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EDGEFIELD, SIC., AUGUST 5, 1868.
VOLUME XXXIH.-!fO. 32.
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Apr? Ja? 15 1
Best of All.
The world has very little it can give
To make us happy ;. all its precious things
What men call precious-and for which they 1
To a sad heart are worthless offerings.
For what arc the gems, and what is tawny gol
And rarest spices from sweet Indian blooms
And silken fabrics, shimmering fold on fold,
The costliest produce of tho Eastern looms
They cannot save the soul a single pain,
Or to the weary heart bring hope again.
What is the flash of wit, the salon's glow?
The wino may flash, and loap and sparkle u]
From marble tables, white as wintry snow,
And brim blood-rei the gold-incrusted cup;
The air may languish, filled with perfume swe
- Etruscan vases burn with roses red,
And velvet carpets, sinking 'neath the feet,
Give.back no echo from thc stateliest tread ;
Hut human heartscravesomething more than th
Splendor alone can never give us bli??.
FAT more we prizo a gentle touch,
The mute caress of fingers on the hair,
A low word spoken-oh ! how very much
These little tokens do to lesson care [
It matters little if our hume bo bare
Of luxury, and what the world call? good,
If we have only one true spirit there
By whom our bettor selves aro understood,
Whose deepest heart-throbs aro for us alone,
With whom in thoughts and wishes we are one.
-? . ?
Speech of noil. T. Ai Hendrick!
OF INDIANA,
IN THE UNITED STATES SENATE, ON THE 4T
JULY, ISOS, ON THE ISSUES OF THE PRES
PK NT IA I. CAMPAIGN.
Mr. Hendricks-Mr. President, it was m
desire at this time to submit some rather e;
tended remarks to the Senate upon the polit
cal questions now occupying public attention
but the condition of my health-to-day wi
only allow a brief reference to them.
I have observed for some days past a pui
.pose on the part of Seuatois who represen
the majority to avoid the position of the de
fensive, and to assume, if possible, that of th
offensive in this political contest. In m;
judgment that is neither practicable nor pos
sible on thnr part; it is nut in the nature o
the case. For eight years the Federal Gov
eminent and most ol the State government
of the North have been controlled by tb<
party now in the majority in Congress, and i
is not possible that that parly can avoid a re
spouse to the people upou the questions tha
attiact public attention.
Waiving au ioquiry into the conduct o
that party during the v.'ar, which the)' claire
it is not just to make, and confining the in
quiry to the three years since the close of. the
war and the return of peuce, lhere are cet
taiu important questions that must be an
swered. And, first, the people will desire tc
know very distinctly and emphatically what
has been dono with the ?1.200,000,000 thal
have been Collected from them under, the In
ternal revenue law and the tariff system since
the first day of July, 1S0'5. I know that
$400,000,000 may be accounted . for at least
itt part -iu the payment of interest upon the
public debt. Then the people will want to
know how it is, independently of the Interest
upon the public debt, that it bas li ken ?800,
000,000 to; cxvry this--frtrvtn^ment-1 brough a
period of three years, when ina time of peace
it used to require but from sixty to seventy
or eighty million dollars annually. The peo
ple wilr wish to know during this contest
whether this enormous sum of money, which
has put the citizens everywhere oyer the land
upon the observauce of the strictest economy
to respond to the demands of the Govern
ment, has hec-n expanded iu the promotion of
the public welfare, or whether it has been ex
pended in the promotion of the interests of a
party ; whether it has been expended to ex
tend the enterprises of the country or to
maintain in the Southern States that system
of government which had gradually proceeded
from step to step in arraying one race against
another; whether it has been expended in
genuine acts of benevolence and kindness, or
in maintaining apolitical system by which the
colored people have been organized through
out the South into a political party ; in other
words, whether this enormous sum thal has
been wrung from the people has been expen
ded for their benefit, for the promotion of
their interOsts and their good, or for other
purposes ; and no arts of the orator or inge
nuity of the sjphist can avoid an answer to
the grave and important inquiry.
Why is it, sir, that in a time of profound
peace it hsB cost ?100,000,000 a year to sup
port an army of fifty-six thousand. The peo
ple especially will want an answer to that
question when you propose to elect to the
Presidency the head of that army, who for a
portion of that period was not only the Gen
eral of the army, but the Secretary of War.
They want to know how it was that during
the administration of the department by him
it cost at the rate of $120,000,000 to support
the War Department and army, when it used
to cost but $1,000,002 to the regiment. The
people will want to know why it is that in a
time of profound peace, wmen we have no war,
except inconsiderable strifes on our borders
with the Indians, ?$95,000,000 were expended,
in the fiscal year before thc last, to maintain
the army, independent of bounties, and that
for the quarter when the candidate for the
Presidency was the Secretary of War, it cost
about thirty million dollars, or at thc rate of
?120,000,000 per annum . 82,000,000 to the
reoiment ; $2,000 to the man. Tho people
will want tho majority in Congress, when they
demand thc continuance of power beyond this
period cf eight years, to answer why it is
that so much money is drawn from them by
the extraordinary power of taxation, that it
may thus go to support the most expensive
military system that has ever been known in
thc world.
I might speak of some of those expendi
tures. ? mizrbt epss.k < f that-favoritism in a
small way which bassb,b;vn jt?elf in lie pub
lication in the newspapers that UFC favored by
special legislation in the District of Columbia
of notices for inconsiderable army supplies
upon thc Rio Grande, aud at the-distantforts,
when it was impossible, from the date of the
publication that any man could receive infor
mation by such publication .-which would en
able him to compete in the bidding. I might
spf-ak of ollie expenditures of like sort, in
dicatirg a favoritism not worthy of any polit
cal party that claims the confidence of the
country, but I will not occupy so much of the
time of the Senate.
