Edgefield advertiser. (Edgefield, S.C.) 1836-current, August 17, 1859, Image 2

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"WE WILL CLING TO THE PILLARS OF THE TEMPLE OF OUR LIBERTIES, AND IF IT MUST FALL, WE WILL PERISH AMIDST THE UINS." SIMKINS, DURISOE & Co., Proprietors. EDGEFELD, S C. AU UST 17, 1859. ~ 2 E-EIE D S.._ C- VT______ US 17)___ 1 - A Mother's Love. BY FINLF.Y JOHNSON. Oh, there is still within the world A brilliant, fadeless light, Which, like a star, shineth through clouds Of sorrow's darkest night Which hovers round her pathway here, Where'er we may rove; It is the light reflected from A mother's holy love. There is a boon-a blessed boon Unto us mortals given, Which gives us hero a foretaste of The happiness of heaven; And whon the storms of sorrow rise, And clouds grow dark above, It lingers round us to the last: That boon-a mother's love. 'Tis true that oft our footsteps roam Through pleasure's flow'ry maze, And we forget the ties of home, In sin's deceitful ways; Yet there's charm to lure us back, Like some poor weary dove That charm, a so pure and beautiful, Is a mother's holy love. ";;Where is thy Sting. Who calls thee grim and terrible, Thou glorious angel, Death ? Thy form should wondrous beauty wear, Like sweet perfume thy breath. Thy robes should be of woven light, Of clear, resplendent sheen; A crown of stars upon thy head, Thy face as heaven serene. Once wert thou fearful in thy might, Wrathful and stern thy sway, When multitudes before thee passed Despairingly away; Before the Sun of Righteousness Arose to glad the earth, Then Sin and Pain and Thou didst blast All loveliness and worth. But now midway from earth to heaven, Upon thy ebon throne. A glorious boon is grantel thee, To thee, great Death, alone : The golden key of Life, true Life, Op'niug the pearly gates, Where never enter woes er strife, But rest the freed awaite. From the South Carolinian. Ma. EDITOR-DF.An Sin: You will oblige me by publishing the accompanying paper, prepared with some pains by its author for the purpose of rectifying a portion of Ben ton's book, where he in his narrative deals unjustly and falsely with the history of cer tain prominent events and men connected with the tariff and the Texas annexation con troversy of 1844. This correction and refu tation was intended to have been made at an earlier day, but in part owing to Col. Benton's death, in the spring of 1858, it has been un til the present time delayed. The reason Mr. Pickens assumes the task. to vindicate the name and fame of South Carolina and Mr. Calhoun from the aspersions of Col. Benton's book, he himself fully discloses in the narra tive. Being the original and now sole- de pository of the facts upon which Col. Benton grounds his assertions, the duty appeared im perative that he should suffer no further time to elapse before he made public a true state ment of every thing that transpired between Mr. Polk and himself during the visit alluded to in the " Thirty Years in th6 United States Senate." As it may naturally assist in de veloping the political history of our times. likely from the " thirty years" to be perverted and distorted, its publication at this time niay be of some general importance, and may also be of some service to the State and to the reputation of Mr. Calhoun. - Truly yours,* Mr. Benton's Book- -South Carolina Mr. Calhoun--Mr. Polk. Hie who writes history, often makes histo ry, and perhaps his fictions are innocent, be case he only writes from his stand-point, and sees things as represented to himi in a totally different light by one set of men from what another set, viewing the other side, might represent them. This is eminently true of all those who attempt to give a histo ry of their own times, particularlr if they were active partizans in the politica. conflicts of the day. Mr. Benton has recently pub. lished elaborate books, purporting to be a full account of his thirty years in the Senate of the United States. He has there attempted to give the detailed history of great events, in which he might well exclaim, "Xugna Goon after I became of age, I was sent to the Legislature ; and from 183:2, became deeply enlisted in all the great questions of the day from that time until the present. This circumstance led me to keep an accurate memoranda, particularly of everything that related to South Carolina. I see many points in his books where he has done the grossest inustice to the State and to Mr. Cailhoun, as identified with South Carolina. For instance. the minute exposition which he makes of Mr. Calhouu's course as Secretary of War, in Mr. Munro's Cabinet, in relation to General Jack. son, the taking of the Baranca's, and impris oning the Spanish Governor in Pensacola, the ' Johnny Rheia letter,' &c., &c., all appear to be quite plain and truthful to any one not acquainted minutely with the detailed history of these events, and yet there never was a more perfect tissue of misconception and par. tizn views published in any book having the slightest pretension to bis.tory. The paper published, as purporting to be left by General Jackson with Mr. Blair as his last authentic record of the controversy with Mr. Calhoun, and his defence before the Co'ittee of the Senate, raised on the "Seminole war," contains the severest accu. sations against the integrity of Mr. Calhonn. and presented to the wvorld under the cover of the illustrious name of' Johnson, is well calculated to produce a profound impression a upon the rising generation; and yet the con traictions of the paper itself, the totally dif ferent style in which the first part of it is written from the latter part, and the appaal which General Jackson says "lion. John Rhea" made to him under the instigation of Mr. Munro, as all were " brother Masons," to burn the famous " Johnny Rhea," letter-a docment so essential to the vindication of his own honor as well as to the true history of an important event in the country and its administration, all show that if Gen. Jackson were alive and in propem' mind, he never could have permitted such a document to go firthi as hisadeliberate production. Mr. Mun ro was a Mason, General Jackson was a Ma son, and so, too, was the famous Hion. John Rthea, member of Uongres from Tennessee. Mr. Calhoun was no Mason, and yet this " exposition" represents Mr. Calhoun as in stigating Mr. Munro to appeal to General Jackson, through " John Rhea," to burn ,this fa-ou see ietter. which represents Mr. Munro as prompting General Jackson, com mander of the army, to invade Florida and take possession of Pensacola, when he, Mr. Munro, as President, had assumed a totally different position; and he is appealed to as a "brother Mason" to suppress the letter, and all done undei' the intrigues of Mr. Calhoun, who was no Mason! This is doing great in justice to that noble band of brothers, who have stood the test of ages, and defied the scrutiny of time as to the purity and benevo lence of their purposes. This transaction represents leading members of the brother. hood, combining together to suppress an im portant secret document essential to vindi date honor and the truth of history, and act ing under the instigation of political intrigue. Surely