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FUBLISnED EVERY WEDNUSDAr MORNING. A. SIMIS, D. R. DURISOE & ELIJAI KEESE, PaorRiETOs. TEKS OF SUESCRIPTION. Two.DoLLARs per year, if paid in advance-Two DOLLARS and FirrY CENTS if not paid within six months-aud TaRnEE DOLLARS if not paid before the expiration o( the year. All subscriptions not distinct ly limited at the time of subscribing, will be con tinued until al arrearages are paid, or at the option of the Publisher. Subscriptions out of the District and from other States must invariably be paid for in advance. ' RATES- -OF ADVERTISING, All advertisements will be correctly and conspicu ously inserted at Seventy-five Cents -per Square t12 Brevier lines or less) for the first insertion, and Fifty Cents for each subsequent insertion. When only pub lished Monthly or Quarterly $1 per square will be charged. Eash and every Transient Advertisement, to secure publicity through our columns, must invariably be paid In advance. All Advertlsements not having the desired number of insertions marked on the margin, will be continued until forbid and charged accordingly. Those.desiring to advertise by the year can do so on the most liberal terms-it being distinctly under stood that contracts for yeArly advertising are con fined to the immediate, legitimate business of the firm or Individual contracting. All communications of a personal character will be charged as adverjisements. Obituary Notices exceeding one square in length will be charged for the overplus, at regular rates. Announcing a Candidate (not inserted until paid for,) Five Dollars. For Adv.rtising Estrays Tolled, Two Dollars, to be paid by the Magistrate advertising. From the Charleston Mercury. THE EDGEFIELD ADVEETISER. NUMBER PIVE. "Still it is perseveringly intimated that we are upon the verge of a vortex, in which we niav soon be swallowed up with all that we hold dear; and the place among nations which knew us once, is to know us no more forever. What and whtre is this vortex ? Is to be found in Black Republicanism 7 The douth. knows that enemy well, and, with that knowledge, feels secure of her ability to vanquish its endeavors for evil. Is it to be found in 'the wers that be?' They are all for us. Is it in Southerh dissensions? We wure never nore united. Is it in Southern concession ? The South stands firm upon the Georgia platform of 1852. Is it in Congressional oppression? We have gained the repeal of the blissouri Compromise, a more explicit recognition of our rights as to fugitive slaves, some lessening of the burden of tariff exations-and we may without inratuation expect yet greater justice in the future. Or is it in the crushing pressure of an outside civilization? Let it suffice to say thatour labor clothes the world. Where, then, we ask again, and what, is this vortex?" We continue our discussion of the. points vaised by the Advertiser in the extract at the head of our last editorial. The Advertiser asks, does the vortex " consist in Southern dissensions ? We were never more united. Is it in Southern concessions ? The South stands firm on the Georgia Platform of 1852?" On the point of Southern dissensions and Southern union, we have already spoken. If the Southern people are united either in spirit or- in policy, for the protection of their rights and institutions, we have been so unfortunate us never to have seen any evidences of it, although the South is more satisfied than ever with th~e institution of slavery. According to our esti miate-perhaps mistaken-the spirit of resis tance in the South is now lower than it was in 1850 and 1852. Then there was, at first at least, an apparent union of the South for resistance. Then there was a great organization-the South ern Rights T'arty-which appeared to be the one great party of the South. Where is that party now? Is there no damage done to South ern rights since then? The North has been ar rayed against the South in a bitter sectional struggle on account of the institution of slavery. Since then the anti-slavery element in the Union has aspired to control the Government in all its branches; and a deadly conitest has taken place, in which the aim is nothing short of' our subver sion or ruin. Since then, the lines of antago nism and separation between the North and the South have grown deeper every day. But no party organization has arisen in the South, to meet the antamonist party organization in the North, and loo'-ing to our security and peace. Does the Advertiser believe that there are none in the South restive under this state of things? Does it really, under such reasoning as it puts forth, unbroken by a single indignant renmon strance or -murmur of disapprobation, believe that there is a general union in the South of contentment and acquiesence ? If so, we think it is mistaken. We have fasith that the great cause of the South will yet arise, and will fight its way through dissensions, apathy and treache ry, to a final and complete redemption. But we see no grounds for thinking that thte South has been, or is, now united in spirit and policy for the protection of her rights and institutions. But we have " the Georgia Platform" of l852, which contains the limits of- " our concession !" We really are astonished at our cotemporary's reliance on platforms