The people will wish to know duriDg this
contest wliy it ii that the Supreme Court.has
been denied the right to mqutre into the con
stitutionality cf the legislation of this Con
gress. The people know that tho Supreme
Court was established as c-ue of the securities
to their liberty, as one of the plops and pil-.
lars underneath their institutions. They want
to know wh^ tfjis prop and pillar has been
strickon down, and for yhat political and par
ty purpose it has been donei. if your legisla
tion be constitutional,, valid, and right, then
the.pec-pie will wish to know why Congress
should shield itself in its enactments from
that inquiry" that the Constitution intended
should bc liad in regard to all legislation.
The people during this contestwill wish to
know why it is that the executive department
has been stripped of that power which has ;
been conferred upou it by tke1 Constitution ; j
j why it is that Congress has assumed lo ftuMf !
; all those powers which, for nearly eighty years, j
.wera exercised j under the Copetitutio^ by the j
executive department ; and fe'. what? purpose
of good to the people this ir?s intended,1
Why is it that from the executive 1
been taken tho responsibility for the i
eention pf the laws? Why is it that to l
Senate has been assumed that responsibilit
Why is it that Congress has said that thepov
to remove from office shall be taken from. I
executive when that power has been ex
cised, and as I believe according to the spi
of the Constitution, and as I know, aecordi
to the construction of the fathers, by the E
ecntive all the time; and that in the Senati
many headed body, where responsibility is
vidod so that it lights upon no particular i
dividual, a responsibility should be assum
which is worth nothing to tho people a
guarantees nctEing to the fidelity and secur
of the public service.
The people will want to know why i
three years a party with a majority of tv,
thirds in Congress ha"e not restored t
Southern States to tkcir practical relatio
witb. the Federal Government; why is it th
such a period has elapsed and no genu'ir
peaceful, and permanent results have been i
ta:ned. .They know what is tho condition
affairs. They know what temporary ente
prises bayo been set on foot in the Southe:
States. They understand all that quite wei
but they want to know, and they demand
know, in.my judgment, with.a very carne
demand) why it is that these States have n
been restored in the spirit ol thc Constitute
and with that harmony which will promo
the permanency ct' the Union, the stability
our institutions, and the prosperity of evei
section of the country. The people will wai
to know in this contest, why it is that Coi
gress stepped in between-the Executive ac
an immediate peaceful, practical and perm;
nent restoration of the States to their pract
cal relations to" the Federal Government
why it was, that when we were so far at
vanced in that work under the policy inaugi
rated by the Executive, when States were a
cepting thc propositions, adopting the Const
tutions that were acceptable everywhere
agreeing to everything demanded by tb
North, acquiescing in the results of the W?
in every respect whatever, Congress came ii
and to some extent defeated that restoratio
policy which was bringing again permaneti
union and permanent prosperity. That qne?
Lion will be asked by sensible, thinking pee
pie, and it is for the majority in Congress, an
for their partisans over the country, to give
iirect, plain, and unequivocal answer.
The people wilL want to kuow in this con
section why it is that by thi< political conftc
reny that Congress bas gotten up with th
Executive, strikiug down the policy that wai
then almost a success, the return of trade
production, and of prosperity have been in
infinitely delayed. They know, as Senator,
snow, that irom the time when this contro
rersy ?was gotten up by Congress to breal
iown the policy of restoration, then alraog
completed, the productions of a large portiot
)f thc country have, from year to year, lallet
jff, and that the pxports which those produc
?ons furnished, enabling us to keep up th<
lalauce of trade somewhat in our favor, have
allen off so much that in a large degree thal
jalance has been made up in guid and in the
jovernment securities. Thc people want tc
enow why it is that trade caunot be allowed
o return to its ancient channels ; that the
ndustries of the country are not encouraged,
)ut that, on the contrary, they are kept in
.hat disturbed condition that investments dare
lot be made by capital, and that labor ie
ilraid to.inaka'aiijefi'v'rL e.Vfin if capital should
ie invested.
'The people will ask one further question,
a-b?t has been gained by this controversy, like
he question that in former times was asked
jy the grandchild of the grandfather in rela
tion to the great battle, " What has all this
been about ? ' Seiutors know very well that
ivhen tho Thirty-ninth Congress met, -thc
work ol'restoration, according to the policy
>f Mr. Johnson, was almost completed. Con
stitutions had been adopted in the Soutlu-ru
States abolishing slavery, or declaring it .abol
ished forever, repudiating the Southern debt,
ind making every pledge to thc Federal
Union which Northern sety.iinent demanded ;
but Congress intervened against that policy
ind interp(>sed its own, and now the people,
jfter two or three years of delay, of distrac
tion, of the disturbance of trade and com
merce, want to know what has been gained
by it. When you come to answer that ques
tion to the people you cannot show them a
singl? Southern Constitution which any Re
publican mind can say is a better Constitu
tion than had been adopt.'d under the Johnson
policy, unless you say it is a better Constitu
tion because the negroes arc enfranchised and
ii part of the whites disfranchised, and the
power in the great section of the country
taken from the white men aud given to the
colored men.
The people will want to know .why it is
that after the close of-the war, after there
was no longer a rebel soldier with a gun in
his hand, after the South had amended its
Constitutions and changed its laws according
to the demands of the North in every particu
lar, after they had declared slavery abolished,
secession a fallacy, aud the rebel debt not to
bc collected, why, then, in one-third of this
country, did the party ia power break down
State governments and establish in their stead
military governments ; why wa? it in that
work you made the civil law subordinate to
the military law; the judge upon the bench
subordinate to the commanding officer, -and
gave to the military officer the power to drive
the legislators from the halls ol legislation,
and to substitute mon of his own selection in
their place, and subverted all the principles of
free government, recognized, honored, and
reyered in this country, sud -established in
their stead a system of government that finds
no paraiiel in any of the countries of the
world since the days of the proconsuls. To
that question, it seems to mo, it will b*c diffi
cult to lind a suitable answer. It is not
enough to say that in neighborhoods there
were broils and murders. Why, sir, some
time ago I read to the Senate, from one of
the papers published in this city, a telegram
coming from the eentrul portion of Alabama,
that the filth white mun hod been murdered
in the same neighborhood, and no notice
whatever had been taken of i' ; and that, too,
under the goyernptent? militar}', powerful, and
despotic, which you had established there.
