Democratic national
In \7am Vnrb- ktI+Vi tVlofr
WCU D JUL A1VIV A UA A n?M* WMVA*
protests against the playing of such
politics within the old soldiers' organization.
Quest for "Mean" Things.
Editor McElroy's appeal was sent
out, mimecgraphed, on the letterhead
of the National Tribune, with his own
name at the top. The letter read:
Sept. 13, 1912.
Comrade?We axe anxious to get the expression
of editorials on pensions from
the papers supporting Wilson In your
neighborhood. Will you kindly look over
the files of your local papers and send us
unything particularly harsh and mean
vhich they have published. We want to
;how4conclusively the attitude of the men
svho are supporting Wilson and who will
control his administration if elected.
Please send these at your earliest convenience,
as the time is short. Fraternaly,
THE NATIONAL TRIBUNE.
One of the replies sent to the Tribune
was:
Headquarters Cushing Post, No. 14, G. A.
R.
Astoria, Ore., Sept. 28, 1912.
National Tribune, Washington, D. C.:
Gentlemen ? Your communication addressed
to me as adjutant of Cushing
Post. No. 14, of the 17th inst. I found today
on my return from the national encampment
at Los Angeles, Cal. Thus the
delay in answering.
You wish me to look over the files of
cur local papers and send you "anything
particularly harsh and mean" which they
nave published regarding pensions. As
vou have specified that these "harsh"
ind "mean" comments must be from paicrs
suDDorting Wilson I must inform
rou that the papers supporting: Wilson
throughout the state, so far as I have
oeen able to learn, are friendly toward
the interests of the civil war veterans
ind indorse the action of the Democratic
louse of the United States congress In Its
passage of the pension bill in the special
itid last session of congress and have no
fault to find with Senator Kern for his
jloquent appeal In the senate In behalf of
the civil war veterans.
If you are really looking for "mean"
ind "harsh" editorials along this line, if
rour object in this search is for the interests
of the old soldiers, you will And
mough "mean" and "harsh" things in
the papers that are supporting Mr. Taft
\nd if you wish to prospect away out
aere in Oregon (politically) for other than
?ure gold please excuse the adjutant of
Pushing Post, No. 14. department of Oregon,
G. A. R.. In assisting.
B. F. ALLEN.
WHY TAFT OR R00SEVELT7
i
Priceb of Food Products Have Soared j
Under Them, Yet They Promise Re- |
ductions. j
According to the bulletin of the fed- j
eral bureau of labor the average price
of a dozen or more of the principal articles
of food has increased GO per cent j
In ihe last ten years.
The price of flour has increased 39 j
per cent., lard 55 per cent., steak 59
per cent., hams 61 per cent., cornmeal
S3 per cent., rib roast 63 per cent.,
round steak 84 per cent., pork chops
B6 per cent., bacon 96 per cent., and 1
Irish potatoes 11 per cent.
During these ten years of rising
prices Roosevelt and Taft were at the
dead of the government. Both of them
want to be at the head of the govern- i
ment again. j
Does any sane man believe that if j
these men in ten years did nothing to j
?.j rici. r?f uhirh I
rctai'u aw*. i'*~
oppressing the people they would do j
anything in four years? Rather, judging
by the past, we should be paying
approximately 25 per cent, more than
we do now, or 75 per cent, more than
we did ten years ago.
i
tjifsirr an sipisii
i TA?%!rr uciXwiy^i
I
i _
j Franklin Pierce Shows That Labor
is Not Benefited by
Unjust Tax.
j MANUFACTURER KEEPS PROFIT
\ ?
; Prcof of Democratic Platform's Soundness
Cited In Reports of Wage Investigations.
R yj PDA M U" I IM DIFCrr
for women $6.30 and for children, $3.21.
As to the profits, seventeen leading
cotton mills, with total capitalization
of $25,110,000 and total surplus of $21,863,601,
paid in nine years dividends
averaging 22 per cent.
The cotton manufacturers turned out
in 1905 $442,451,218 worth of goods and
paid in wages therefore $04,337,695, or
21 per cent of the value of the finished
product
Extortion of Wool Tariff.