to protect the South, after its very decided experience. Is it so infantile in politics as not to hav-e seen platforms on the subject of both slavery and the tariff trampled under foot, when the time comes for making them good ? We remember once seeing, in the papers, a sharp discussion in Congress between a Representative from South Carolina and Mr. Tibbats, of Kentucky-a "National" Democrat -which pointedly illustrates the 'genieral value of platforms. The South Carolinian quoted the Baltimore Democratic Platform upon Mr. Tib bats, to rebuke his projects of Internal Improve ment. Mr. Tibbats treated the refercnce to the Baltimore resolutions with derision and con tempt, as the quintessence of verdancy. He asked if the gentleman did niot know that those resolutions of the Democratic party were adopt ed only to subserve a purpose-to elect a Presi dent ? Now, we do not mean to say that the Georgia Platform was only made to serve a pur pose. But we do say, that because ie exists, is no reason it will ever be of practical value. Ex perience has proved that State pride, however high, will not surmtount the discretion or the interests, real or imaginary, of those who may be called on to redeem State committals of the past. We hatve faith. in the spirit of the people of Georgia, but not a particle in the potency of the platform they adopted in 1852. If they be not ready, without that platform, to redeem their rights, they never will redeem them with it. Still less do we-believe that the South will vindicate her rights on account of the existence of this platform. It. is a simple programme of principles or policy, and platforms can be readily evaded. They can be observed entire and yet defeated. One of the positions taken in the Georgia plat form-is, that if a Territory is rejected by Con gress as a State, on account of its constitution tolerating slavery, Georgia will secede from the Union. WVill our cotemporary, whilst sweeping the political heavens with his telescope, let it rest awhile on Kansas, and see the etlicacy of the Georgia platform work. If the pro-slavery party is not bullied or bought up by Federal honors and patronage through National Demo catie agents, it will certainly present Kansas to Congress for admission into the .Union with a pro-slavery constitution. This will be an awk w ~ard' event to nil "the powers that be" in Wash ingtoii, but especially to a certain Georgian who has climbed up to power by " Nationality." Should Kansas be admitted into the Ujnion with a pro-slavery constitution, the. Democratic party .will be overthrown by the Black Republi cans at the North and a naked sectional issue made. And, should it be rejected, there stands the Georgia platform to be made good by the accession of Georgia. And how could the difli culty t*be overcome ? It could be pot over most easilyby sen'ding two Southern ' Nation als" into te Territory, backed as now by the authority and patronage of the Federal Govern ment. The pro-slavery party could be bullied, .. wheele, oranouht off' into a National Demo cratic Anti-slavery party. Kansas then would become really a Free State. The Georgia Plat form in its text, would be impotent; and ill would be safe for the Union, the Democracy, and our "National." Where is the Georgia Plat form for the protection of the South in this game of wily treachery? Appearances can be saved by constructions or non-application, when there is an indisposition to carry out the spirit and substance of a platform. Paper platforms are only so much waste paper. The firmness of the South has yet to be proved. Her " National" Democrats will have to be made " Southern Rights' Democrats first. CotRECTIo.-The last sentence of our article on Saturday should read as follows: " Is it so now with our esteemed cotemporay ?" . From the Charleston Mercury. THE EDGEFIELD ADVERTISER. NUMIER SIX. "Still it is persoveringly intimated that we are upon the verge of a vortex, in which we may soon be swallowed up with all that we hold dear; and the place among nations which knew us once, is to know us no more forever. What and where is this vortex I Is it to be found in Black Republicanism1 The South knows that enemy well, and, with that knowledge, feels secure of her ability to vanquish its endeavors for evil. Is It to be found in ' the powers that be V They are all for us. Is it in Southern dissensions ? We were never more united. Is it in Southern concessions I The South stands firm upon the Georgia platform of 1852. Is it in Congressional oppression 1 We have gained the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, a more explicit recognition of our rights as to fugitive slaves, some lessening of the burden of tariif exactions-and wo may, without infatuation, expect yet greater justice in the future. Or is it in the crushing pres sure of an outside civilization ? Let it suffice to say that our labor clothes the world. Where, then, we ask again, and ivhat is this vortex 1" "Is it Congressional oppression ? We have gained the repeal of the Missouri Compromise." This is the next point relied on by our cotempo. rary to justify his contentment with the position of the South in the Union. We havb heard of such a thing in the world as a man gaining a loss, and we very much fear that this is exactly what the South has