Historical Newspapers of South Carolina

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r / l\\t Cmrastcr Ccbgcr. Lfc2 PER ANNUM Rig willi ?Im> woikUtm of t>aeli passing' ?lny. IN ADVANCE } ininiig nub ^uiitical jSruiapaptc?JPraotril to ht Arts, ^tirntfs, litrrntnrr, duration, Jlgrimltarr, 3attrnol ^mprnurinriits, foreign nub Jiunirstic jtas, nub tljr Blarkrts. V 0 L U M E VIII. LANCAffER C\ II, SOUTH CAROLINA, WEDNESDAY MORNING, JULY 20, 18.59. NUMBER 23. SrEECH CF HON. R. B RHETT. DELIVERED AT GHAIIAMVILLE, S. C. July 4, 1859. o Fellow-Citizens : 1 come, ?t your re<jucst, i<> communicate mv views of pnb- ! lie affairs. In doing so I recognize at once a right and a duty?a right on vour 2>art to know my opinions, and a duty on mv part to put them before you. I serv I ed in the Mouse of Representatives and 1 Senate of the United States at fourteen ! sessions of Congress. During this period j 1 was at one time alone amongst the pub I ic men of South Caiohna; and at other j times I have been in a minority in the j State. Yet for this whole term you gave j ine all you hail to bestow. More grate , fill than the Inilii ari-'ainm of trinmnli vou ever accorded to mo your sympathy, your confidence, your support Time has | gone oil working out its mighty changes. The great actors with whom I once played mi the stage of life's drama are now | heard no more. Calhoun. McDuffie, ilavne, Hamilton, Taylor, Miller, Turn j hull, with,whom I counselled upon tirst | entrance into public life, have passed . hence to their last account. Thev died without seeing the consummation of their anxious labors. The pence and safety of j the South had not been assured. They | have left us still an inheiitance of dillicul ty and danger. Hut they have also left ns a precious legacy of their brave exam ! pies. Tlrev stood forth the intrepid de fenders of the rights and honor <>f tlieir | section. That equality <>f Stale and sec | ion for which iliey contended and winch | they di-dained to sutrehdcr, has, in onr hands, practic dly falii n to tiie earth.? * Vou, it is true, have done all in your pow t er to avert this result. It w? must now ' struggle, f'eblcr in comparison, on lower I ground and with a weaker moral power, i against an increasing northern predomi nance audacity, it has been in spite of the in>1 iticnl orotest r?t dm r?l?1 ,il. (\.n I ?t - j I nres.->ional District o| South Carolina.? ( lo-ady in '32?re.idy in '4 1 ? ready in '00?ready, I trust, always. \oti stand in , I lie So.rh t !?? liv?n^ embodiment of the high spirit of resistance to 111- aggressions and encroach men s ut til North. \ oti arc the otiiv people in the United States who, at a regular lection ordered hy a Slate, i av? elected representatives to a S it! iotii t'oiioiess, u ith u view ton Southem Confederacy, a.-d i am the honored J representative you chose in that eleetion. In iIim Somkiu ?.f ilio L. lilted Mates l j propounded and advocated heforji the world tlie dissolution of the present Union ; and the creation of another Confederacy j amongst the southern.State*. I was not 1 ignorant of the slate of public feeling at i that time. 1 knew- that such a policy was exceedingly distasteful to the greater | _ . . _ C . I " - ? t ? I * ? O . . - 1 I?.in 011 MI iin* oi ine i um*u | < :ui I to n<>iie mure so than to the political ,< aVolitionisli,? the Saward?, Chas<s and 1 | .S immers of the North. 1 he continuance i i of iho present Union, they all know, is i absolutely necessary to their policy of i sectional rule ami aggrandisement. To 1 dissolve it is lit snatch from them their { prey and to seal their political execution. Kveiits with which you are acquainted i made it incumbent on me, in iny opinion, to leave public life seven years ago. If 1 ( apprehended the tiue state of things, I was hardly tii to direct tliein ; And if I correctly understood them, it would no* | bo diHicult to bear patiently tlint fate which awaits every man whois before bis times. So I retired voluntarily from pub lie life, and left events which I could not | control to the guidance of others deemed wiser than myself. You know the result. : Instead of our having peaie. never since I the foundation of the government 11 a v e ^ (lie agnations concerning slavery l>een more tierce and uninlermilted than within the last seven year*. The present Chief Magistrate of the United Stales, eminent amongst the ablest and purest statesmen of the North, thought the Union saved by the Compromise of I860. To a Union meeting, held in l'hiladol piiia, he wrote as follows : 'The agitation at the North, on the subject of domestic slavery in the South, I like everything human, wiil have its day. | We have already reached, and, I trust, passed the dangerous crisis. Should this , prove to he the esse, the tempetl which has been raging will purify the political atmosphere and impart new and health ful life and vigor to the body politic.' Mr. lluchanan is made President of the Uniud States, and tinds the question ^ of domestic slavery in the South" at the very gate ?l '? * entrance into power. It j broke down Lit administration before the mooting of the first Congress after his in- . auguration. 