Outside of the duties on two or three
commodities of comparatively little importance,
the duties on woolen cloth
are the highest of any in the tariff
schedules. According to Senator Reed
Smoot, owner of a woolen mill at
Prevost, Utah, and chairman of the
finance committee in charge of tariff
legislation in the senate, wearing apparel
valued at 30 cents a pound now
pays 206 2-3 per cent duty.
This and other correspondingly high
duties on the manufactures of wool
are made to enable the manufacturer
to pay his labor an increased wage
pocKeis.
When will the laboring men of the
country east off this delusion that the
tariff is for their benefit and wit-h
their votes strike down this monstrous
injustice!
-J
For a hundred years of cur history
; the manufacturers, believing .hat tiiey
! received a benefit from the protective
! tar:f?3, have ingeniously devised piausI
ibie pretexts for imposing increased
I prices upon the necessaries of life. At
! first they said that industry in cur
I country was in its infancy and needed
I protection. When those industries had
j become strong and needed no aid the
j manufacturers invented the theory
| that the foreigner paid the duty. This
I theory was exploded, and they declar!
ed that cheap clothing meant cheap
men and was not a blessing.
Driven from every one of these indefensible
positions, their final and only
argument left today is that the tariff
is imposed upon foreign imports to enable
the manufacturer to increase his
profits and pay higher wages.
The Democratic platform declares
that:
"In the most highly protected industries,
such as cotton and wool, steel
and iron, the wages of the laborers are
the lowest paid in any of our industries."
Proof of this statement is found in
reports of many recent official investigations
of wages in the United States.
Wages In Cotton Industry.
Under the existing Payne-Aldrich
tariff law actual imports of cotton
cloth paid in 1910 average duties of
66.4 per cent
In 1905, when work and wage conditions
in the cotton industry were exceptionally
good, the wages of 202,211
cotton mill operatives in the United
States?men, women and children?averaged
only |6.47 a week. The average
"Wage for men was but S7.71 a week,
| STEEL TRUST BACH
?
Charge Challenged, Gov. WiisclH
Returns With Prompt and KB
Convincing Answer. IB
COUNTRY WAITED FOR CLASH*
j Wondered If It Was to ~-educe a
ParnlJel cf Parker Episode?.'."ore
Proof !f !t Is Wanted. 1
When the country read on the morn- 1
ing of Oct. 8 the charge oi Wood row |
I Wilson before his audience in Colo- |
| rado that the steel trust is back of the
Roosevelt program of trust regulation
! and in the same papers Colonel RooseI
velt's demand for proof of the asserj
ticn it sat up and took notice. Would ,
j this produce a parallel of the famous
j episode of the 1D04 campaign, when j
| the colonel called Judge Parker a liar '
j for asserting (what has been so recently
proved) that the corporations
were contributing to the Roosevelt
campaign?
There was eager waiting for Governor
Wilson's answer. It came promptly
the next day in his speech at Kansas
City. Concisely, convincingly and
dispassionately Governor Wilson met
the Roosevelt challenge, and should
the controversy be pressed further the
Democratic candidate will give the
Bull Moose all he wants, for the corroboration
whereof he spoke is abundant.
Wilson's Charge.
At Pueblo, the center of the western
steel industry. Governor Wilson said:
"Evidence of what I am about to say
comes to me by way of corroboration
every day in forms that I cannet question.
It is a very interesting circumstance
that the United States Steel
corporation is behind the third party
program with regard to the regulation
of the trusts..
"Now, I do not say that to prejudice
you. I am perfectly ready to admit
that the officers of that corporation
may think that the third party is the
best thing for the United States. That
is not my point. My point is that these
gentlemen have grown up in the atmosphere
of the things they themselves
have created and that the laws
of the United States so far have attempted
to destroy the things that
they have created and that they now
want a eovernment which will nernet
uate the things they have created.
"You therefore have to choose now a
government such as the United States
Steel corporation thinks the United
States ought to have or a government
such as we used to have before these
gentlemen succeeded in setting up private
monopoly."
Roosevelt's Challenge.