there must be some grievous error here, and what purports to be General Jack son's "expectation," * never could have re ceived the deliberate sanction of that re nowned man when in the full vigor of his great intellect. Besides, the letter was burnt because it was a "secret" letter, and impli cated Mr. Munro, and Mr. Rbea was used as a "Mason" to appeal to his brother Mason, General Jackson, to suppress it, and he says he did burn it about six years after it was written, that it might not be used; and Gen eral Jackson is made to say he never showed it to any man except Col. McNary, of Nash ville. Then, after all this solemnity, and after. Mr. Munro and Mr. Rhea are both dead, and about thirty years after the date of the let ter, General Jackson himself is set forth as revealing the substance and contents of this very letter from memory, so that if there ever was any harm it it, it is Dow made to do a double wrong, and to inflict a far greater injury upon the character of Mr. Munro than in any aspect it ever could do to Air. Calhoun But it is not my purpose to examine that part of Mr. Benton's book, or any part of it, except where, in some prominent events, he uses me as a witness or evidence upon which to make grave charges against Mr. Calhoun and South Carolina. I will not examine his account of the meeting and organization of the twenty-sixth Congreis, however unjust that account may be, but nerely a few promi nent points he makes elsewhere, and particu larly where I am the only living witness now who can set things forth in their proper light.t Mr. Calhoun and Mr. Pok are both dead, and Mr. Benton has used my name to make grave charges against both these distinguished men. I know the public can never feel much interest in anything said or done by so hum ble a citizen as myself; but as everything connected with the integrity and repatation of these two illustrious statesmen will be deeply interesting in history, and particularly as Mr. Calhoun's life is bound up in the char acter and history of South Carolina, I trust, under these ciremnstances the public will consider it no intrusion upon my part to place my evidence befoi-e then. I do so en tirely from a sense of duty. Mr. Benton's great labor and enlarged repu tation will make his book more studied by the young men of intellect. in the United States than any other political book of th3 day. In fact, it is the only book that pretends to he a political history of the last lrty years of our Government. In vol. 2d, and at page G50, .1 find an o count of a visit I made to Mr. Polk, August, 1844. He says: " He (that is I) made known the condition on which the vote of South Carolina for him (Mr. Polk) might be depen dent. Tbat condition was to discontinue Mr.4 Blair as the organ of the Administration, if he should be elected. Mri. Polk was certain oif the vote of the State if he agreed to the required condition, and he did so. Mr. Blair was agreed to be given up, &c. That was propitiation to Mr. Calhoun, to whom Mr. Blair was obnoxious on a:ccount of his inex orable opposition to nullification and its au thor." I will not follow him in his comments, and the account he gives of Mr. Ritchie, and the means used Co purchase out Messrs. Blair and Rives. lie mentions no other understanding or condition, and seems to think of no other object in view, in going t.> see Mr. Polk at that period, than a miserable and petty in trigue to turn out Mr. Blair, and then makes extensive developments which followed, all turning upon that affair. There never was a more exaggerated or egregious mistake. The book will be looked upon, in after time, as history. I feel it a duty to state fully the far more important objects I was charged with in that visit, than the one he has developed with so much solemn emphasis. The great Democratic Convention was to meet in Nashville, August, 1844, when dele gtes from all the States West and South ere appointed. I had been authentically informed that this converntion was got up in Washington, in consultation with Mr. Cal houn and Mr. McDuffie, and under their ex press sanction. Mr. Mc])uffie was to go to it as a representative from South Carolina. There had been sonic excitement and division made in that State by whiat was called the " Blufton Meeting," and those connected with it were understood to be in favor of urging the State to a separate and independent move ment against the tariff at that time. Not long before the day for the meeting of the Nashville Democratic Convention, I received a letter from Mr. Calhoun, who was then Secretary of State under President Tyler, stating that, owing to Mr. McDuffie's extreme delicate health, he would not go on to Nash ville, as was intended, andl urging me, in the most decided manner, to go on in his place. I was then a m'ember of our State Senate, and had withdrawn froma Federal politica, and most respectfully declined; but Mr. Cal houn immediately wrote again, still urging me to go. A few days after, I met Col. Elore, at a Democratic meeting, in Augus ta, Georgia-I think 41.h of August--who told me he had received letters from Mr. Calhoun to the same effect of mine, and after conversing fully with him, I agreed to go to Nashville, but very reluctantly, and upon the condition that he would have the fact an nounced in the Mercury, that they were glad to know that I had consented to go to Nash ville in the place of Mr. McDuiffie. I think some such announcemnent, will be found in the Mercury's editorial, between the 4th and 12th of August, 1844. Those acquainted with the local politics of South Carolina, at that particular period, will at once perceive my object in having this inserted in that pa per, and by Col. Elnmore. It will be recol letedl that .\r. Polk had written his celebra ted "Kane Letter" to Pennsylvania, which looked like adhering to a tariff for protection pe. se, unless construed strictly by his former votes and speeches in Congress. This letter had created great uneasiness in the public mind throughout the South. My object in havinmi an interview with Mr. Polk, before I spoke at any convention, was to have a tho rough understanding as to the true meaning of that letter, and to know, in detail, what wouldl be the policy of his administration as to a tariff anid the repeai of the odious and unjust tariff of 1812. With this view, we went over the tariff of 1833 and 1842, and compared them together, provision by provision, and if his library be preserved, pencil marks, in my hand writing, will be found in the margin of both these tariffs, and the alterations and changes agreed upon in consultation. Suffice it to say, that speci r ide "ljenton'E Thirty Years in United Stater Senate," 1 vol., page 169. Vide, also, "Work of caloun ;" vol. 6, page 349. t Beto' '- Thirty Years in United States Sen t" 2 vnL chap. evi. pagn 50.. fics and minimums, the basis of all protection, .per -te, were to be abolished, and the ad ralo rem principle introduced in any measure to be adopted. I remained at Mr. Polk's house two nights and a day, and was thoroughly satisfied that he was with us entirely on the great princi pIes of a free trade tariff in all its leading features. This was one of the principal