111a recouiinendalion to set tie agitation concerning slavery in Kan* an* failed, and another compromise was necessary to "save the Union." General Henderson, a Senator from Texas, since j dead, wrote as follows, to Mr. John Mar* shall,4M1 2d May, 1858 : My Dear Sir: I left Washington City , on the day before yesterday evening, just after the first passage of the compromise hill. I did not rote on the bill at itj passage. On the morning of the day the hill finally passed, the president sent for me, and made such an earnest and strong appeal to me to vote for the bill and aid in saving his administration and the democratic party of the North, as to induce me to Isave the Senate Chamber and no! i o vote at all. as 1 would have f.-l' hound to vol* against the bill if I had voted. The democratic party and the Union are thua saved twice, in seven years, from the agitation concerning southern slavery; and if you would ask Mr. Buchanan his opinion of the present condition of the Union, I do not drtuU ho will tfll you I [ ' H ,.i, - ,?-% in i that lie tliinkn it to be in greater peril t limn ever, because el lias become section- i alized. Sectionalism is no longer a spas- j 1 modic evil. Emboldened by the submis ( sion of the South, it stands forth the per s uianent element of the predominating I party of the North. How false have 1 been the expectations of peace to the s South from the California compromise of c 1850; and how completely have events I justified the policy you supported to meet t its evils! ti Gentlemen : In order that wo may s comprehend the true condition of the li southern States in the Union, it is neces- t sary to understand the nature of the gov- j eminent by which it exists ar.d the mo. o lives which established it. If the views | it entertained liv l 1 >< nurilmm ?i.~ I - - J ? ?" >"? 11 constitution am correct, nothing was ea* p sier than to establish the government of c the Untteil States. It is a consolidated si Jeniocracy ; and every one of the thir a teen colonies furnished an exump'o for its c iasy construction. Throwing off the au j p thority of the parent country, there stood i I thirteen States, with all the groat instru i !? mentalities of free government inherited , S from our English ancestors. They had S representation ? the partition of powers >1 between the executive, legislative and jo 1 o licial departments of government?trial i ti by jurv ? tl^p tu if teas corpus a".?the in j u jependence of the judiciary, and the i< (derations of all religions. Cast all the ?cJ states into one?make of them one peo jal pie?and there was a precedent in every lii "olonv for a grand consolidated represeii 1 stive democracy in which a inaj.?rt\ |M dioul 1 rule. Nothing was easier than t<? \ li ot up such a government. Hut it is a i e< i loriuus fact that the formation of the j c donslitnlion (.f the United States was a c nost difficult enterprise. The convention I n which framed it sat for months; more han once it came to a dead stand from i in impossibility of agrecii ent. Some c hing, therefore, besides a c >tisolida(e<l de ' nocracv 'mist have heen required. What, In ,hei:, was the great motive for establish- t! ng the union of the States as it exists | el jnder the constitution, and the great dif ' iculty in establishing it ? The answer | p ? it.L i - 1 " ????o i|uciiivii puuw un 4>?ar uiii* it Muditton mi?J the source of nil our dis g oiitents and dangers. 1 lie great leading motive fur the union j f< >f the States under a constitution, was the I :? ear of foreign powers. The States were j ei ,oo weak to stand alone. It required all g lioir united power was equally necessary ft o proicvi ami if i( . , n 1700, liad had the wealth and popn.'a l< inn they now possess, no such constitu- | tl ion as that of the Uuiled States would j t rver have been adopted. The question I li was, how could we he so united as to be t we people, in relation to foreign nations | a lor self protection?and yet, in relation to , v >ne another, be separate, distinct and in I lep'-ndent Stales. Here was (tie ditlicul fi IV in making the constitution. The slates a men of thai day had been taught hard ii thinking by hard fighting. They had o not thrown oil the British yoke to submit | to its being imposed by any of the Ante.- J ican States on others. They knew per- s feclly well the <1! similarity of the States j in climate, pursuits of industry and insti- t unions. Some were necessarily courtlier c eial, others manufacturing, and others ag j t ricultural Some could grow the great I I tropical productions, on which the coin c inerce of the world has alwavs lived.? t Others coul.1 hardly grow their bread.? Some could bo cultivated only by African slaves; others were beat adapted to tinlabor of the Caucasian race. African slavery wan, therefore, an evi't to some an.l to others a blessing. It was, therelore, the grand design of the constitution to reserve to each State and section the exclusive control of every interest which 1 was peculiar to it, and to impart to a gen eral government power only rver these ! interests which were common to all the I States and secUoos, with the view of oh taiiiing thereby protection from foreign | nations Ity such a constitution only ' would the people of the several Stales be protected, and yef"free. 