The same night at Albany, N. Y.,
Colonel Roosevelt upon reading reports
of Governor Wilson's speech said:
"As far as I know the statement has
not the slightest foundation in fact
Mr. Wilson has no business to make
such a statement unless he has the
proof, and if he has any proof I demand
that he make it public immediately.
If he has not let him retract
his statement as the only manly and
honorable thing to do."
Wilson's "Retort Courteous."
The next night Governor Wilson
made this reply before the great audience
that greeted him in Kansas
City:
"I understand from the newspaper
reports that Mr. Roosevelt was distressed
by my suggestion the other day
that the United States Steel corporation
was back of his plan for control
ling the trusts. He interpreted my remark
to mean that they were supporting
him with their money. I was not
thinking about money.
"I do not know whether they are
supporting him with their money or
not. It does not make any difference. i
What I meant was that they are supporting
him with their thought, and
their thought is not our thought. I
meant, and I say again, that the kind
of control which he proposes Is the
kind of control that the United Statea
.Steel corporation wants.
. "I am perfectly willing to admit that
they think It is the best for the country.
My point is that this Is a method
conceived from the point of view of the j
very men who are to be controlled and
that that is just the wrong point of
view from which to conceive it.
"If Mr. Roosevelt is willing to have
Mr. Perkins suggest how the corpora- (
tions ought to be regulated why will |
he not be willing to take suggestions "
from the same quarters as to the details
of the regulation? Mark you. ladies
and gentlemen, I am not discussing
individuals. I know Mr. George
Perkins. 1 have no quarrel with anything
except his judgment. He does
not look at these things in the way i
men who do not wish to accustom j
their minds to monopoly look at them."
There should be an Immediate revision
of the tariff downward. It should
begin with the schedules most obviously
used to kill competition and raise
prices in the United Stages, and should
be extended to every item which af e
fni- mAnnnnlv on/l
lUrUo uypui tuiiit; ivi *iivuv^vij anu
special advantage until special favors
shall have been absolutely withdrawn
and our laws of taxation transformed
from a system of governmental patronage
into a system of juet and rea- ^
sonable charges which shall fall where
they will create the lea9t burden.
4
over mose or ioreign counines. tfui
the duty on woolen goods is nearly five
times the entire labor cost, while the
American manufacturers in 1905 paid
in wages only 18 per cent, of the total
value of their production.
At Lawrence in this most highly protected
industry the laborers were
obliged to strike even for a living
wage. Thousands of adult males were
receiving only from $6 to $9 a week
and many only $5 to $6 a week. As a
result of the strike the American
Woolen company gave its employees
Blight increases in wages.
The wool tariff bill vetoed by President
Taft reduced the duties on raw
ool from 42.20 to 29 per cent and on
manufactures of wool from 87.65 to
48.36 per cent. Mr. Taft said he vetoed
it because the proposed rates did
not comply with the findings of the
tarifT board. Senator La Follette contradicted
the president, saying that
the proposed rates varied from 1 per
cent, lower to 11.6 higher than the
tariff board's findings justified.
Low Wages In Steel.
Manufacturers of iron and steel in
1905 paid in wages only 15 per cent,
of the total valve of their production,
while the duty then would average
about 45 to 47 per cent., and on all
metals it now averages 34.51 ner cent.
American wages arc really the
cheapest wages in the world when you
take into account the amount of production
per man.
An illustration of this appears in
the Stanley report, investigating the
steel trust, as follows:
"The labor cost of producing pig
iron in Pennsylvania fell from $1,25 a
ton in 1002 tc S2 cents a ton in 1909,
yet the realized value of the pig iron
output was $15.01 in 1902, whereas it
was $17.44 in 1909. In other words,
wageworkers in 1902 got $1.25 for producing
only $15.CI worth of pig iron
and in 1909 only S2 cents for producing
$17.44 worth.
While thus treating labor the industrial
combinations Ilia." have grown up
under the protection oi the tariff have
fixed the prices of commodities at the
highest point the home market would
stand. For twelve years they have
been unjustly transferring through the
protection tariff billions of dollars from
the earnings of labor iDto their own