Mr. President, when the people of the coun
try demand to know of their legislators why
civil law is subordinate to military law; why
Lhe judge upon the bench is stripped of bi?
robes of office, andjn.his stead there is sub
stituted a military commander to decide upon
the rights of the people ; when they demand
to know why in secret commission and mili
tary coort the citizen is tried for a criminal
offense, or touching a civil right, why these
things are done in this country in a time of
profound peace, SQtrre grave and weighty an
swer must be given tb?m.
They will want to know why it is that yon
pretend for tho time to repudiate on the part
of Congress the right to establish negro suf
frage in the Northern States and yet estab
lish it in the Southern States ; why- it is that
you rally up on a platform attempting toavoid
the responsibility of this issue at home, aud
yefivould seek to establish such a system of
suffrage in' ton of the -J?tates of the South ;
and what answer will you give? Do you tell
the people of the North that they are not in
terested in the question of suffrage in the
Southern States? You cannot make that
answer, for this fall it may occur, that thc ne
gro votes of the South will, decide the Presi
dential election. It may occur that a major
ity of the electoral votes in the North will be
o?syconTo by.the negroTyptes-of tho'Sb^jil^ Jt j
may.not .sa occur^ but:, yet if it does ocouY, |
and if the colored people of the Southern ,
States, holding the balance of political pawer '
in this country, shall deeide who is to be _
President of the United States, is not tb"
coming home, as a practical and direct qu
tion to every Northern man, his vote bei
overcome by the vote of the colored man
the South, and that, too, by an. act of Ob
gress ? So that the people of the North
want to understand how it is that you pr
tend not to force upon them negro, suffrage
at home, and yet to establish it in ten of tbj
States, of the South. .jj
The people will want to know why, in I
time of peace, the rights of the citizens haw
been trampled under loot, and the aucient
writs of the law which protect and secuta
them in their property and their personal
liberty-bave been abrogated; why^is it that
instead of the courts of law where men a?e
heard face to face, the - witnesses called face
to face, the jury from the neighborhood heqpr
ing all tbc evidence, deciding tho case, why;
that mode of trial in court has been abolish^
and in its stead has been established the mil
itary court, where there are none of the guar?
and securities for . justice that a thouss
years of experience have shown to be essi
tial?
Mr. President, the two parties into whi
the people of this country uro now divided
have declared their platforms of principle^
they have put their ticket in nomination,
it is for the pcoplenow to decide, which ?jat
of .principles they will adopt, and which |
of candidates they will elect. Upon t
subject I have but very few remarks to ?
mit.
1 Tn my opposition'to the ticket that w$s
nominated at Chicago I never expect to plitpe
it upon personal- grounds. I recognize the
gentleman at the-head of that ticket as an
eminent military.man, and his associate j
distinguished . civilian. Against them,
sonally, I expect never to express a se
ment. I oppose their ejection because
haye become, by acquiescing in their no?
nation, the represeutat?ves of the sentir
that have controlled' Congress for the
three years ; because they stand upon a '
Corm which is objectionable in part and ec
ocal in part.
The Convenfiou at New York has expi
ed its views in a platform which in no sec
eau be misunderstood. The man that
may read and understand.. The plaine
well as the most learned will inierpre
alike, ft declares our views and our
poses so distinctly and emphatically, that
people are hot and cannot be rh?sl?d.
The contrast between the two platforms
struck me with great force as I listene?j?io
the Senator from New Jersey [Mr. Freftlg
buysen] some minutes since, as ho- "read
3f the sections of the Chicago platform^
blaring that the public debt must be pnjo
iccordance with the letter and the spirit
thc law. What does that mean ? My "
league would say, I have no doubt, ti
means one thing, and the Senator from j
J-crsey would" claim that it means anott
pery different thing. M?qy Senators dja?m
that the spirit of the law is that the bends
juail all bu paid in gold ; while other Sena
tors, eminent and clear-headed, say that, it
meaos they shall ba paid in greenbao?jif ]
Congress chooses so to pay them.
The resolution of the Democratic convec
tion is as follows :
" Payment of the public debt of the Duii
2d States a.s rapidly as practicable ; all moneys
liawn from the pcoplq by taxation, excej&fco
[n^cJ?isJsj^Qjijs?^
aaej_aa_jsj^qjn?i^^
Grovernmeut, economically administered, be-f
ug honestly applied to such payment ; and
ivhere thc obligation's of.the Government do
lot expressly stato upon their face, or the
aw under which they were issued does not
provide that they shall be paid in coin, they
jugut iu right and in justice be to paid in the
lawful money of the Uuited States."
The resolution declares that, unless the ob
ligation issued by the Government, by the
law authoriziug its issue, expressly provides
that it is to be. paid iu gold, it may bo paid
in lawful money.
The Ia>v authorizing the issue of the five
twenties provided for a lawful money, and
declares Troasury note.?, with the legal ten
ier clause, to be lawful money ; and neither
the-law nor the obligation provides that these
bonds snail -be paid in gold.
G oven-or Seymour atandsupon this plat
form, and I claim that the platform explains
itself, and standing upon the'platform, his
position is not and cannot be misunderstood.
I had thought of reading one or two other
of tho resolotioris adopted at New York, in
contrast'with the resolutions adopted*at Chi
cago, to show that at New York positions
were assumed plainly, distinctly, directly, so
that the people could not be. misled by any
thing thal was there said. But, sir, as it
would likely take more time thuu 1 nm able
Lo accupy this morning, I will not go further
in that direction.
With a platform explicit aad direct upon
all the great questions that now attract public
itteution, it only remains to i'oquire who are
the men that stand upon it; 1 need not, in
addressing either the Senate or the country,
3ccupy much time in speaking of . Governor
Seymour.. He has been long lt now n to the
sountry as one of the irrst ot her statesmen.