'l'o have given power to a general government over sec , tional interest, amongst such incongruous | people, would have been the establish ment of a dfttpotisiu, unless the section j having such interests was the majority? ! and then it w ould he superfluous and use | 1??m Iteorosentatioii would not iirotect the minority section, l>ecau*e I lie ruling t representative* would not l>e elected by i the minority or responsible to them. And , I if the majority or ruling section have in ! ! terests or passions antagonistic to tho in f lereata or institutions of the minority sec lion, the government would not only be i an arbitrary despotism but an oppressive I tyranny. The framers of the Constitution I of'.ho United Slates thoroughly under, stood these principle*. They designed the Government of the United Sties'to i I>e in conformi.y therewith. 'I hey eatab \ i Imbed a free government, not a despotism ?a confederated republic, with very lirn ited powers?not a consolidated dornoora cy with all powers. Whilst the great cause which produced the Union?the fear of foreign nations?continued, the constitution, in tho main, fulfilled U e purposes of its crea- J lion, and the people of the States lived in peace with each other. One event, however, did endanger the continuance of the Union ; and that event showed clearly how any sectional oppression, real1 or imaginary, in the operation of the gov- ' eminent, would occasion its overthrow.? The war of 1812 was produced by northern interest*. Tt was an eflbrl on the part of the government to protect them from the aggreeeions of foreign nations. Our ships belonging to the North were searched and plnndeved. Our sailors, aiitMSk* of tliA NI Aft \\ aorn iswnsaata.l An . lie liigli seas. The war which ensued ! a was linder'ak* to redress these wrongs, tl k et when it Ire hardly oil the comtner s ial intereststhe northern people, they | ipeedily imitated a dissolution of the t! Jnion. In fct, nothing but the peace of : I 1813, at tlntinie it took place, prevented t uch a rest. If the war had lasted ! o lighteen tullhs longer, the Union would a iave l??*en dissolved by the secession of h lorthern Sites. This war demonstrated, c ieverthel<4, our ability to protect our t< elves froi foreign nations. The appre- p lensions diicli drove us together into a t Jnion ndonger existed, and the northern ' p . pie ;rne.| to the internal operation* ' h f the gvemmenl. They now sought by c iu iilillvo IIIW OOUWI ; ?i rihutay to tlifci" enrichment ami their | s o*ver. The limitations and chocks of the i <| nnsti'ition formed a harrier to their do ? igns. It was necessary to sweep them [ i< wa? T!io government must ho made a v miwtdaled dem< cracy hy which their o owr as a majority may he omnipotent. beSupreme Court of the United States, i r v is decisions in favor of the Alien and n O'iiiiiti law> and a Hank of the t inted j a t t?*s, laid the foundation for that Islitu y iioiis construction of the Constitution i I flh? United States hy which its limila- 't mis were virtually abrogated. The dog- j 1 a was boldly avowed that the constitu- <; in was made hy the people of the f nited States as one /teo/ile, and conferred 1 I p - Hers on the (iem-ral Government, t nited only hy "the general welfare." t lie l inlf of 1810, atuUthe rejection of t lisviuri from the Union on account of > *r constitution tolerating slavery, show s I the two great points on which they i t Mild best, and intended, to build up a , < >nsolidated democracy for the prcdomi- ! ance of the North over the South. 1 Gentlemen: the highest stalcsmcnship I ever looks to the present merely. The i real future, in wliirh a nation is to live i ir ages, can only he reached beneficent I l.y a policy laid deep in the na'lire of | < ungs, and suitable to the capacity and | t iiiti;u*M?r ui ;i peopic* i^otus Al\ . j < after me the deluge." lie spoke lite I oUcy of his dynasty, which only lasted r a brief season, ami then was exiinuishol by th^iit or the scaiiold. The > reatei pari of rulers are I ut provi.lers j i >r the day. To allay a present di*con nt?to postpone a difficulty?and to asl upon a hardened future tioubles too rent f?>r tl.i-ir ability to master successilly-?is their common, hut feeble ami .... i. , _ our siaiesiiim. ..<> vok to remedy, not merely to patch up i lie ills <>f the bodv politic, lie strive- J it settle discontent*, not increase them, ' >y yiel line to unjust and menacing pieelisions. lie knows that to submit to ggresi-ion is to encourage it; to endure irong is to unite the repetition of it.? lie only fir in ha is of peace amongst a ree or intelligent people, is to meet wrong j nd compter injustice, (l is to build the ia.ii>nal policy on the eternal principles j f truth an I right. When the northern , ie ip'e lirst developed, hy the rejection of lissotiri from the I'nion on account of I avowry, their design of excluding the teople of the South from the common erritories, there w as a way to peace?the lily way. The rights of the South and he integrity of the constitution ought to i.