ob jects of that vi-:it. But the first great object was in refereii;'e to the annexation of Texas. It was considered principally in relation to what part Great Britain might take as to an nexation. She had attempted to open nego tiations with Gen. Houston, then President of Texas, to prevent annexation with us. I trust the public will bear with me, while I dwell somewhat in detail upon this great question, for the young men of the day seem to have forgotten the points, and Mr. Benton's book has suppressed them entirely, as he was opposed to annexation, an~d went off with Afr. Van Buren. I had had a full interview with Gen. Jackson, and he had told me that Gen. Houston had no idea of listening to the proposals of Great Britain, but oilly intended to use the offers she had made with a view of exciting the public mind in the United States to the absolute necessity of annexation. The application of Texas for annexation had pre viously, under the administration of Mr. Van Buren, while Mr. Forsyth was Secretary of State, been rejected, or at least received with entire indifference. We had serious difficul ties arising between us and Great Britain in relation to the Oregon question. Under the "joint occupancy" treaty, her citizens, with the privileges of the Hudson Bay Company, had all the advantage they wanted, in trap ping over the whole region, there being no definite boundary fixed. We had an enter prising population seeking a home in that re gion, and from the uncertainty as to the boundary, they *ere constantly brought into collision with the Hudson Bay Company and British subjects, and we were in imminent danger of being dragged into a premature war by a wronged and excited frontier popu lation. It became eminently politic, there fore, as a peace measure, that notice to termi nate this joint occupancy treaty should be given, and thus take the question of peace or war out of hands of an excited and interested frontier people, and hold it under the control of government itself. These questions being kept open, might give Great Britain a pretext to instigate Mexico to a war with us in refer ence to Texas annexation, if it should be effected, and the difficulties that might arise were considered, at that time, more with ref erence to Great Britain and her citizens act ing on Mexico, than in relation to a direct issue with Mexico herself. . Lord Aberdeen, Minister of Foreign Affairs in Great Britain, had written that elaborate and extraordinary letter, dated December 26, 1843, in relation to Texas and the aboh tion of slavery, which he directoa' I or commu of State. ernment I ing to pr( cipation, regard to in Texas. both to t world, tl stautly e eral ab. world." he says - . that we .. .. .,,, oavery abolished there as elsewhere, and we should rejoice if the re cognition of that country by the Mexican Government should be accompanied by an engagement on the part of Texas to abolish slavery eventually and under proper condi tions throughout the Republic." At the world's convention, held in London previous to this, Mr. Lewis Tappan, of New York, said: "In a conversation I had with the lion. J. Q. Adams, on that subject, (the annexa tion of Texas,) he (Mr. Adams) said, I deem it the duty of Great Britain, as a Christian nation to tell the Texans that slavery must be abolished, that it shall not be planted there after all the efforts and sacrifices that have been made to abolish it all over the world. The annexation of Texas will be a leading topic next Congress, but I will oppose it with all the vigor and talent that God has given me. If slavery is abolished in Texas, it must speedily fall throughout America; and when it falls in America, it will expire throughout christendom." It will be remembered that Mr. Adams was the first member of Congress, in 1836, who commenced this great slavery agitation, on the shallow pretext as to the abstract right of petition, used only by him as the means of agitation and exciting low preju dices. When he was in Mr. Munroe's Cabinet and a candidate for the Presidency, he courted the South, and in that Cabinet is represented as being the only member who opposed de claring the slave trade piracy, and is said also to have been opposed to that clause in our treaty with Great Britain, by which our Gay eanment became bound to keep up a joint fleet on the coast of Africa to suppress the slave trade. It is also said that he was the only mtember of the same Cabinet who op posed the adoption of the Missouri restric tion line as to slavery. It is said that Mr. Munroe required the opinion of each member of his Cabinet in writing as to the policy of supporting the restriction of slavery below the line of 360 30', commonly known as the Missouri Compromise, and that each member gave his opinion in writing in favor of the re striction, except Hon. J. Q. Adams. And yet, after the South had unanimously repudi ated him and voted for General Jackson, in 1828, at the close of a bitter canvass, he then seems to have changed his policy, and become the bitter and angry assailant of the South, soon after he took his seat as a mnemn ber of Congress. It'will b~e remembered, too, that it was said he was the man who made that secret communication in relation to the treason of the Federalists and all connected with the Har tford Convention, although his own illus trious and noble father had been. head of the Federal party. Soon afterwards, he was ap pointed to St. Petersburg, and regularly en rolled in the Republican party of that day, and became one of its leaders, securing the Presidential purple, in 1824, by an election before the Ihouse of Representatives. I men tion these things to show that, by his foreign reputation and high position at home, he be came eminently suited for a great agitation, ~and to be used by those who had overthrown slavery in the West India Islands, through agitation in the British Parliament to affect the sanne purposes in American, and thus re duce the principal commercial and manufac turing rival of U reat Britain to the same level with herself in the future race fur power and recendancy. Sir Robert Peel, immediately after this de charation of Mr. Tappan, at the world's fair, carried the discriminating duty on sugar ; the effect of which was to make all slave grown sugar pay a highi tax over free labor sugar, and he put it upon the ground, using his own words, " That it would enable him to force a treaty with Brazil for the abolition of slavery-.make the attempt, try to get con cessions from those from whom you get your supplies. You may depend upon it, there is a growing conviction among the people of these countries that slavery is not unaccompanied by great danger. In Cuba, ini the United States, in the Brazils, there is ferment on the subject of slavery, which is spreading and will spread. Some from ihumane and benevo. lent motives, some on account of interested fears, begin to look at the great example we have set, and begin to look at the consequen ces which may result from that example nearer home. It is impossible to look at the discussions in the United States of America, and especially to the conflicts between the Northern and Southern States, without see ing that