A ripe scholar and profound thinker, ia rimes
ind in positions of great difficulty he bas done
the State much .-ervice. 'He has filled posi
tions the' highest iii this country except that
tb which he has bpen nominated', and to whiph,
in my judgment, he will be eleeted.- A states
man cool iu thought and efficient in action
he will command the confidence of the coun
try.
I know that criticisms have been made
upon his conduct during the war. I am glad
that it requires, but a sentence to answer all
criticisms. So efficient was he as the Execu
tive of the great State of New York, in the
raising of troops, and especially in the aid he
?jaye to the Govercment about the time of the
hattie of GettysDurg, that Mr. Lincoln re
turned bim, in the most earnest and emphat
ic manner, his thauLcs.
Ho is an Eastern, man, but he -is accepta
ble to thc Northwest. We know from the
sentiments that he has already expressed that
he is not a sectional man. He is a man who,
it the head ot this Government, will recognize
ill sections, and respect aud labor to promote
the interests of each. : While the chief Exe-1
cutive of tho State ot Now York he favored,
publicly and privately, that policy w'nich would
encourage the producers of the great North
west. He favored on the.part of the State
of New York the adoption of a policy that
would allow our heavy freight to pass over
tho State canal almost without charge"; and
if his policy had been carried out to the ex
tent that he desired the Northwest would
bave been benefited to the extent of millions
of dollars. A national man, fair to all sec
tions, be may well receive the support not
only of his own but of that section from which
1 cbme ; and 11 'ieye that he will receive a
Bopport, whether sufficient to control the
votes in tho South or not, I will not say, but
a cordial support in that section of the Union.
Whether he eau obtain' the doctoral votes in
the Southern States will depend, in my jndg.
ment, upon the question whether the milita
ry are kept organized in those Stntes, and the
Freedmen's Bureau, with ita party maofcjnery,
to control the elections.
Of Gen. Blair, tho candidate for the Vice
Presidency, I need say but little to tho Sen
ate. He was at one time a member of the
other bmnch of Congress, and recognized by
all as possessing high attainments and abifi
tieB.; Talented, generous, and brave, he will
receive an enthusiastic -support* 'Coonected
with the army, and participating in-..some of.|
its grand movements that have made'ita her.
roes immortal, his name and fame will be
cherished and guarded by his late associates
rin arms. The criticisms, sharp and ing?ni
ions, that have been made upon the views
which he may have expressed upon the con
dition and rights of the people of tho subju
gated States, will not be heeded by the peo-,
pie when they reflect that you have shut the
door of the Supreme Court against all inqui
ry in regard to the legislation which he lins
denounced. You havo declared that your
legislation shall not undergo that review and !
'examination which the Constitution itself con
templated. You have declared that the judi
1 ciary shall not decide whether 3 our acts of
reconstruction are constitutional and valid.
You have therefore left it to the Executive to
.decide for itself. ?
Mr. President, I believe that the highest
interests of this country demand the election
of this ticket, and that it will be elected, and
that the country will again be restored to
permanent peace-peace that rests not upon
subjection to despotic power, but upon ibo
restored supremacy of thc Constitution and
the rigtful authority of all the department? of
tho Government-and to a prosperity as en
during as that'peace.
-? ?
The Capacity of the Ffegro for Sclf
Governuient.
As in this country the experiment is now
being made on a large scale of entrusting thc
powers of government tothe negro, it becomes
a matter of interesting inquiry (says the
-Charleston Mercury) to know what capacity
he has for the task. *To judge of this cor
rectly, we should not confine our inquiries to
the negroes of the Southern States, who have
tor.j'cars been under the compulsory training
of the whites. The superiority of the South
ern freedman of to-day over the wildAfrican
of a hundred years ago from whom he is de
scended, only proves that the ra.ee may bc
.taught, not that it will learn of its own ac
cord ; that it can be compelled to improve,
not that it has tho elements of progress with
in itself, or even that it would voluntarily fol
low au exampleof improvement. This could
only be proved by an instance of a progres
sive cpuutry controlled by negroes! That
instance is wanting. History is all tho other
way. The negroes of Hayti who became in
dependent fifty years ago with a telerable
share of civilization acquired by training, and
.the advantage of a* slight mixture of Circas
sian blood, now hive a government scarcely
better than that of Dahome or Egba. Our
freedmen are mostly the descendants of West
Africans, and the nations, or rather tribes of
. that part of the world are now as barbarous
as when the first cargo of slaves was shipped
to America. If W, J. Whipper, the- most
intelligent.pure-blooded negro in the Colum
bia Legislature, were to visit Dahome at the
present time, he could easily find the coun
terpart of I1?3 gi eat, great grand-father, sa*e
only perhaps thut he would be armed with a
musket instead of a bow and arrow, wear a
calico mg in place of a grass tie, and drink
blood fi om an earthenware tea cup rather
than from w skull. If negro rule is allowed
to become an established fact in South Caro
lina, we have no reason to doubt that Whip
per's great, great gra?d child, will also be an
excellent counterpart of the venerable ances
tor already mentioned.
In confirmation of thefie views we take the
following extract from " Routledge's Natural
'History of Man," a work prepared by Rev.
J. G. Wood, M. A. F. L. S., &c., &c.
There is a very re-, arkable point about the
tirtie inegrp of Western Afrira^jiamefy, the
use winch he has made of his contket'with
civilization. It might be imagined that he
would have raised himself in the social scale
by his freqaent intercourse with men wiser
and more powerful than himself, and who, if
perhaps they may not have heen much better
in a moral point of view, could not possibly
have been worse. But he has done nothing
of the kind, ?md, instead of giving up his old
barbarous custom.*, has only increased their
barbarity by the additional means which he
has obtained from thc white mat).