^ ... * . i ~? ..ii i i- 'IM inv iM-i-u iii.iiiiuiint'ii in <111 n;i/.:iriis. i in* on test would then have ended in one of hn-0 wrJ'?. The rights of the South > vouhl have been conceded ; theconstitu* j ion would have been amended ; or the [Tnion would have been dissolved. There ' vas not at that time the least danger of ! he northern ^ijople breaking up the "tiion for any such aggressive pretensions. I hey in dersleod too well the value of the south to them in the I nion They would u>t have given it up for the gratification if a slavery fanaticism, which would have don defeated by the very act of disunion. IVe would have had permanent power >y one of the two first alternatives. Hot i he evil genius of concession ruled our J ouiiseU. On the very eve of victory the j eadvrs of the South surrendered our j ighl# in a compromise. They yielded to i Jorgress the power of excluding us from i ?ur territories. A temporary peace was ...i i.. it.. ^.,....1. . ( .1-- ! dilution Ht.il tin! sectional trinin|?li of the S'ortli over the South on the vital matter >f slavery. Mr. Jefferson was then old iirJ in retirement. Of all tho great j itatesmen^tliis country has produced, lone lias equalled him in his profound . knowledge of the people of the United j State , and the latere of the government luite i to their capacities and character.? rhe Missouri content aroused his patriotic inxieties, and he wrote"* to Mr. John Holmes, a representative from New Kug land, as follows : "I thank you, my dear sir, for the copy Vou have been so kind as to send ine, of the Idler to your constituent*on the Missouri question. It is a perfect justification to them. I had for a long time ceased tn rand liewsoaoers. or nav attention to i r ? r v ? I public affairs, confident they were in good hands, and content to be a passenger in our bark Id the shore, from which I am not distant. Hut thin momentous question, like a tire bell in the night, awakened and filled rao with terror. I considered it at once as the knell of the Union. It is hushed, indeed, for a moment. Hut this is a reprieve only, not tho final sentence. A geographical lit)'?, coinciding with a marked principle, moral And po litical, once conceived and held up to the angry passions of men, will never be obliterated, and every new irritation will mark it deeper and deeper. * * I regret that I am now to die in the belief that the useleaa sacrifice ot themselves by the generation of 1776, to acquire aelf government and happiness to their country. ia to be thrown away by the nnwiso nd unworthy passions of their tons, mid lint my only consolation is to he, that I j i hall not live to weej> over it." You see in the expressions of this letter lie plain lineaments- of despair uf the , Jnion he hail helped to establish. Thir- ! y years after this letter was penned, an- 1 tlier, greater than Jeft'erson in intellect, ! nd his equal in patriotism?John (J. Caloun?died also in dispair of the present onfederacy, and from the same portenous cause. Political quacks have sup 'ubc i uini iiiu Binvci > inouo i??ji n cvu lliu wo sections of the Union whs i>f a tem- j orary nature. They have expected that j v concession on the part of the Sontli it ou!<! be easily allayed. Mr. .lefferson i lid Mr. Calhoun, with the eves of true I talesmen saw the depths of this great 1 juestion. and with tlie sagacity of pmph- : Is foretold its effect in dissolving the Un>n. "The fire bell" is still ringing and | rill ring on until it foils "the death knell I >f the Union." And now where are we ? What is I eally the nature of the general govern- | nent under which we live ? The soctioin ' I majority from the. North grows stron ! fer and more resolute every day. They ' lave the power of controlling the legisla- | ion of Congress. They failed in control* ! mg the executive, also, in the iate l'resi- > lential election, hut by a few votes. They | xpect confidently to succeed at the next j 'residential election. Having mastered j liese two great departments of the gov- j rnment, they openly declare their deterninatiou to command the third ? the .In ! liciary of the United States ?and to iweep away every obstacle to their sec- I .tonal domination and the consolidation I' the government. Their measures of j egislative policy are increased taritis, l?v which a greater tribute sliaH be wrung ! rom tlie South for the benefit of their j Manufacturers ; internal improvements j ind national railroads, by which the treasury shall be exhausted, to the benefit j >f the North, where the public money i? j iliieflv spent, and by which, at thu same ' time, higher tariffs seem jnstitic.l ; land l? r the landless, bv which the northern U|..1 nl I..ti,.. at...11 l .. i... ..II ........ . .. ilie coiiuiiun t?