slavery in that nation, stands on a precarious footing; (cheers,) the same policy is growing in Brazil and Cuba, &c." The Hon. John Reed, leading member-of Congress and friend of Mr. Webster. from. Massachusetts, used this language, in a lebter dated 4th August, 1843: " It must be un derstood that the free States will neither consent nor submit to the annexation of Texas to this Union. Such annexation would result in its dissolution. In fact, it would be an absolution from the bonds and obligations of the Constitution." At the close of the 26th Congress, thirteen influential members, among whom were the Hon. John Q. Adams, N. B. Calhoun, Gover nor Slade, Mr. Morgan, of New York, and Mr. Howard, of Michigan, all united in a manifesto in opposition to Texas annexation, in which they used the following language: " We hesitate not to say that annexation effected by any act or proceedings of the Federal Government,' or any of its depart ments, would be identical with a dissolution. It would be a violation of our national com pact, its objects, designs, and the great ele mentary principles which entered into its for mation, of a characterso deep and fundamental, and would be an attempt to intermix an institution (slavery) and a power, of a nature so unjust in themselves, so injurious to the interests and abhorrent to the feelings of the people of the free States, as in our opinion. not only to inevitably result n a dissolution of the Union, but fully t, justify it." In a great and studied address, delivered by Hon. J. Q. Adams to the young men of Boston, re ported in the National Intelligencer, 12th October, 1844, he used these striking and significant words: " Young men of Boston, your trial is approaching-the spirit of free dom and the spirit of slavery are drawing together for the deadly conflict of arms. The annexation of Texas to this Union is the blast of the trumpet for a foreign, civil, servile asd Indian war, of which the Government of your country, fallen into faithless hands, have al ready twice given the signal, first, by a shame less treaty, rejected by a virtuous Senate, and again by the glove of defiance, hurled by the apostle of nullification at the avowed policy of the British empire, peacefully to pronote the extinction of slavery throug-hut the world, &c." Mr. Webster, while Secretary of State, made a speech at Buffalo much referred to at the time, in which he said : " I never would consent that there should be one foot of slave territory beyond what the old thirteen States had at. the tin A iho oi.n of their .rt or uiemn. uut there has always been a party anongst them. in reality, deeply hostile to the Federal Union. They wanted a strong goverminent, approc:h ing tihe forms of the British govermnment, in the Convention that proposed the present Consti tution, for the adoption tf the separate and independent States of the Conrederacy. This was manifested in that Convention by their proposition of a Senate f-r life, and that the President of the United States should appoint the Governors of the ditlerent States, &c. It was the same feelings that prompted them to desire a stronger Government, in the adoption of the alien anid sedition laws, and manifested itself in 1 7tU by st ronmg aid dlecidedl sympathy for the stable and herediary insti tutions of Great Biritian, as contra-distinguish ed to the principles of the Fr-ench, wvhich seemed to look, at that period, to more en larged and popular liberty'. Tire same feelinigs were exhibited in their deep hostility to the acquisition of Louisiana, and thein broke forth under the embargo of Jefferson, and became openly treasonable during the war of 1812 with Great Britain, as the records of tihe Hart ford Convention prove beyond th~e possibility of deiiial. It again showed itself whelrn we acquired Florida in 1819, andl Texas in 18-1f4. And again it appeared in opposition to that brilliant war with Mexico, through whose triumph thre star of empire flashed its light over the distant Pacifie. They have ever been opposed to the progress and power of the Confederacy. Many are un der a great delusion iin supposing that it is from the South only that complaints have been made against thre Union, and violent threats fulminated. Trhere has been far mnore v'iolence and hos tility manifested by a portLionr of tihe Northern people than was ever exhribited in the Sonthr. Until 1830, it was thme South that strengthiened the Union and bore it successfully through all the struggles and conflicts against domrestic and foreign foes, with a disinterested devctioii and loyalty- unparalleled ini tire history of any people having suchr diversified local govern ments and interests. Besides this general hostility to the strengthening arid progress of the Federal Union by a party in the Northern States, the pages of history show, for years, ever since the "Missouri Compromise," a systematic concert of action, by a large and dogmatical party, to defeat every nreasure that might strengthen the Southern States or secure their permanent peace and safety in the Confederacy. it further shows that they were thoroughnly understoodl by the British Government, an'd that this fanatical Northern party acted uder thne instigations of British policy, and that the public men of Great Britain made threii- calculations upon it, in all their movements. Thre weakening of our power by the dissolutionr of tire Union, was their political object, and they used a portion of a base and mialignanrt party in the United States as their tools and instrunments. Histo ry after times, will so record it. Threse cir cumstances, which I have briefly brought together, are necessary to illustrate the deep importance of Texas annexation, iinvolving as it did a policy of profounid interest, which was, at the tinre, the centre principle ulpon which tie whole Demrocratic pa'rty revolved. And yet Mr. Blenton has to a great extent, sop pressed it, and mrade grave mrovcements r-est upon far inferior considerationrs. Whrere lie has treated of this question it is only to pre sent thre views of a partizan opponent, who went off with a faction of the Demiocratic party under the lead of Mr..Yan Biuren. Previous to tire meeting of thre Baltimiore Conventioin, in 18-Ft to nominate President and Vice-President, Mr. Clay and Mr. Van Buren both wrote letters against the annexa tion of Texas. They .were, at tire timne, eon -idered the respective leaders of the Whig and Demoratic parties. The canvass, us to who should he selected candidates of tire twvo par ties, had settled down pretty much to them. It was a great point to be gained, to conciliate that ultra portion of thre Northern peop~le who were againrst thme annexation of Texas, anid Mr.Clay wrote his letter agai nst it, enrdeavorinrg to sink the issue, as far as thme Whig party maighrt be concernred. This let ter was I think, writtenr from Raleigh, North Car-olinra, while Mr. Clay was +here and Mr. Van Bnren wrote a simi 1ar letter from Albany, New York. They were sent to Washington. and both letters ap peared the same day in the National Intelli gencer or, if not precisely the same day, one appeared the day. after the other. The coinci dence was so striking, and the