Exchanging the bow and arrows for the
gun, aod the club for the sword, lie has em
ployed his better weapons in increasing his
destructive powers, and has chiefly used them
in fighting at:d selling into slavery those whom
he had previously fought, and who re.specred
him as long as the arms on both sides were
equal. And the strangest thing is that, even
considering his captives as so much property,
the only excuse which could be fourd for the
savage cruelty with which he makes raids on
every town which he thinks he can conquer,
he has not yet learned to abolish the dread- 1
ful''custom" of human sacrifices, although
each prisoner or criminal killed is a dead loss
to him.
--? . ?-;
WHAT TO STAMP.-All notes and-cvider.
CO8 of debt. Ove ceiiLs on each one hundred
dollars; if under one hundred dollars, five
cents ; if over one hundred dollars, five cents
on each additional one hundred dollars ot
part thereof. All receipts for any amount ?
without limit over twenty dollars, two cents; .
if tweuty dollars or under, nothing. AU
deeds and deeds of trust, filly cents on each
five hundred dollars in value of the property
conveyed the amount secured; when a deed
of trust is fully slumped, the note secured
must not be : but-they should-be endorsed to
show the reason why. . Mortgage bonds need
not be s ta m pt. J if a tam ps are affixed to the
mortgage Ail appraiaemont, estates or ea
trays, five cents on each sheet or piece of pa
per. Affidavits of every description are ex
empt from stamp duties. Acknowledgments,
to deeds, et J., are also exempt. Contracts
and agreements, five cents, except for rents;
when for rent, fifty cents for each seven hun
dred dollars of rent or less, if not over three
hundred dollars ; fifty cents for two hundred
dollars or over tbrpe hundred dollars. Any
person interested.can affix andcancel stamp-.
GEN. JACXSON AND GEN. GRANT.-General
Grant has a sentinel marching in front of his
home night and day. Wheu his little boy ol
twelve years of ago rides to school every day
he is accompanied by two orderlies in the
uniform of the United States army. In re
terring to this a correspondent of the Macon
(Ga.) Telegraph relates the following incident
of General Jackson's last visit to New Orleans:
"The fatigues of the day ended, tho old
hero repaired with many of the citizens to
apartments prepared for him in that raagnifi- (
cent structure, the St. Louis Hotel. The
captain of an Irish company detailed a stal
wart son of Erin as a sentinel at the General's 1
door. There he was, walking his rounds,'
when the General observed him, and turning 1
to General Lewis, asked :
" What does this mean ?"
" Only a sentinel at you. door, General." 1
I shall ever remember that look, and the 1
exclamation, my God ! as he strode up to the '
sentinel with a manner which was the Gene- I
ral's oqlyj
!? A|y good man," said he, ? what ar-e you
doing at my door with a musket iu your .
hands?"
" The captain placed me hero ae your guard,
General."
"Am I not in the. midst of the American
people? Am I in danger from these? Or
is this intended as an honor to mo ? If so I :
despise it \ Go home, sir, and get your dm- j
nen" and turning to hU guests he continued j j
" Whenever an American citizen, by bis pub- !
lie conduct, renders a public guard necessary ? ;
to his protection, beware bf that maD 1"
.fi?* Will Grant live to get' back-from his 1
Western trip?' Doubtful, lop he promised
,Wasbbnrne before- Jue started-that' " ao help
him God, he would not touch.a.drop-pf whis
key while he was gone." If God helps him
this time, it will be more than he did before.
Written for tho Advertiser.
Castles in the Air.
True taste ideal fancy feigns
Whilst on poetic wings ;
'Cove earth, and all that earth contains,
Unboundod fanoy springs.
To dwell on earth's gross olement,
Let groveling spirits bear,
Whilst I, on noble plans intent,
Build Castles in the Air.
No neighbours there can disagree,
Or thwart what I design,
l'or tbero not only all I seo,
But ali I wish is minc.
No surly neighbour's leave I want
To make or pull down fonce ;
I build, I furnish, lay out, plant,
Regardless of expense.
One thing, indeed, excites my fear,
Nor let it seem surprising,
Since Radicals, from year tu year,
New taxes are devising.
Lest oarth being taxed,-os soon it may,
Boyond what carib can bear;
Oar Congressmen a tax should lay
On Castles in the Air !
Well, with thc end tho tax would suit,
Did they in theso our days,
Ideal plans to execute,
Ideal taxes raise.
-. ? ? ?- '
Thc Israelites Down on Grant.
? large and enthusia?tic meet ol' the Isra
elites ol' Memphis was held in the hall of thc
Memphis Club, last night, (says the Avalanche,
of the 16th,) in response to a call published
in the city papers. Every scat was tilled, and
many had to content themselves with mat-ding
room. In point of numbers, wealth and re
spectability, it was the mo.-t influential -cot
ing, of a religious or political caste, beid in
this city for some months. The following
resolutions were adopted without a dissenting
voice in this assemblage of Jewish citizens of
all political stripes: ?
Whereas, Ulysses S. Grant, General of the
United States, "did, in his official capacity, is
sue, or caused to be issued, an order known
as General Order No. ll, dated at Oxford,
Mississippi, "?j.cember 17,18G2, and which
order is hereunto appended ; and .
Whereas, Thc said General Order No. ll
was an unjust and wanton libel, not upon in
dividuals," but expressly made to apply to the
whole race of Israel, branding us as faithless,
dishonest and disloyal, and its purpose and
effect Wero to persecute and prosecute those
to whom it was applied, on account of their
birth, which, with their re?gtou, is their only
crime; and
Whereas, The said Ulysses S. Grant is now
before, the country as a candidate for tho
highest office in the gift of the American peo
ple therefore:
Resolved, That we, thc Israelites of the city
of Memphis, do believe that the said U. S.
Grant has, by the said order, showD himself
to be a man unfit for the high position to
which he aspires, and incapable of adminis
tering the laws to all clares with impartiality
and without prejudice.
Resolved, That we each and every one, in
dividually aud collectively, as Israelites, who
have respect for our honor and our religion,
pride in-our race and love lor om' country, do
pledge ourselves to use every honorable means
in our power to defeat the election of the
said U. S. Grant.