-niioi it s and make free States of llifin, and by which, at the same time again, the treasury l?! deprived >>f the revenue that .should result from llie Hales of our public lands, that higher tariffs may seem further justified ; squat ter soverignty, with no protection to slave property bv the legislation of Congress in 1,?. more slave fst ite* ; and, nnaiiy, as deelar t il by their acknowledged leader, 'he ab <>btion of slavery itself throughout the south' rn States. Such arc their measures of policy. And the end these are designed to accoimnplhh is a consolidated derm oracy, limitless in its power. The North is to rule the South. Now, my friends, whether such a policy is consistent with the Constitution of the United States or not, is >(' no sort of consequence. If it is, then the constitu tion establishes a sectional despotism over the South. And if it is not, then the constitution is abolished by the North, the only power which can maintain it.? The South, being a minority, is powerless in iin t.t-v 1117% i?> ir^niniiuii, iimi M she submits to its Abrogation by the North she accepts a naked despotism. For one, I boldly declare, that if the oppressive measures meditated by the North were not meditated?if, in the spirit of a marvellous magnanimity and equity, they were disposed to leave us practical I \ an unoppressive government?I would, as a freeman, disdain to accept of it.? Liberty does not consist in the mere absence of oppression, but in the right and security to be free. It never vet existed by forbearance from those in power. If it did, it can have no safe guarantee for its continuance. We of the South, of all the people inhabiting the earth's surface, must rule ourselves. We must have a tree government. To he a free govern merit, to us, we must be able to control it. It must be our government, arid not the government of others, by which we are ruled, either beneficently or tyranicallv. Whether a despotism consists of one man or of twenty millions, in no way, and at no time ought it to be endured. Hut the northern people do not leave us room to suppose that in assuming h despotism over us, they intend it to be beneficently harmless in its operation. Ambition and rapacity are stamped upon their policy. Any one acquainted with the history of this country cannot fail to perceive how, step by step, for nearly a half century, they have steadily advanced to its consummation ; and as they luve advanced, broader and deeper views tpen on their policy. They themselves nav scarcely know the extremes to whicn they will he carrieo. A people who once enter upon the path of unrighteous aggrandizement, can never tell what injustice- what crimes ?what horrors?they may be ready til timalely to perpetrate. One measure leads to another. Resistance ini st be suppress i ed. Violence comes. IMood is shed, and a blood thirsty spirit is ap' to rulo their i counsels amidst tlA fury of the passions. ! Shall we of the South lrmt our rights and institution to the forbearance, or jus lice, or charity of the northern people? when they themselves, by their highest official representatives, declare their de< termination to blot them out f The gieatest deceivers in the world are ,.r. 1_..? ?r i m,.? wvivu uunwifw, ui uur^nm n?"'i ivmioi with difficulty the full potency of evil* which are against them. Even when a.I mi tied as poxaible, their oxcurrence, it if hoped, may not be certain?or nomethinc in the future may tranxpire to defeat theii effect*. Thus they will tften drift on paaxivn and nnea?y, until they *uddenlt I find tbemxelro* amidxt tke breaker* o revolution. The wisdom rightly to under stand and bravely Htid firmly to meet the perils of our condition, is the properly of the few only. It seems wonderful, after : all the experience we have had of the , people of the North, that there should be a man in tho South so misguided or ignorant as to put any confidence in their forbearance or equity. . et there are such man even in Congress. In the imbecility of an abandoned self protection, we hear them say : "We know that the sceptre of power is departed from the South ; but we will trust in the faith and magnanimity of the North; we will trust to their interest, for it is not to their interest to ulv.lisli slavery in the South ; their commerce is too much promoted, and their necessities t*o well supplied!" Is magnanimity a very noted characteristic of nations, especially towards those whom they have long hated as rivals and enemies? Is interest the infallible guide to the policy of nations in this world of ignorance and passion, misrule and blood? Was France governed by interest when she expelled the Huguenots from her bosom, and abolished slavery in llayti? Was England, when | she forced on us the revolution of 1770, ! and ordained emancipation in Jamaica? | 1 to not nil men act from motives of inter' est ? Vet look at the fatuity, the infidelity and misery which blacken the world. Are not men?weak, passionate, lustful inon?the rulers of nations??and when were they ever ruled by a consistent regard to their best and highest interests ? I How full of mistakes and follies have been ! the councils of the wisest nations ! Vet we of the South are to trust our rights, our liberties and institutions, to the conscience and faith of a people who, In all their national dealings with us, have ex hibited the most faithless selfishness, fa* naticism and ambition. What are such councils but the weak refuge of a helpless foregone submission ? Eight millions of white men, with four millions of slaves, are too rich a prey to be given up to the ! control of