circumstance so peculiar that all sagacious men instantly concluded that the letters written by concert, and under a full understanding between the leaders of the two great parties, and that they w*ere determined to sink that issue in the election, and fall back simply upon the old issues of 1840. Mr. Clay sustained himself by his heroic will and transcendent talent, as had of his party, and was nominated and then prostrated by the issue. Mr. Van Buren could not make his party follow, and they nominated another upon that issue, thus saving the Democratic party. This, in my opinion, is the true political history of that day, and it is a great mistake to suppose that it turned upon men, or was at all efrected by in trigues. It was the ground swell of a mighty eople, resolved to work out their own destiny extending their power and protection to a kindred people, identified with them by all the ties that can bind man to his fellow-man. Ji rose above men and defied the shackles of leaders; and this truth no man was in a bet ter position to realize, in -all its overwheming power, than Col. Benton himself. Its progress .and history furnished his opponents with massy blocks of granite, trom which to con struct his political mausoleum, and no marble shaft raised thereon, at this period, no matter how polished or what Corinthian capital may adorn it, can ever divert the public gaze from the material and real structure beneath. And when lie supposes that the " conditions" upon which South Carolina was to vote for Mr. Polk, turned upon a contemptible intrigue to dismiss Messrs. Blair and Rives as Govern. ment organs, and substitute another organ less hostile to Mr. Calh:un, and that this was the main object of my visit to Mr. Polk, in August.1844, he never was under a greater hallucination ; and it only shows that his mind was deeply tainted by the prejudices of small men, who only saw a very small part of the contest. There were grave questions inti mately identified with the future progress and power of the Republic, and these men, well 'as others, were but the feather and cork upon the surface of the mighty current. No man understood these issues at the tirme, more tbo-oughly than Gen. Jackson himself, for in a full interview with him about 20th August, 1844, he showed himself, although feeble with disease, profoundly master of all points, and in which he spoke freely of Mr. Benton's course in unmeasured terms, and deeply re gretted Mr. Van Bnren's. By an accident I did not reach Nashville quite soon enough for the proceedings of the great convention, hut Lthnk there were two sets of representatives :t it from Missouri, one from the friend- of ol.enton, called the I Hards," and one from thv other portion of the Democratic party toe ?tepuoic nave ueei un I m um.0 a century in its power and ascendancy over great and niighty events that are workina out the elevation and benefit of mankind. No man whose heart heats with pride for his country, can help feeli-g a 1low of exiltttion as lie contemplates the gigantic strides our Confu-deracy of free Rteyliblics thas mik:111 towards power aid enipire anmongst the na tions of the earth, since the great otlines ol poley were inaugurated in tie e:nviss and electiun which brought Mr. l'olk imo pnor. I would have but poor eonsidetrntion for mysl!, i'f1 cotuld have coufinedl the object of iny visit in 1 614, to the stmall and nar-mw vin:w.4, which Mr. lentott's hook makes the omd " condition'' in South Carolina votitng for him. True, an orgatn fur the administration was spoken of, but it was only incidental to the other great questionts. We knew and felt that Messrs. Blair & Rives could no(t be con tined, because they had adhered to Mr. Van Buren ini his opposition to the annexation of Texns, and upon this very poittt he had been overthrown 1.y the party- at thte Baltimore Con ventiotn, and of course it would have been suicidal and weak in the first degree to have chosent atn orgatn that wvas opposed to the Ad ministration on the most vital part of its policy, a part upon which all other points turned. No muan was suggested as an organ at all. It was only understood that some one sound on the annexation question and the tariff was to be selected. I made no secret of tis. In fact, I afterwards wrote or iniformetd Mr. Rives of it, and that he and Mr. Blair were ohliged to be overthrowvd. It was essen tial to the great policy of the admitnistration, more particularly so, when their identity and intimate connectiotn with Colonel Beniton was known, and when it was felt by all that he was the Ajax Telamon of oppio.ition to Texas. As to the $50,000, Col. Beontont speaks of. (page t;53.) being used by Mt. Camer on. of Petnsylvatuia, ini thie purelhase of Mr. litiei, and afterwairds by iotn. it. J1. Waltker, whetn Secretary of the Treasury,1Iknow nothming wvhat tever of it, never having heard of it until I read it in his book. Trite, it was admitted to lie important that Mr. Tyler should be withdrawn as a candidate, for his rutnning would divert many votes, particularly in Virginia and else where, and might produce great confusion and endanger the results very much. It was calculated that we could carry the election, even if we lost Tennessee, but Mr. Tyler run ning might endanger all. The only other point of the slightest con sequence mentioned was in relation to -the ultra movemuents then recently made in South Ca.olina, commonly called " the Blfton resoltions." Some excited persotns, under patriotic impulses, who had felt deeply grieved by the wvrongs of the Federal Governmenct, had indicated that this Stmttc, at least, ought to organize for separate action and resistance, without waiting evetnts or concert of action. They looked only at one-question, the tariff, and did not consider the complication of our position at that peculiar juncture. and the other great qnestions made. It was impor tant in other States that the friends of Mr. Polk should be reiieved from connection or identity with this local and ultra meove at that period. With that view, I wrote Col. Elmore fromt Mr. Polk's, that it was of great itportatnce he should call a mecetittg and in trodtuce resol utions ini Chuairhtotn, repudiating what were called the " lutflfton Resolutions," and toindicate that they were not the concerted move of the State. 