Resolved, That this meeting is uuv called
for any political or party purpose, but solely
to defea.'. the mau who has, by his Oilier N -
11, insulted the whole Jcwis? race.
Resolved, That we exhort and admonish
oar bre-bren in this acid all other cities and
towns in tin; Uu>ted States, as they value re
ligious liberty and'heir rights, to do all in
their power to defeat the caid Ulysses S.
Grant.
G. II. JCDAO, Rev. S. TUSKA,
A. SKESSEI., T. FOLZ,
L. KllEMEIi, J. S. MENKEN-,
SETMOCT? L. LEE.
Betrayed, aud His Betrayer.
Of all men who may rightfully complain of
the enormities of Radicalism, and who may
rightfully denounce them, the Federal soldier
has ihe best right and strongest grounds. We
mean, of course, the patriotic soldier, whoen
listed in tim army to prevent a division of the
Union and the destruction ol' the Constitu
tion ; who, accepting the solemnly plighted
faith of the Government-that the war should
be prosecuted for no purpose "of coi.questor
subjugation, nor for any purpose cf interfer
ring with the established institutions of any
State, but >imply to preserve the Union un
der the Constitution with the dignity, equality,
and rights of thc- several Slates unimpaired'-"
-responded to'the call for troops, as was the
cape especially with all Kentuckians.
Tbey have a rightrtocouiplain because they
have been cruelly and shamefully betrayed by
the authorities controlling the government.
They enlisted to preserve the Union ; their
services were perverted into its destruction.
They assumed the duties and risked the dan
gers of the camp and the battle-fi-jid td per
petuate the Constitution ; their sacrifices and
valor are made the means of ?ts destruction.
They enlisted under the solemn pron ise of
the government that the "established institu
tions, dignity, equality, and rights of the
States should -be preserved," and find, at the
end of tho contest, that they have be^u made
the unwilling instruments of utterly destroy
ing all these sacred boons. They enlisted to
?ave to the ?nico ten States of white mer,
and find their success made to substitute ten
colonies of niggers for those States. *
We make au oppeal to the honest, patriotic,
gallant, chivalrous " white boy in blue," to
poiider over tbe*e facts, and then answer us
if he will longer, sustain his betrayers-. . Re
member the promises of the men who, claim
in? to be Union men, won your confidence,
and look at their acts of shameless betrayal,
then tell ns, will you " lick the foot that
kicks you?"
THE CA urET-BAGGERS.-Thc Washington
correspondent of the Baltimore Sun has buta
poor opinion of the new Congressmen. He
says.:
It is doubtful whether some of the gentle
men claiming to be representatives will ever
return to their reputed constit uencies. Having
been elected by military influence: they will
?erve a briet season in Congress, pocket
their five thousand dolfars per annum, and
the places South that ''once knew thom will
know them no more forever."
The Washington correspondent of the Bal
limore Gazette, under date of tho 24th inst.,
says:
Since the introduction into tho House of
tho Southern representatives (?) a novel inno
vation has been made in the manner of vo
ting in that body. Whenever any question is
up and a vote about being taken, tiie carpet
bag members aro visited bv the vages, who
whisper (loud enough to bc heard hy orher>)
" the Hpeakor ays vote aye." or ,4 the sppakor
Bays sote nay." as the case may be. A few
days since the Radicals divided on a question,
and "General P""er ventured to instruct the
new monibp- ~<? to how they should vote, but
a brother- ' . dical spcing the " dodge," fol
lowed,or .ifs track and gave each a lesson On
the opposite side. The vote, was taken, and
to ' ho great disgust of the heroof Bte Bethel,
the carp?t-baggprs all voted against him, in
spite of bis nods sod winks. -
Gen. ltlair's Letter of Acceptance.
; The fellowing is the letter of General Frank
Blair accepting tue nomination for Vice
j President of tho National Democratic Con
vention :
OMAHA, NEBRASKA, July 13,1868.
Gtneral George W. Morgan, Chair mun Com
mittee Nul io ital Democratic Convention :
GENERAL-I take the earliest, opportunity
of replying to youjr letter, notifying me of my
nomination for Vice Pre-idcnt ot thc United
States by the National Democratic Cpsiyen.
I tion, recently held in thc Cit) of New York.
I accept without hesitation the ?omination
tendered in amauner so gratifying, und give
you and the committee my thanks for thu
very kind and'complimentary language in
which you have conveyed to me the decision
of thc Convention.
1 have carefully read thc resolutions adopt
ed by the Convention, aud most cordially con
cur in every priuciple and sentiment they an
nounce.
. My opinion upon all of the questions which
discriminate the great conteuding parties have
been freely ' expressed on all suitable occa
sions, ::nd I do not deem it necessary at thia
time to reiterate them.
Tho issues upon which the contest turns
are clear, and cannot bo obscured or distort
ed by the sophistries of our adversaries. They
all resolve themselves into theold and ever
renewing struggle of a few men to absorb the
political power of the naticu. This, effort,
under every conceivable r.ame,and disguise,
has always characterized the oppoueuts of
the Democratic p*r!y, but at no time has the
attempt assumed a shape so open and daring
as in 1 his coutest. The adversaries ol fre:
and constitutional government, in defiance of
the express language of the constitution, have
erected a military despotism in ten of the
States of the Union, have taken from the
President the powers vested iu him by the
supreme law, and have deprived thc- Supreme
Court of its jurisdiction. The right of .trial
by jury, nud the great writ of right, the? ha
beas corpus-shields of safely for every citi
zen, and which have descended lo us from
thc earliest traditions of our ancestors, and
which our Revolutionary fathers sought to se
cure to their posterity Ibrever in the funda
mental character of our liberties-have been
ruthlessly trampled under foot by the frag
ment of a Congress. Whole States arid com
munities of people of our own race have been
attainted, convicted, condemned, and depriv
ed of their rights as citizens, without present
ment, or trial, or witnesses, but by congres
sional enact UK nt of ex pout facto laws; and iu
defiance of the eonsiituiional prohibition de
nying even to a full and legal Congress the
authority to pass any bill ot attainder br ex
post facto hw. The same usurpiug authority
lias substituted as electors in place of the men
of our own race, thus illegally attainted and
d?8fi t.aChiscd, a host ot ignorant negroes,
who arc supported in idleness with the public
money, and combined together to strip the
white rsc?of their birthright, through the
management of Freedmen's Bureaus and the
emissaries of conspirators in other Slates;
and, to Complete the oppression, the military
power of the nation has been placed at their
disposal, in order to make this barbarism su
preme.