any other people. They are j too mighty in their strength to trust anv other people to shape their destinies.? They must be independent and ftee in the high station fu which tl.ey are designed i amongst the great nations of the earth. ) * Follow citizens : a free government is a most solemn trust, as well ar. a great hoon. Covered all over as the world is bv despotisms which minister to the lux1 iirv and power of the free, a government which exists for all it protects, and is pro J lesseniy o??uu tMl JII9VIV.O lU ? ?), utroutvt V w i maintained with the sternest fidelity. It j is not for ourselvas alono?for us who are i now here (or a few brief years? nor fut posterity alone. These are few, when 1 compared w ith ?ho multitudes w ho crowd J the world. And not only for us and (hem, . but for all races capable of civil liberty. and for all ages, we should maintain our ' institutions. We especially in the South | have a great problem to work out in the : ....lines ..( t>... .V..r!.l - | ? - ; "".'""""I irigiia even amongst its most enlightened think! ers and rulers. The capacity of the races I of men ? the tights of the people and the ' dutifs of government, arc matters <>l ! douht. Sotne maintain that all races are j equal ; ami all, therefore, are capable ol c'vil liberty. Others contend that no peo pie?net even the people of the United States?are fit for a free and just govern ! muni; and in proof they point to the con I tests and injustice which prevails between I the sections of the Union, to support the affirmative. Others, again in view of the j failure-of these States to he just to each other, maintain that the only proper ject of government is order and protection Liberty, self government by the people, i> I an impossibility. It is for us to throw i light on this scepticism and confusion.? | It is for us to demonstrate that all the ' races of men are not equal, but that the ! Caucasian and the African may be beni gnedly combined in one society?the one slave, the other free. It is for us to prove I that wo of th# South at least are fit for a ' free government, by enforcing it in the I Union : and if this is impracticable, then ' by establishing it apart for ourselves. Ii ; is f?r us to show that order and protec lion are not incompatible with free insti tutions, and that we, being capable uj understanding and appreciating the^Can bold fast to what has been gained fbfHhl casnso of liberty, by so much loi?,^ir.2 4 suffering, and blood. Every civi lizwti* lion of tho world, with the hostagesdlrf peace which our productions take frou ; them, must wish us prosperity ; wliils tho Republics of old- the light and glort of nncient times--with slav?- institution similar to our own, stand forth as exam pies to guide us to a glorious indepen ' dence. There seems to be an irresitlahle desiri amongst all nations to extend their limiti and their power. Krjxwxion h their law The lust for p'under or fame which stim ula'.ed an Alexander and a Genghis Khan - has long since given way to a s\stem o colonial incorporation. 11* this mean more barbarous people are civilised an< impioved : and the more civilized nation have liocoine, the more intense seems t< i be their desire for expansion. At thi moment the greatest conquerors are th most civilized nations of the world.? : | France seeks expmsion in Algeria an Egypt. ltus-oa in Turkey and i'pper Ami i the Ignited States over this continent, ani i Oreat Britain all over the world. Th i : restless energy which knowledge and civ i ilization imparts, will not be satisfied witl | limits, but spreads abroad its eager entei > , prise and dominion. It is the destiny c :[ human nature; and the Almighty ma r | have imparted this desire for expansion t , nations, in order that civilization and b f true religion may he extended The Oat f catian race is not only to be the mastei but the spiritual pastors of the world.? j As the Jews extirpated the heathen tia- j lions around them by Cod's command, so the weaker races may he destined to I perish or to fall beneath the subjection [ and tutelage of the superior races of the world. With no people on earth is this policy of expansion more necessary than with the people of the southern States. By the combination of the labor of the Caucasian and the African, the richest portions of the world can alone be cultivated.? Have all their lavish beauty and fertility J been created only to be wastes?the home j of wild beasts or wilder men ? And shall j we, in whose hands have been deposited | the labor and power by which they can be made instrumental to man's necessities and the most important and glorious portions of the earth, abandon the high mission imposed upon us, and leave them to a savage sterility ? If we do, it may be with us in this as in other perversions of the proper nature of things. That w hich would have been our strength may bo come our weakness, l'ent up and con fined within compulsory limits, the labor of the two races may become valueless, and the proportions between th<un possibly be so disturbed as to lead to insurrections?northern intervention and final emancipation. This certainly is the benevolent end contemplated by