1 think lhe did so. Now these are cantdidhy and frankly all the subjects totuched on or spoken of in that interv-iew which Col. Pfenton so mysteriously introduces as an imtpottant point in the political history cf -thiat p~eriod. Of course, I am fully aware that it was no part of his object to dn any injustice to one so little known as myself, but otnly to ttse me for the purpose of making it appear in history, by inference, that Mr. Calhoutn was capable of a very small itutrigue against two editors, who had occupied a very conspicuous position in the partizan cotiflicts of thmat day, and that he was willing to make .Sotuth Carolina lay the conitemiptible part of casting h,' e vote for the importaat ollice of Presidetit merely to ~ratif) his personal vengeance. At page 651, e..ay te "Suth arnlina es d~isnosed of by the ,aliicians, and had been habitually disposed of by them. Mr. Polk was certain of the vote of the State if he agreed to the required con ditions and he did so." I did not know how Col. Benton obtained his information as to what was " agreed to." .1 only wrotc to Col. Elmore and to Mr. Calhouni from Mr. Polk's as to thA questions and issues presented, and our understanding of theim. But justice to Mr. Calhoun first, and then to Mr. Polk, against whom, also, Mr. Benton is very severe in his strictures, and in the in. ferences to be drawn from his statement of apparent facts, requires. that I should make the statement I have made. I went there very reluctantly, and only because I was urged to do so under the belief it might be of benefit on important points, ani I now dis dain to have any disguise about the matter. I nerer addressed any convention or assenibly in Tennessee, until I had a full interview with Mr. Polk fir. t. As to the entire length Mr. Calhoun went at that time, on the Texas question, I do not 'deem it all necessary to sly any thing further. His celebrated letter, written as Secretary of State, to Mr. King, our Minister at Paris, as well as his taking the House resolutions, th3 last night of Mr. Tyler's administration, 1istead of Col. Ben ton's, which looked to negotiation if Mexico interposed armed opposition, and the sending Mr. Donalsont, the .former intimate private Secretary of Gen. Jackson, immediately (own to Texas with these resolutions, all illustrate his views fully at that period. The only point I desire to draw attention to at present is, that there were much greater questions and much greater objects in view than merely to overthrow one Government organ and build up another. I well know that the Govern ment printing, connected wiih the Government organ, has often been rnnde the pivot, upon which extensive party arrangements have been made to turn,-and great party combina tions have been entered into, but in this in stance there were questiions far above all this, and it is doing great injustice to the country to suppress entirely the more important issues. But for those issues invohing vital principles, Mr. Clay never could have been defeated, for at that particular juncture lie had the most intellectual and devoted party any man ever had, nnd upon the old issucs of 18-10, Mr. Van Buren and the Democratic party had been nearly'annihilated. If, after reading Mr. Benton's book, which from its great labor as well as his own wide spread reputation is destined to be viewed as history, I were to remain silent, it might he taken in after times, as a full statement of all I had in view and all I required, to control the vote of South Carolina in a great election involving in its results lrinciples which will prodnei a profonnd iipr(-.sion upon the rlei. tiny of the Republie, long after so humble a person as I am shall be wiairely unknown. I do this further, in justice to the memory of two great men now dead, whose *remr-ral prin emles upon all leading conztitutional ques Alii UL 01( t in4ii ,.. ... :nd existinig in every State of the Unioll, hov colue toget her -1111 exlibi'. :mnong linis1;ielves the tlmost harmony of fecl inug amdl action. N. word of opprobimi esepes !rimi he lips of any one to insuit and wound the leings of mothier. No fierce anatheima of seelions is heard. No extrIagnMIce is inmdulIieI in. i-:very thing is quiet, gentlemaniv. restpect ful. dlignilled. The bitterest politica! 1::eies iiitt thee to thee, aml won .hall n ever know by th:ir ntiouns or words that tii-v do not b!! long to the same party. liiionists, th it oposite, emibrace~ each thuer inm the - nrms of an exaltd eb carity. 1m.naiticism, linda no entrancoe into the society of t br other hood. Not a wave of. di word dist urbi the waters of the inner teiple, no plunge'C into the abyss of atheism, rant, l:t'v!e/sness, shoeks the moral sense of makind. No revolutiona ry. hydra comeis up~ fi-om beneath to break up the tihnndation of ordler and send the tornado over the fair face of society." It then asks whby it is the'Christinmi churches do not profit by the exam ple alfordeul them by this philanthropic fra-.erinity. Quote the Bulletin: "But what is the secret of' therir unamnimity, of their harmony, of their brotherly ,love, of the conservative fronitwhich, without a tremor, they maintain, and the general commotion, ha tred and fanaticism, existing uraunnd thenm ? It is fb~ud, it seems to strike us, in one word -toleration." Free Negroes ini the North'. The N. Y. Heraald, of last Thiurs Liv, devotes a column to an inquiry into, thueucnisantly depressing condii Iof the free .egroes of the North, and avers that they are siinkinug into helpless and hopeless pialperismn, and winds1 up with the f'ollowing : "The logical deducetion from these fuets is, that the Northern States will it- ura to the enuactmnut of the laws I'naalishuing negrou slavery, and sell all the free negr-e iintom f u ily servitude. Ilumnanity will demii id thr., to preserve them fromi being relueed to a state of degradation terribale to contemplate, by the increasing competition of the white race. Policy will require it to save the community from the burden of hundreds of thousanids of able-dodied paupers which can make no head way of themselves. The negro himself will ask it, in ordler that lie may be restored( to that consideration ini society to which lie is entitled as a man. They will then be al a )rd ed into our families again as servanits, mechanics, hiusbandmnen, anid will hbe relieved from the social ban wihichI now attends them in conseqnence of their doubtful position and increasing degradation." Startling as this predie' ion may appeatr, rc marks the .\acon TIeerah, it couild findls its practical fulilliment ini Northern towns without any change in their laws or customs. As paupers., the niegroes could lbe and probably arc, annually sold to whoever will accept their services and mnaintaini them at ti e lowes~-t cost to the town ;and the muiufrtune. (of thet ne groes in this caise, it onld be a liability to a change ofr masters every year. The Jknud's propusitot' or a perimanent ownecrshipi i much more humane. Rncirs voat D)unnmun.-Ptit into a botttle three otunces pimento (Allspice.) upon whichl pour oiic pint best French brandy-sweeten with sugar. Dose -A wine glass full ever hour for three hours for' en adult. For chil dren dilute, and give a table spoon full each hour. Thbis remedy has been kiiown to cure in violenit cases of' diarrhueen.-Alexanidria Gazette. OGA)miNG AT Tius Senino:us.