gained in gaining the repeal of the Missouri Compro mise. The Missouri Compromise line of 36* 301 North latitude, left Kansas and Nebraska to the North, but it gave the South all our Indian Territory, and others lying Sout of this line. The repeal of the Missouri Compromise gave us a chance of getting Kansas-one State-but it also gave the Nvrth the chance of getting all the Indian Territory, and all Territories beyond it, capable of making four States. Now, under the most favorable circumstances, this game was against the South. The South could gain but one State, and might lose four; the North could lose but one State, and might gain four. Taking into consideration the fact, that the colonizing population of the North, including emigrants from Europe, is, in its availability, at least four fold greater than that of the South-the chances were, most clearly, that the South would losethe whole. Accordingly, we saw that General Shields, General Cass, and others from the Free States, who supported the repeal of the Missouri Com promise and the enactment of the Kansas-Ne .braska bill, defended themselves from the impu tation of voting to extend slavery, by boldly affirming before the people that the act was one of the best atin-slavery acts of legislation ever passed by Congress; for that, instead of extend. ing slavery, it would result in taking away from the South and giving to the North four additional States. And why was the Missouri Compromise repealed? Was it, as the Washington Union maintains, " to assert an abstract right without regard to the loss or gain of either section?t We venture to assert that this was not the great controlling motive which actuated Mr. Doulas in bring'ing- it forward, or Messrs. Cass, Shields, &c., of the Northern Democracy, in supporting it. The motive avowed was to carry out the principle of Squatter Sovereignty as contained in the Compromise of 1852. That principle, dignified as' 4Popular-Sovereignty," wa-s, in the Territories, that the "inhabitan~ts of a Territory should, whit it icas ir TrritoriJ hgve the right to determine whether slavery shiould or sliould net exist in the Territory before the Territory became a State." This was the principle by whieb the South had been swindled out of California, A handful of emigrants from all parts of the wvorld, not one half of whom were citizens of the United States, met together in a suggested vol untary convention, and framed a constitution precluding slavery from California; and thai constitution, thuns adopted, was made effectual by Congress in the admission of California as n State into the Union. It was to carry out thu false and flagitious principle that the IKansas -Nebraska bill was passed, and the Missouri Comn promise repealed. When the South proposed that the Missouri Compromise line should be carried through Cali fornia, it was rejected by the Noirth. Why, then did the statesmen of the North become so very sensitive to the rights of the South with regard to Kansas ? They have given their answer tc their constituents. it was to enforce the doctrine -of Squatter Sovereignty, under the firm persua sion that the benefit would accrue to the North it was thought, in fact, to break down a barriet of limitatioii to Free Territory. *Now, Squatter Sovereignty was just as uncon. stitutional as the Missouri Compromise. The Dred Scott case has determined both to have been and to be now unconstitutional. By this de. cision it has been determined in this ease thai the people of the South have a right to carry their slaves into any Territory of the United States, and there the Government of the United States is bound to protect them as property un til the Territory becomes a State ;' that the pee. -pie of a Territory have no right to determine anything concerning this institution; that Con gress had no right to prohibit slavery from any of our Territories-anid, therefore, the Missouri restriction was void ; and that Congress, not having this right, could not impart it by act to am Territory which is the creature of Congress and, therefore, that Squtter Sovereignty is uni constitutional and a false doctrine. Although the South had most earnestly con tended agaimnst this doctrine of Squatter Sover eignty when it wrested California from us,--Mr. Calhoun affirming that it was worse than the Wihmot Proviso--yet, by a blindness inconceiva ble, the South was decoyed by partyism into supporting it in the Kansas-Nebraska act.- We do not question the patriotism of the Southern members in Congress. They doubtless supposed that they were doing the best they could for the South ; but we do question the wisdom of the policy. They consented to a repeal of the Mis souri Compromise, when thme South hiad much to gain by its continuance, and put the rights of the South upon a scramble ini population for our Territories, to be determiined hap-hazard by the first adventurers-a method equally unconstitu tional with the Wihmuost Proviso and the Mis souri restriction. Before the Dred Scott ease wa determined, the Government mnight properly have assitnned that the Squatter Sovereignty feature of the -Kansas-Nebraska Act was constitutional. But since this decision, we are at a loss to know upon what principle it is enforced. Mr. Buchanan dhe livered his .Inaugural Address before