our north' | ern brethren in seeking to prevent the expansion of the South. Shall we submit to be single amongst all civilized people in the world, in our inability to expand ? | I answer?no! If in all other things our I union with the North .vas unexceptionable I would break it on this one pretension j alone. Expansion shall be the law of the I South, as of the North. We are of the dominant Caucasian race, and will per | I form our part in civilizing the world and I j bringing into bencfi:ent subjection and I cultivation its ino-t productive regions of j sun and beauty. The broad expanse of i tho tropics on this continent lies stretching | for thirty degrees on both sides of the Equator for our civil conquest and possession. Shall we not occupy it 1 Shall not Japliet and II.on go out together and | take their portion ol the inheritance ol the earth ? Let tlio North colonize the colder regions, where the white man can | labor advantageously in the fields for the productions of nature. We, with the African, will possess the rest. Nor need we ask them, or any other people, to make good our title. *")t these tilings are so, wiiv snouiu we have any anxieties about the perpetuity ! j of African slavery in the South I ll is I of (rod, and cannot he overthrown." We hear suc h an argument for inaction and | submission to northern interference every 1 I day. Institutions may be everlasting ; ' yet may they be changed or abolished in different ages and different localities. Political liberty m?v never die out in the j world, yet does it not leave a people, who become unworthy of it t?y their inditfer I ence, ignorance or corruption ? If liberty 1 | may be lost to a people, why not slavery? i. And have we not on ibis continent proofs I enough that slavery may be abolished ' amongst a people ? What advantage? j what blessing is there of Cod's bestowmerit that man has not abused and lost i 1 From Paradise to bis last destiny, what 1 ' is the history of the human family, imli I vidually or collective!), but a history ol 1 , advantages neglected?benefits despised > I ?blessings abused and forfeited ? The ' man who talks of any blessing or insti 1 , in lion being eternal amongst a people, if ' a shallow neophyte in morals and a char1 latan in politics. He is ignorant of the 1 j Bible. Ho sets asido experience and his ' torv, and builds his policy on the loost sands of his own weak conceits or weak ! er resolutions. We all know that to pre ! serve our personal integrity and virtue requires coutinual watchfulness, stern self 1 I denial, and often the most courageouf ' suffering. Is it not the same w ith nations 1 which are but the aggregate of individu 1 als, with the same morals and motives I for llu*ir nrnvninnttrft 2 If * *?? w?\??l,rl . J, J ? 1 have a free government, you must make " j it so. If you would have it continue tc -be free, you must walcli and labor for it {l|ir.tyou would maintain your institutions, I -i ritb a world prejudiced or in arms against * .diem, you must erect a barrier of glitter ing steel, or of more elltiigeut courage "'and energy for their j?rotcclion. The ' ' man who talks of his rights, as a reason 1 * for hts inactivity?or of the nature oi 1 things as a justification of his submission ' to their perversion and destruction?is ai ' faithless to himself as o others. He ii : unfit to he the eustodiary of any rights ' or a minister in carrying out the glorioui I order of events designed for the humat 3 happiness and power. In the fierce strug , ' gle of thia licentious world, there is bul one instrumentality by which, in a gov ! ernment like ours, of conflicting interest! and passions, the eternal proclivity to op I' pression and despotism can be averted B It is not in vain? appeals for justice. I \ is not in a vainer submission to wrong.? B It is not in an august argumentation, b' 0 which we call up unaided Nature hersel 9 ' to substantiate our rights, that our salva e : lion can be secured. We must act. W _ | must resist. d Gentlemen, we have before us nov i,! raging on the continent of Europe, d bloody contest for the independence < e nationalities. The world's space is to large for its occupation by one organic It tion'of people. The variety of languegi r- on the earth show the design of the A >f mighty in throwing its inhabitants int y | many political associations. An undefine o ! repulsive antagonism between nations, ? in : much aa any attractive local sympath; i- j seems to be necessary to keep up the re I separation. It is useless to reaeou abot llio benefits conferred by the conquerera ^ or masters of a civilized people. They are foreigners, and in that word is hatred.? Austria contends that her rule iu Italy has been most beneficial for the people.? Justice is enforced, property protected, and advancing prosperity and affluence attest her fidelity to the trust connniteff to her in 1815 by her allSes. But is Italy hat iufl nrl 2 A rvoin oml V. -1 niiu n^niu uit* SUtf inw to expel the Austrian from that beautiful land of bright suu and brighter memories. And now, from her furthest confines where an Austrian has not trod, her people gather in mustering lines to achieve the independence