The military leader under whose prestige
this usurping Congress has taken refuge since
the condemnation of their sch ernes] by the
free people ot the North in the cieciums of
the last-year, and-whom th*y-'have selected.
as ?heir candidate to shield t-Lemselws from
the rcsuli of their own wickedness and crime,
has i>niiOur.ced his acceptance ol the nomina
te <ii, und Lis willingness to maintain their
usurpa'ions over eight millions of white peo
ple at. the South, fixed to ihe earth with his
bayonets. He exclaims : u Let us have peace."
" Peace reigns in Warsaw," was th?aniiounce
ment which heralded thc doom of the liberties
of a nation. "The Empire is peace," ex
claimed Bonaparte, when freedom and its de
fenders expired uuder the sharp edge of his
sword. The peace to which GTaptinvites us
i? the peace ot despotism and death.
Those who seek to restore the constitution
by executing the will of the people condemn
ing thc Reconstruction act?, already pronounc
ed iu the elections of la>t year, "and whici'
will, I am co vinced, be still more emphati
cally expressed by the election of the" Demo
cratic Candidate as lnp Piesident of the Unit
ed States, are denouueed as revolutionists by
the partisans of this vindictive Congress. Nc
gi o suffrage, which tho popular vote of New
York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania. Ohio/Mich
igan, Connecticut and other Slates have con
demned as expressly against the letter of the
constitution, must staud, because their sena
tors and representatives have willed ir. If
the people shall again condemn these atroci
ous measures by the election of the Democrat
ic candidate for thc President, they muH not
be disturbed, although decided lo be uticon
stitutional by the Supreme Court, and although
thc President is sworn to maintain and sup
port the constitution. Tho will of a fraction
of a Congress, reinforced with its partisan
emissaries sent to thc South and supported
there by the soldiery, must stand against the
will of the people and the decision of the
Supreme Court, and the solemn oath of the
President to maiutuiu and support the consti
tution.
It is revolutionary to execute the will of
tho people ! It is revolutionary to execute the
judgment of the Supreme Court I It is revo
lutionary in tho President to keep inviolate
ly oath to sustain thc constitution 1 This
false construction of thc vital principle of our
government is the last resort of those who
would "have their arbitrary reconstruction
8-vay and supercedc our time-honored institu
tions ! The nation will say the constitution
must be restored, and the will of tho people
again prevail. The appeal to the peaceful
ballot to attain this end is not war, is not
revolution. They make war and revolution
who attempt to arres: this qniet mode cf put
ting aside military despotism and the usur
pations of a fragment of a Congress, asserticg
absolute power over that benign system of
regulated liberty left us by our fathers. This
must be allowed to take its course. This is
the only ro?d to peace. It will come with
t he eleciion of the Democratic candidate, and
not with thc election of that mailed warrior,
whose bayonets are new at the throat of
eight millions cf people in .the South, to com
pel them to support him as a candidato' for
the Presidency, and to submit to the domina
tion of an alien race of semi-barbarous men.
No perversion of truth or audacity of mis
representation can exceed that which hails
this candida e in arms as an angel of peace.
I am, very respectfully,
Your most obedient servant,
FBANK P. BLAIR.
HfOS* Leavenworth held an immense meet
ing lor Seymour and Blair Saturday night.
Hiram U. Grant passed through the town the
day liefere, and only the postmaster was so
poor as to do him reverence.
Tho State Central Democratic Com
mitiee'of Kentucky have issued a -virrin? ad
dress for organization and work. Kentucky
is good for a majority, whereof thc puaile. is
whether ir shall be 80,000 or l?oXXK).- We1
advise the latter. Thea it will ncadjy be up
to that di New York.
A young woman astonished the assem
bly at H ball in Nashville by going into a njca
meric trance between the dances and treating
them tu declamations, prayers and exhorta
tions. 'Too much chicken salad and cham
pagne were tue probable cause.
HFOsT white m,aji has been turned out of
the ?fSe? of bridge keeper in Coluaibos, aud
I negro put io his place.
Important urdcr.
WASHINGTON, July 28. p. m.-The fol^.w
idg oidcr Las just beti? issued from lite War
Department :
Commanding Generals of I he Secon.3, Jliird,
Fourth.aud Fifth Military Districts hiving-of
fieialiy reported thai Arkansas, North Cuto
linx, South Caroline, Louisiana, Georgia, Al
abama, and Florida have complied with.the
Reconstruction Ac;fi, including the Act of
JUDO 25tb, 18t!?, and consequently so much
of Act of Marchi 2d. 18G7^ aud all acts sup
plementary thereto providing for military
din riots subject to military'authority of tire
Uoited Stales, a* therein' provided, have be-'
come inoperative in said States, and com
manding Genera!? have ceased exercising the
military puwers conferred by said acts"; there
fore the following changes will bo wade in
the organization and command of military dis
tricts and geographical departments:
First. Second and Third Military Districts
having ceased toexist, North Carolina, Sooth
Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, and Florida will.
con-titute thu Department of thc South
General Meade to cooitnar.d, ?Ja hea-'quarr
ters at Atlanta, Georgia. .
Second. General Gillern will command tbe
Fonrth Military District, comprising jki?&?s
sippi.
Third, General Reynolds wi1l command tho
.Fifth Military. District comprising Texas, with
headquarters at Austin.