this decis ion was kinown. But it was certainly known long before Gov. Walker went to Kansas. He asserts that he is instructed by the Administra tion to carry out the principle of Squatter Soy ereignty in the Kansas-Nebraska Act. How true his assertion is, time will develope; but.we suppose, under his policy, right or wrong, we can have a pretty clear idea of the value to the South of the repeal of the Missouri Compromise. We are to lose Kansas, and thus gain nothing by the repeal; whilst the Territories south of the line it established between the Slave and Free States will now be open to future contest. To show how keenly the Northern mind is awake to the subject, we give below an extract from the Squatter Sovereign in Kansas. This paper was the organ of the Pro-slavery South ern Rights Democratic party, but one of t~e first effects of Governor Walker's entrancee into the Territory, was the purchasing up of this paper* by the National (now anti-slavery) Democrats. It goes for Freesoil and Democracy. In speak. ing of Gov. Walker's message, it say-s: " The tub which he throws to, the whale, by his intimation that the Cherokee Indian country may be converted into slave a State, is hardr'y a decent dodge, and will fail of even mollifymg' "The Governor's reference to it, under exist ing circumstances, is well calculated, in and of itself, sufficient to defeat his benevolent design to convert it into a slave State. If there is good land there-if it is a country that can be con verted into farms, gardens and town sites-if it is in a good geographical position for railroad lines, and is capable of supporting those insti tutions, the white man wants it, and in a very brief period he will be found in it, laying off 'corner lots' and staking out 'claims.' The white man who will go there will take no darkie with him." We beg leave, most respectfully, to submit to our cotemporary that our gain in the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, does not add much to the security or satisfaction of the South. From the Charleston Mercury. THE EDGEFIELD ADVERTISEE. NUMBER sEvEN. " Still it is perseveringly intimated that we are up the verge of a vortex, in which we may soon be swallowed up with all that we hold dear; and the place among nations which knew us once, is to know us no more forever. What and where is this vortex1 Is it to be found in Black Republi canismi The South knows that enemy well, and, with that knowledge, feels secure of her ability to vanquish its endeavors for evil. Is it to be found in 'the powers that be " They are all for us. Is it in Southern dissensions I The South stands firm upon the Georgia platform of 1852. Is it in Congressional oppression 1 We have gained the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, a more ex plicit recognition of our rights as to fugitive slaves, some lessening of the burden of tariff ex actions-and we may, without infatuation, expect yet greater justice in the ftute: Or is it in the crushing pressume of an outside civilization ?I Let it suffice to say that our labor clothes the world. Where, then, we ask again, and what, is this vortex 1" We have gained the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, a more explicit recognition of our rights as to fugitive slaves, and some lessening of the burden of Tariff exactions-and we may, without infatuation, ezpect yet greater justice in the future." Our cotemporary, we frankly acknowledge, seems to have far wider means of information than we possess. We have sup. posed that, at no time, so far as the Federal Government was concerned, has there been any doubt as to our right to fugitive slaves, or any doubt about its full acknowledgment. Decision after decision in the Supreme Court of the Unit ed States has affirmed our rights, and the Ex ecutive of the Government, by the threat of arms, has enforced it. The law cannot be more explicit, nor its enforcement, so far as the Fed. eral Government is concerned, more strenuous. The difliculty has been, and is now where it has always been, with the States and people of the North. They practically nullified the constitu tional provision formerly, and they do the same with the Fugit've Slave law now. Some have gone furthei. Unfortunately, Ohio, Pennsylva nia, and other States, have passed laws virtually nullifying the Fugitive Slave Law. They have laid heavy penalties on those citizens who shall aid in enforcing it. At this very moment, the United States Marshal and his subordinates are on trial before the Courts of Ohio, under the laws passed by that State, for arresting one of the neuro thieves who have carried off the slaves of a kentuckian to Canada. Now that the Northern States, or the people of the Northern States, have, by obeying and conforming to the laws of Congress, manifested a more explicit re cognition of our rights as to fugitive slaves, is a fact which has not reached our cognizance. On the contrary, in our comparative ignorance, we had supposed that the recovery of fugitive slaves had become so costly and so dangerous in the Northern States, that the attempt was almost entirely abandoned. Every day, slaves are pass. ing away to the North, and more rapidly than formerly, because with greater impunity, and we hear of few efforts to recover them. The Territories of