of Italy. There is not a generous heart in all Christendom which does not sympathize with tho Italian and bid him God's speed, as ho rushes to the battle for his native land. Let Italy be for Italy, is the voice of humanity, although potentates may agaiu cut up the map ol Europe with their swords. And was it not so with Scotland, when for ages she resisted an amalgamation with England ? And was it not?is it not so with l'oland? Even now the hearfcof the Pole yearns for the tempestuous and capricous despotism of his nobles in olden times raiher than the steady and more advantageous rule of Russian domination. Are the people of Ireland to this day content with her identification with England? The people of England and Ireland, Rus sia and Poland, Austria and Italy, are not more distinct a 1 antagonistic in their characteristics, pursuits and institutions ? their sympathies and views?than tho people ol our Northern and Southern States. A common struggle lor indepen' deuce, and a scene of weakness, threw them together under one government.? Disagreement and contention iiave mark* I ed their union from its commencement, until ..I l^.,?ll. oil ! ? I ....... ... .V..g... .... r,j U?"OTI .US two great sections of the Union seems to be lost. ?Tbey look upon each other as enemies to be overcome, rather than friends to be suppoited. The bond of union?the constitution?is broken. How long will a Union wi'hout a constitution ? without confidence, without heart?endure ? 1 know full well how powerful are the prejudices which exist amongst every people in favor of their government ?bo it wliat it may. A distinguished philosopher lias said that "man is a bundie of prejudices." All governments have their bigots and fanatics. It is human. The double headed Eagle of Austria, at this moment, probably excites as wide an v. ??v\i isaittoiat r?n l\vc ycuhgt.r omU(>ni of that imperial bird orer the stars and , stripes. The greater part of mankind have no time to consider the nature of their government ; and if they have, thev are unable to comprehend its operations. They therefore fall back, in 6up< porting it, to an nnteasoning faith.? At this moment, after ages of oppressive error, how confused and absurd are the ideas of many called to the responsible position of legislators, as to the nature of taxation by duties or imports ! If there is anything which a free people should understand, it is tho naturo and extent of the tax thev nav to sunnort their . . . - " - T I government. What man in his senses can suppose it to be just or politic for a government to take from a citizen for ita support, one dollar for itself and two for another citizen. Yet this is exactly what we, who boast that our system of govern| niant is based on the most righteous , equality, have submitted to for generations. The citizen who pays iliese indii red taxes does not understand it. Many do not know that they pay any taxes at , all to the general government. Even the order, the protection they receive from , the government of the Stales, they at' , tribute to the general government. We . know the general government only by us taxation, and even its taxation is so insidious as to be unperceived to many. Yet j our prosperity and peace?the result of our State governments and of our magnificent staples?are attributed to the j operations of the Government of the | "United States. Is it surprising, under , such circumstances, that Union devotees , and fanatics should spring up everywhere to paralyzo our counsels ? They do not reflect that our prosperity, if it did arise exclusively from the beneficent action of the general government, is i j no more a criterion of SiWly in a , ! peojV than of virtue ill an individual. , | Hrazil, and Cuba and Japan are refluent f of prosperity. Ar<j they free ? The best i government in the world, so far as pro, lection to the person and property are , concerned between man and man, ia probably the imperial government of France. 5 Are the French free? Liberty is justice, j It can dwell neither with the oppressed . . nor with the submissively oppressed.? [ I The curse of w rong to others stripe* the , wrong doer of that purity which ? an alone s j make him a righeous repeller <*f <\i ;nnv, , and submission to oppression degt ides its _ 1 victims, and fills the heart with compro( mining fears and base compliances, and . | reasoning subterfuges, instead of the truth* y- ! ful aspiration and stern resolutions of tho If high spirit of liberty. Is it surprising that , superstition should thus become snhstitue ted for patriotism, and faith for r<i?soi?ing; and that alter a few years of misrule, the f oppressed become habituated to their colt ^ dition ? First we endure, and then, in I the imbecility of custom or fears of chsnge f admire and love a despotic government. " The first step in the broad road to ruin ) and dishonor, with individuals, is often deI* cisive of their destiny. Ilow thoroughly did our great ancestors understand this ^ | truth, when they fo-.ight their jjreat bfct| tie# for liberty ! They did not allow the hand of oppronaion to real on them, much ^ lea* to preaa them. It I [CONCI.UDKD OW FOURTH PAOE ] ?