-The editor of the Warrenton Whig, writing from the Red Sweet (Vai.) Springs, says: " A few days ago a coup lle of Southern gen-' tlemena her'-, richt planteis fromi Red River, played seven games of old sledge for $5,000 a game, .n.nd the winnuer took every game. $:t5,000 wiere lost, amid the money paid, I learn, in a cheek on the Bank of Louisiana. I could give. the nanies, hut forhear." I-r is exceedingly bad husbandry to har row up the feelings of youmr wife. " Much remains unsung," remarked a torn at, as a briekhat cut .short his eeada. Reinarkabte Letter from Governor Wi.. Is sENrT1'.fENTS ON NwFV YOI-K Jol'-ies5 The following singular letter t'rom Governor Wise, of Virginia, to a freind in Albany, has just been made public, and has created quite a sensation among the politicians now coupe gatod in that city: RICHMoND, July 13 .5). Dar Sir: I thank you for yours of the Pth inst. 1 have apprehended all aJong that the Tammany Regency would carry a united del lenation from New York to Charleston. For wliom ? Douglas, I know, is confident but you may rely on it that Mr. Buchanan is him self a candidate for re-nomination, and il his patronage and power will be used to dis appoint Douglas and all other a.spirarts. Uur only chance is to organise by districts, ani either whip the enemy or send two delegat-or s. If that is done or not done, we m1u- still rely on a united South. runited South will de cnd on a united Virgina, andi I plede you that she at least, shall be a unit. Virginia a unit, and persistent and firm on a sound plat form of protection to all persons of popular versus squatter sovereignty, she must rally to her support all the South. The South cannct adopt Mr. Douglas' platform. It is a short cut to all the ends of Black Republicanism. le then will kick up his heels. If he does or don't, he can't be nominated, and the Imaiin argument against his nomination is that he can't be elected if nominated. If he runs as tn indipendent candidate, and Seward ruas, and I am nominated at Charleston, I can1 hes t them both. Or if squatter iovereignty i:; a p)ank of the platform at Charleston, an-d Douglas is nominated, the South will run ai independent candidate on protection pr .ia iples,- and run the election into the Hou-e. Where, then, would Mr. Douglas be? The lowest candidate on the list. if I have thew popular strength you suppose, it will itself lix the nomination. Get that, and I am conai. dent of success. Ion. F. Wood is professedly and really, I believe a friend, and of course I would, in good faith, be glad of his influence, and would do nothing to impair it, and could not justly reject hisIcind aid ; but you may rely upon it that I am neither completely, nor at all, inl the hands of Mr. Wood, or any other man who breathes. He has always been friendly to me, and I am to him, but always on fair and independent terms. There is nothing in our relations which should keep aloof any friend of either. He knows as well as one can tell him, that his main influence is in the city of New York, and I judge what you say of his country influence is correct. - But I am counting all the time without New Yrok, and don't fear the result. I am depending solely pon position of principle, ifidependent of all cliques, and defying all comers. Wt; will overwhelm opposition in Virginia, and her vote will be conservative and naiional. At all events, I shall always be lad to hear 'rom you, and am, yours truly, HENrY A. WrsE. Commerei er~mn date.1 Boston, .lVf.l: IN BOSToY. .ed convention of In a oom of: the nto consideration them in the com id the best means cial and poli ical lr)im all the oew ..... an.d Several 0:htur Sates. Thme coiventiOnl organised as fIllows: .'aresident, Gcurge U. Downing, of 11.. VLi, - Presideit.. E-izra I. Julnson and John T. Hlton, of 1Mlass.; Amos G. erman, o t..; Iaa:e Rice, of It. I.; Wm. Anderomn of .: !v. A. N. Freeman, of N. Y.; Wm. Well l-own, Chas. T. Remliond and :iher ka'ag hilanthropists and agitators are prsn .It is proposed to coltinule the convemiLiian tI.ree. lays. A colored tmilita rv demtonstr-ation also, th plce to,-day, in cominmemraionm of Watr I ndia Lemancipation, whiichi wounmd up with a hallI in the eveninig at thme armory c.f the LAieity Uuards. Th~e elife otf the ecloredl residents and strangers attending the renvenion, attenm ded a levee in Faneuil Hall this evening. Mr. Palmer omn thme the Blue Ridge Road. We publish to-day, by special requecst of t he author, Hion. E. U. Palmer's letter to thec editor of the Caroliian. upon the lue ltidhre Railroad p~rojec-t. We do niot endlorse theii donimment, but arc willi.g to give hothi sides of the question. We are quite sensible of the~ fact that, in this section of the State, it. is nuot popular to advo~nte thme construction by State :id, o~f I//ui Road, and we are necessarily obligedl to difer with soime of our ve-ry l-est frienmd.: in their views tuponi this point. TIhis is not the first time that we have been in a minority, and we know what it is to diflfer with Ihose hr whlom we have the highest este~em personally ad poliiteally. Unt dsi1f-rence-s must e:-it. andI, whmen we think tin it to pursu~e a eerI:sin -rse whicht our judgmeneut and undersutatnd ingt dicttes, we shlml certinmly do so. What the Blue' Ridg. Lad, when completed.~ will be aible to elfect, is as yi4 prole'rnaiiual -nIo one ennm k~now, nor ami Mr. Pahneiir, ori anybody else, conidsently predict th.:t - lhe builling of sueh a PRoad will only involve the cotrctng oft a heavy debt, withiout ansy cor responding benelit," and that. it will hieconme aa lpermmanent tax upon thme people." it is a pity that some of our economicn1 legislators had not considered this question a little more closely before voting such extrava gant libserali// for the construction of that manifihceint monument of folly and extra.va gance, the State House, which is destined to he, for all time to come, a perpetual and " permanemit tax upon the people." The Road ma' possibly pay-the State House nerecr canm, ad posterity will feel very sensibly the folly of their "grave and reverend seniors." Thme edict has gone forth that the Blne Ilidge Road, so far as thme State is concerned, must stop where it is. The State House must be tinished, albeit the commonwealth is bankrupted ini consequence thereof, andt thme people who are footing the bill, are quietly submiting. This is patriotism with a yen geace. If the Road goes overboard, the State House should tumb~le too. One may be a great blessing and convenience, whilst the other can only gratify the pride amid cupidi t of its misguided and deluded supporters. ~Thme State House has already cost enough to have built a splendid Capital, good enough for any State in the Union, and the end is not. vet, for it has hardly commenced to be psaid for. its estimated cost, if ever completed, is somebur millions of dollars, the tuleresft of which would have covered the annual incomei tax of the State ten years ago, or eveni later ttan that. The result will be, if the State House is ever finished, that the taxes will have to be doubled i order to pay interest on this magnificent investment, and the current enpenses of the State.-. Kill the Blue Ridge Railroad, and lose every dollar that the State has alreadl paid towards its construction, and build at all hazards a State House which will impoverish tme State Treasiry and fix "a permi~anent tax upon the people." This is the grand pro grame for the future. " Oh!I Consistency, thou art a jewel."--Camden Journal. Himr Rnrom-r.