the border.slave States are drain ed of their slaves, by the double process of es cape to the Abolitionists of the North, or sale by their master to the further South, from a sense of insecurity. Massachusetts, at the last sitting of her Legislature, appropriated an amount of money to be expended under her Governor, to overthrow, if possible, the present laws of Virginia, providing for an inspection of Northern vessels, to prevent the abduction of her slaves. On the whole, then, in our view of things, we really are at loss to imagine on what our coteniporary relies for his assertion, that "u-e have gained a more explicit recogni tion of our rights as to fugitive slaves." If every negro who works his press, should run off to the North, and write telling him where they were, we have no idea he would make the least effort to recover them, however explicit the re cognition of his rights may be. Potent and vatuable recognition certainly ! And, then, as to the aarifi'-" we have gained some lessening of the burden of Tariff exac, tionis, amid we may, without inefatuation, expect yet greater for thme future." We see it stated that at the end of this quarter there will he thirty millions of surplus revenue hying in the Treasury of' the United States in hard cash. The great bulk of this comes annually, though indirectly, out of the pockets of the con sumers of the South. There was about the same amount last year, although the expenditures of the General ~Government were pushed up from twenty-seven millions (luring the first year of Mr. Polk's administration, to seventy millions of dol lars. This enormous and unconstitutional exac tion, spreading corruptiomn into every departmenit of the Government, is kept up for the benefit of Northern manufactures. A small i-euduction onL thme conimodities they manufacture was -imade by the Tjariff~ passed at the last Congress, but the Northern p~eople more thani indemnified them selves by making entirely free from tax every thing they needed for carry-ing oni their manufac tures, and leavinig the burden of the tax on the consumers of the South of the articles they need. Mr. Sumner, the martyr, is probably good au thority as to the character of this Taritf. We see it'stated as a matter of faithful heroism, that lie rose up at mid-night from his bed of suffering in Washington, and wvent inito the Senate Chiam ber to vote for this Tariff; and a paper at the North ajserts that this onievote anid the influence it exercised in the passage of this Tariff, was worth, to his constituents, an age of ser-vice. He asserted it was the best Tariff ever passed by Congress for the benefit of New England inter ests. Now, if Mr. Sumner is right in his views of ths Tariff, what cause for congratulation can it afford to our cotemporary ? It is the best fariff ever passed for the benefit of New England interests, because it is the most unequal tarnff in its exaction upon the people of the respective sections. The Northern States, when we consider the benefits it confers on their nmanufactui-ing interests, pay, as a sectioii, noth ing by this tariff. The Southermi people pay all the taxes, anid are now more colonial in their relation towards the North than they were before in this respect. And this is the sort of tariff our cotemporary regards with approbation, when it asserts that we have'"ygained some lessening of the burden of tariff exactions." Some hes senipg of the burden of tariff exactions I Why should we bear any " burden.of tariff exaction ?" If for revenue fairly and exclusively, the tariff is no " burden." It is a proper contribution, for which we receive a full equivalent in the ben efits of the Governmenit we have set up and will most freely support. The tariff is emily a " burden" wheni its exactions are made, not for the support of the Government, but to minister to the money-making and avarice of the people of the North. Why, we repeat, should we bear any sneh exaction ? Still less does it become us to talk of having "gained some lessening of the burden." "Millions for defence, but not a cent for tribute," was thme manly response of a Caro linian of old. Where are we now, when a high spiritedgenteman-agallantNullifier-astaunch Southern Rights man in 1852-vaunits of our having "gained some lessening of the burden of tariff exactions ?" and then, by way of opening up to our eys a brilliant prospect, says " we-may, wthout infatuation, expect greater justice in the futre." Here is news? It is actually now not a matter of " infatuation" that we may expect greater justice in~the future. Shade of Calhoun I Dare we look at the statue here erected to this great statesman ? How vainly has he lived, if such views refieet the spirit and policy of his na tivo State, for whose interests and honor lie la bored and diod! Foa CoNSUxmPoN-It 1s said by an English oier, who tried it in thme East Indies, that the smoke of burning rosin inhaled is certain cure iOy _butisar. ARTHUR SIMKINS, EDITOR. EDGEZIELD, S. C. WEDNESDAY, JULY 15,1857. to- Several communications, editorials, obituary notices and advertisements unavoidably crowded out this week shall appear in our next issue. g SuE first page for the proceedings in Hamburg on the 4th.