Fourth. Louif-iana and Arkansas wilieon
stitute the Department of Louisiana; Gen.
Rousseau commanding, with Headquarters
at New Orleans. Geu. .Duchauan w,ilj.con
tinue in command until relieved bj Gen.
Rosseau.
Fifth. Geu. George Crooke relieves-Gen.
Rousseau in the Department of Columbia.
Sixth. Gen. Canby i>. re-assia^eXto the
command of thc Department of Washington.
Seventh. Gen. Kdward, Hatch, Coi. Niuth
Cavalry, relieves Gen. Bucha uah as Assistant
Commissioner Bureau Refugee*, Freedmen
and Abotidoned Lands iu Louisiana.
THK COLORED DEMOCRATS.-A prominent
feature in the Democratic Ward Club protea
I sion, on Friday night, was the pres*cc*, of
over three hundred colored Demoerutn. We
are glad to note this, aa it is an iudic&tiou of
tbe returu of reason. The colored people,
we think, begin- to realize that their tnje.ru
tcre&ts lie with those of the. while peojd^of
the State. The events ol' the, recent elc^t^s
.in the .State and the subjequent actions qf.?iie
Legislature bave demonstrated the .fact _he
yond the shadow of a doubt, that file Radical
party only design using -tbem.aa40ftr.au)j^tB
and tools for their own aggrandizement. .'Iiis
must be apparent to all wbo aro not blind, *.
and we trust that the eyes of the colored peo
pie arc being opened to ibo fact. (JiU.il the
laboring class of a community perceive that '
their interests are inseparable from those cf.
.the land owners, complete harmony cw mot
be expected, and the sooner the colored peo
' pie recognize thc truth of this the better for
them. Tbe remarks of the speaker^ at tj:e
ratification meeting of Friday night WTCre
plete with good advice, aud did not, we think,
fall unheeded upon the ears .of the col aced'
people present.-Charleston Courier. -,
MAXING LOVE WITH UMBRELLAS.-A cer
tain dramatic writer, being caught in-a shower
of rain, took refuge under the portico of a
handsome dwelling -in New York.. Aa-soon
as he had taken - the position a window was
opened, an d n lovely female face a^jweawdi. . :
which seemed to beam with sympathy and
anxiety. She soon retired, and sent nim an
umbrella by a servant. He fell at once des
perately in rove, and thinking from her anx
ious looks that the feeling was-reeiprecated,
he called on her tbe next' morning, sent ap
his card, and gave into ntr own hand a rery
costly umbrella he bad purchased in place of
the old and shabby one he'had borrowed, and
then wound up all by making a profession* of
love. The young lady, without even noticing
the exchange that had been made, perceiving
Low her act had been misinterpreted, naively
replied : u I feel it to be my duty to undeceive
you, sir. At the time of the shower I was
anxiously expecting a gentleman who is, I
confess, very dear "to me, who wished to flee
me In private, and my only motive for send
ing you the umbrella was to get" you off the
steps." . - .
One of our religious exchange? has thc
following strong remarks on thc subject of
debt:
'Men may sophisticate as much as rb ey
niease. They can never make it right, and
all the universe cannot make it right lui- them
not to pay their debts. There ia a sin ia this
neglect as deserving church discipline as
.stealing or false swearing. He who violates
tiis promise lo pay, or mthholda his power.to
meet Hie engagement, ought to feel that in tho
sight of all honest men he is a swindler. Re
ligion may be a very comfortable cloak under
which to hide, but if religion does not make
a man deal justly, it is not worth having-?
_ ' Hon Jefferson Davis and family sailed
on. Saturday, ?e 25Lb, from Quebec Tor Eu
rope. ,. ,
?S$~ Secretary Seward baa proclaimed that
the Fourteenth Amendment has become valid,
to all intents and purposes as a part of the
Constitution of thc United States.
?SiasT Jules Lefevre bad a painting *epre
seuting a nude female figure in thc Paris
Academy.exhibition, and it took the first prize.
One story is that the Menken p*osed tor it,
and that young Damas has bought it for
?5000 as a present to his father. Another
account is that the face is the portrait of a
beautiful woman of the kaut monde wbo sa*,
to Lefevre but returned the portrait from
some freak c. f fancy. In this way the artist
took bis revenge and made the lady disagree
ably immortal.
JC33T Mr. Greeley declares that the Re
publicans are delighted with the nomination
of Governor Seymour. Thafsso; manyare
so delighted that they intend to vote for him.
Chief Justice Chase, Senator Doolittle, Sena
tor Dixon, Charles Francis Adams, Andrew
Johnson, and probably Thad. Stevens, are
among the Republicans who will vote for him.
?ssT Jox says that jf a man feels much bice
getting married, yet imagines he ougbt not to,
the best remedy he knows is to help one of his
neighbors to move a house full of furniture
borrow about nine of his children and hoar
them cry. If that fails, build up a fire .of
damp wood and when the smoke in thc room
is thickest, hire a woman to scold him about
fourhour3. If be can stand aft these, ho
had better get married the n?xt day-give
his wife the pants and be the silent partner"
in the great finn of matrimony. Tho reme
dy is severe, but as every man is liable to
these things after he yokes himself, it would
do no harm to try? it before.
? ?
In Dresden there is an iron egg^the history
of which is something fike tbjs:"
A young PrinC6<sent thia iron egg to a lady
to whom he wai -betrothed. '"Site ree?iv?d it
in her hands and looked ot it "with dis?ain.
In her indignation that he shodfd 'send ber
such a gift, she cast it to the earth? W^en
it touched tho ground a spring, cunningly
hidden in the egg, opened, and ? silver yolk
rolled out She touched a secret spring in the.,
yolk, and a golden'chicken wes revealed;abe
touched a spring in tho'chicken,, and a crown
was found within 5 sha touched a'spring in
the crown, and within ft V*8 found a diamond
wedding .ringer . ?
There is a mond, to the story.