-A Methodist minister, at the West, who lived on a small salary, was greatly troubled to get his quarterly instal -nnt at la1.int dtiminn-aing truste i hat lie must have his money, as his famfiily were sailiring ir the necessaries of life. - "Money ?" repliod-f he steward, "you preach gor oney? - 4 thought you preached for the grood of's'ous?" "Souls?" replied the min. ister, 11 can't eat souls: and if I-could it would take a thousanid such as yours to.make a mel. -. Direct Importation. The first step towards relieving our con-. sumers of the heavy tax to which they are. annually subjected to sustain Northern enter pri-e and Northern commerce, is the develop ment of a system of direct importation of all such fabrics as may be necessary for the home tr.ade of our wholesale merchants. Such a. system, we are informed, is now being in augurated by the enterprisd and cnergy of our Richmond merchants, that will allbrd' them every facility for procuring their foreigri gcods upon terms equally as favorable as the New York merchants. Heretofore, the wholesale houses of Rich mond were subjected to the impdtation f purchasing their goods in the Northern mar kets at a heavy advance upon the original cost ; conicqrinently, the country merchant, in purchasing his goods in Richmond, bad to: pay the profit of both, and the consumer the prflit of all. This incubus upon the prosperi -ty of the trade of Richmond, is uow being removed,.and the activity that seems to be mani feting itself in this great channel of trade, pIO:miseis the fullest realization of the consum mnation of the ellbrts of our -merchants-in e.tablishing such a system of direct trade as: will, in the future, enable them to offer greater inducements to the merchants of Vir ginia, Carolina and Tennessee, than our.North een inerchants can poisibly offer. With the s ine facilities for importation, and the supe rior advantages posseissed by our merchants, by reason of their nearness and comparative light expenses, the country me'rchant may rest assured that it will be to their interest to make their purchases in this city. We have been led to the above reflection from personal observation of the activity displayed by our wholesale houses, in preparing for the opening of the fall season, and the arrival of goods of direct importation. If it is a matter of interest to our country merchants to build up ani independent Southern trade, then it is their duty to sustaiu the enterprise of our city merchants, who.are making every effort to establish this trade upon such a basis as will afford mutual advantages to the buyer. -Richmond Morning Newes A Dutch Sermon. The following admirable production, deliv ered to a conpany of volunteersoldiers, du ig our revolutionary struggle, upon the eve of their go:ng fo ! ith o glorious war, was calcula. ted to inspire them with more than Herculean strength and courage: "Mine Frients, ven vurst you goine home here you vas poor, ant now frients you ish prout; ant you ish getting on your unicorns, and dem visits you like a dongs upon a hog's back; now mine frients, let me dell you die, a. ian's a man if he's no bigger as my thumb. Yen David vent out to vight -mit Goliah, lie took noting mit him but von sligng; now dun't mistake nie, mine frients ; it was not a ruin sling ; no, nor a gin sling; nor a mint vater sling ; no, none of dese slings: it vas-a sling mad'e vit an hickory shtick. Now vin Goliash sees Tavid -oming, he says, you little dampted scoundrel, does you come to fight mit me? -I vill give yon to the pirds of the iel. aid de beasLi of de are." Tavid shays, - oa bi de race is not :lways mit te swit. nr is tpttle a). ays mit de strong, and a man ish a man il he's no pigger ask my thti,1ulb." So Tavid he fixes a stone in his iIg and he drows it at Goliat, and knox him right in te foretheat, and den Tavid takes Goi:it's swort and cuts of his head-and den i I the pretty gals comes out, and strewed tfwers in his vay. and sung, " Saul is a great. n.an 6.r he has kilt his dousands, bt Tavid - rter ; he.-an- e lie has kilt (.o.ia-." Now mine frients , ten you goes out to vight mit to. ti in l'ritih remeinihsr vat I dell you, dat a mani i~lh a manmm if hie's no higger :zsh moy Tm.:K SI..vm: Tl'msm:.-A correspondent of the New York Jiterai still insiats that some sixty or seventy cargoes have been landed on the Southerti coast. He charges that these yes ses are all fitted out at the North. From his iLter we mnale the following extract: It seems also to be welt im:drstoed that th.- large pro'portionm of vessels. engiaged in the' save2 traLtie are not only built at the North, bir. are fitted out there, with a fudl knowledge of the use to which they are destinied, awl' with an eye to saroe in the profits. of~ their neariouis expedition. Upon this subject it will be exceedingly dihlienilt to get proo, and vet I. amt mnorally sureO fromt 'its I have in-ard eas~t out here, that the-re are atctually two v .sels bein.; prepare~d at this momiaent, for a save trip t im the pr~rt of New York, andl 1 at a conisiderale number ot. such vessels are hking muad ready tGr sea in the New England States. TJouiriow Weed mayv deny this, and the very nature of the case preve.nts my being ab le to give prools : but what I state will bme cekave to the ind'~lof every Sow hener.. There i.s a good dleal of the spce of life ini ute hautits of tratde, r~utniwistandinmg the dry :uiil matter of fact rotine w~hicihbusinmes menm are to g.' tharlugh. Old 5-, was a c'om misian dealer. in flour."' and had been in the busitness some twenty years or so. He received manny large cotnsignments, and as soon as he succeeded in selling a lot, he would make up his sales " with enormous charges" and send them forward. There was one charge which his consiguees disliked, and that charge was "rattage," his store being filled with rats. In~ the course of his business, he received a cons:!tnment of pig iron on one occasion. ie sold ) onl after its arrival, made tup his sales, atnd i.: :ild them forward. Imiaginte the pheliniks ot 0..: s---, when he received a few days after, a h tter inquiring ' whether those ratshad filed t eeh or not!f' He had char~ged tem ra.tage!" Oregon lias adoptcd a State seal. The escutcheon i~s supported by thirty-three stars ad div idedl by an ordinary, with the in~crip tion " The Union." In relief, mountains, an elk with branching antlers, a wagon, the Paciftic Ocean, on which a British man-or-war is departing and an American steamer armi ving. Th~e second quartering with a sheaf, plough, and pickaxe. Crest--the American eagle-Legend-the State of Oregon.-Char leton Mercury. D.~tAGms Fon Sm'DEnnm.-Among the cases of initerest, at the late coutt at Greenville, was " (3illie (G tinter vs. W. E. Wickliffe"-ani actioni of slander. This young lady (the Plaitiff) was engaged to be married, but the match wats broken off by the defenidant telling the father of her sweetheart that she was not virtuous. The investigat:onm occupied two dys. After being Lut for sometime, the jury returned a verdict of $1,000 for the laititf.-Laurensvile Herald. The Cleveland (Ohio) Eerald, a Black Re publican paper, lets off the following: " The South in two years, will present an undivided f'rut in favor of the repeal of the laws against Slave piracy. Before the next Cogrss expires, the South-soine giving one reason, some another-will be as perfect a unt on the repeal of the laws~ malling the Foreign Slave 'Irade piracy, as it riow is ini acquiescing in the repeal of the Miss-ouri Conmi promise. And mark further; the-Democratie -.am wilsouse the cause of the Sonth."