-Also see other original articles on same page. RELIGIOUS NOTICE. Rav. B. F. Coairsy, is expected to preach at the Baptist Church in this Village on Sunday next, 19th inst. RELIGIOUS NOTICE. REY. S. J. MeMoius, Univorsalilt, will preach al Mr. T. N. LusnY's on the third Sunday (19th) at 11 o'clock A. M. THE MERCURY'S ARTICLES CONTINUED Six columns of the Mercury, in further reply to thi Adeertiser's editorial upon " Ultrasm," demand oui attention this week. Our object is to answer then briefly and at once; we therefore dispense with al "prelusive flashes." TuE MEnCURY'S 3uD AuTICLE. This article may be found upon another page of ouT present number. Its first paragraph is purely de clamatgry. What we mean by the " alarmist school' of Southern politicians, is that billio-melancholie clas who magnify the evils that surround our section and res6lutely ignore the grounds of our present strength We have pointed out these grounds succinctly, and respectfully submit that the Mercury has not explainec them away. The very fact of its attempting so assid uously to refute them, is an evidence of the despairing proclivities of our cotemporary. 'We refer him to hii own past numbers to show that he has taken every occasion to hold up the signs of enmity to the South which was right enough,-but has failed to lend th< influence of his forcible pen to the many actual, out standing indications of the prosperity and power o the great Slave-holding division of the United States There are others who look to that prosperity and pow er with gladness, and who desire to push it on to vie tory with the only means at present available. They see no wisdom in bewailing the doubtful complexitie of the vista before us, yet doing nothing to clear ui its uncertainties or shape the events of the passing hour for the good of themselves and their posterity They are sanguine and hopeful, and feel the impor tance of working with whatever instrumentalities li within their reach. " Carpe dicta" is their motto while the alarmist gloomily folds his arms and says "Behold the night cometh wherein no man can work.' The Mereury next proceeds to distort our meaning as in a previous articlo; of course we do not imaginc that this is done except through misapprehension The Adrertiser made no such =-int as that the " Soutl is in a blissful state of satisfaction." Ours was a de nial that "an apathy the mosteplorable had sprea4 itself like a pall over the spirit if the South;" and a setting forth the reverse of th$ idea we said tha " the teal sentinel men of our iretion were never a toell foroarmed as now." It was a denial that " w are soon to be bound hand and foot to the car of North ern power ;" and the reason of our denial was tha "the States of the South were never so completel; united." The reader, upon reference to our paragrab will at once perceive the erroneous character of th construction given to it by the Mfercury; and really did we not know the manly fairness in discussioi which belongs to our cotemporary, we should conelud that the weakness of his cause had reduced him to th necessity of garbling In order that he might givet his reply the appearance of point. But the "rea sentinel men of the South I" who are they ? We an answer, our Senators and Representatives in Oongres from Hluwran of Virginia all along through the lin to RUsK: of Texas. These aro they who keep watcl and ward on the outposts ofov intrenchments. An' they arc forearmed-" with whaii" emphatically ask the Xercury. We answer, with a full appreciation c the strength and intentions of their adversaries i1 this Union ; with an assured confidence in the deter mination of their great united constituency to sustail them now and henceforth in the most decided cours of action for the more complete assertion of ou rights and the more perfect security of our interests with the great argument so recently made more pow erful in their hands by the decision of the Suprenm Court; and, what is perhaps of as much imiportane as any thing else to their successful prosecution e the political struggle now agitating the country, witi a fuller pereption of the dangerous elements of so iail and civil distraction at the North, at this momuen so stroqngly coutrasted with the oncness of feeling an' interests at the South. Will the iMercury, say of ce sentinels, thus forearmecd, that they are "aeutinecl --ot of thle Sout-bhut of the Northern Nationa Union Demiocracy ?" If, amidst that Northern Nation al Union Demnocracy, these sentinels shall he enabled by the power of position and the power of truth witi which they are forcarmed, to make so many. tru friends of the Constitution as will place in their hand the ability to reform the government and save tb role country, will the Mecu iry on that account sa; that they are not aentinel mn of the .South It migh as well assert that because they are sentinel mien e the Constitution, they are not so of the South. Blu i~ they shall fail in do.ing'this, and the two section are at length placed in hostile array, the one agains the other, can the Mercurg doubt that they Wvill b found true to their homes in that terrible hour of civi strife ? Surely not. These then, we say, are the sen tinel men of the South. If the Nfereury can point ti any, more deserving of that appellation, we shall ne cept the information with satisfaction. The last paragraph of the artieo before us present the broad proposition that the South is not more com plotely united than ever, except in abando'ning he rights. And this is said, in the face of the declare. resolver~of Georgia, and of South Carolina, of Fluri ia, and of almost every other Southern Staute. pre seting palpably and boldly the future requirement of the Slave States upon the great question at issue be tween the Sections. It is said, despite the tone anc tenor of the united Southern press, and in utter dis. regard of the stern purpose which has been announcec in the speehes of Southern men duaing the last scv eral sessions of Congress. In the extremity of ou surprize at our respected brother's most untenabb position, we can but suggest to him a reconsideratioc of the grounds (not here given) upon which ho buildi his conclusion. TnE (IsneURYa's .Ivu AnTICLE. We have but little to say of this artice. The Ian guage of ours, which the .lkrcury here quotes as it sujctmatter, is very plain. We simply wrote " The South knows that enemuy (Black Republican. ism) well, and, with that knowledge, feels soecure 01 her ability to vanquish its endeavot-s for evil." It wac neither said nor thought by us that the Abolitionisth " now do us no evil and are endeavoring to do us uc evil." On the contrary we regard them the foes ol our section, who would (if they could) madly blot us out of existene as a people. But from that very ex. treme of demented hostility, we derive a confident hope of vanquishing them. Their falsehood and in. justice, their blasphemy against the Constitution and contempt of the Holy Bible, their crazy fanaticism and hatred of every thing Southern, all denote them a rekless, unprincipled party, that must ore long meet, In ignominious defeat, the reward of their high. handed guistiness. Even now the tide is turning against them in several Northern States, as the in. rease of JDemocratie majorities sufficiently show. The sound men of the North are rapidly opening their eyes to the enormities of the Abolition ceed. Even those politicians who have used thein for local success are beginning to see that they have well nigh sowed the wind from which they may yet reap the whirlwind. h patriots of the North cannot fail to perceive that the success of Abolitionism will be but the triumph of Anarchy ; and, in view of the bloody riots which al ready enstamp their social organization as defective, it must be with feelings akin to horror that they now begin to realize the possible addition of this political insanity to the already muttering storm of misrule that threatens their .section of the Union. Thus even triumphant; for it is a cause with which the iutercs of the property men and espitalists of that Eection are closely identified,-identifled in so far as they are alike interested in the maintenance of the Constitu tion and the suppression of all anarchical tendencies. But granting that the tide of Error overflows all con eervative barriers on the other side of the Confedera cy, and that the spirit of Black Republicanism rides the blast in exultant fury, we still say that the " South knows her enemy and feels confident of her ability to vanquish its endeavors for evil." For in that event, what would be her position ? What,.but that of a united people gathering aropnd ten thousand South ern banners and burning for the fray! The period would then have come which we think our cotempo. rary himself prays for, as the occasien of that great uprising of Southern indignation and Southern pride which would lead to a Southern Confederacy, or at least to some new political fabric within which the light of Equal Rights. should be kept alive with ves tal fidelity. As to the comparison which the Jfercury seems to set up between the power of Abolition as embodied in the American party of that name, and the same power as exercised by the British Govern ment, we are almost tempted to refer our cotempora ry back to the Horn Book of his political knowledge. But we will not imitate that paper's example in step ping from the line of a manly and friendly discussion to give vent to supercilious flings. .Every. reader, however, will smile at the comparison referred to, a comparison which would have us think that there is a similarity between the matter of Abolition in the United States,-where at the worst It can only come to the hostile array of an oppressive majority against a free, a spirited and a powerful 'racc,-and the sane question in Great Britian, where the mightiest. government' on earth announced its fatal decree against a weak dependency. In accordance with the plan which our limits com pel us to adopt in regard to what we conceive the more unimportant points of the Mc eary, we dismiss the article before us as to its latter portion and pro eeed to THE MERCUnT'S isn ARTiCLE. And this article we shall also notiep very briefly. The Xercury reiterates its belief that the South is not more united, either in spirit or in policy, for the pro tection of her rights and institutions; than she has heretofore been; and in reply we reiterate our belief to the contrary, leaving the intelligent reader to de cide between us. If we are too sanguine in contem plating the present firm attitude of Virginia, of Geor gia, of Mississippi, of South Carolina and other Southern States, our cotemporary must on the other hand be considered a "doubting Thomas," who will not believe though facts stare him in the face. Neith er does the Nercury care one jot for any platform past, present or to come; as if it were not at this very moment foreshadowing a new platform of its own; as if the English Magna Charts or our own Declaration of Independence were not the great political platforms of their respective eras; or as if it were practicable for any people to act in concert without an established agreement, creed, or, if you prefer it, platform. And in this conclusion the Jercury pays Georgia the unique compliment of saying that "it has faith in the spirit of the people of that State, but not a particle In the potency of the platform they adopted in 1852." Indeed it would appear that the Mercury has no faith in the State pride of any Southern State; it has no confidence in the present union of sentiment at the South on the ltery question; and still it believes that " the great cause of the South will yet arise and fight Its way through dissensions, apathy and treache ry, to a final and complete redemption." We agree with the conclusIon; but, its appended qualinecations considered, we are at a loss to detect the .ie~reury's mode of arriving at it. Perhaps some great political Apostle is to come forward, who shall reinnoeulate "State pride " upon the several degenerate Southern States, who shall read the Southern people lessons up Ion their identity of interests, and finally take us all into the port of glory. So mole it be! The latter portion of the XJercury's 5th article is made up of shrewd conjectures as to what may or m ay not occur should Kansas apply for admission with Ia pro-slavery constitution. THE MEaCURY'S GTR AnTicLE. " Is it Congressional oppression ? We have gained the repeal of the Missouri Compromise." This is the next point relied on by our cotemporary to justify his contentment with the position of the South in the Union." And the Mercury goes on to say: " We have heard of such a thing as gaining a loss, and we very much fear this is exactly what the South has gained in gain ing the Missouri Compromise." Our cotenmporary here makes his great pocint in the argument between us. Like a knight of old, he rises in his stirrups and directs his powerful lance full in the teeth of the late Repeal of the Minsouri Com,,promise. One must con elude from the fire and energy with which he now at tacks its merits, that be would have preferred that the Repeaol should not have been effected; and yet we venture to guess that the Mercury has again and again argued the unconstitutionality of the Missouri Conm promise and its gross injpstice to the South. But now that the grievance so long inveighed against has been removed, the sunmming up of the whole bausiness is, that the Souatl heo grained a loss. This is blowing hot and cold 'with a vengeance.' But ho~w is it a loss ? We wish the reader to mark well the process by wrhicha the Meren*ry draws out thais singular conclusion ; for if our cotemaporary be correct, a deal of ink has been sadly wasted, andl much southern eloquence put forth in vain, upon the Comupromiise in question and the measures of recent date which bear upon it. What then is the Xerenary'u chief premis,-the one in fact upon whaich the whole of his sixth and boldest article depends ? Briefly this: that the Repeal of the Mis souri Compromise is nothing for us, but rather against us, as it now allows the North to settle and seize all the territory South of 36*0 30', aehich culd not huaut leen doanc harfore. This is the corner stone, this the base of the remsarkable superstructure which our es teemaed anatagoniist has been pleased to top off with thec spiral remark, that "rhec Soutah haas ynined a Ena We wverb safe, he thainks, below than Missouri liane while that Compromise existed, and bay its repmeal have givena up our paosition of strengtha aiid not evean gained Kan sas'as a consideration for thaat great sacrifice. We re spectfully saabaamit thant the JfXeury hans utterly miscon eived the nature of the Missouri Comphrumise. Thae provisions of that compromise were such as positively to forbid our going North of 3f0 30' with our prop erty, while they placed no restriction whatever upon Northerners coming South of it with their property. It left the whole country South of the line open, as now, to the " coloniir.inag population of the North, 'n eluding emaigriants froma Europe," but absolutely abut out the South and haer institutiens from the immnense trritorg North of that line. How then can thme Xe cury say that by the Repeal we have been deprived of territory.which was ours any more than it is ours to day ? The North certainly has never admitted, evean impliedly, that thme Missouri Coanpromise made thec territory South of 36*0 30' peculiarly slave territory ; but, on the contrary, actually voted agaimjt the ad mission of Arkansas with slavery although below the line. If she haid chosen to occupy any portion of that territory at any time previous to the Repeal, where would have been the barrier to estop her, at least in so far as the Compromise is considered ? But if the South had contemplated a similar movement upon the Northern territory, there stood the positive, stringent enactment upon the very front of that Com promise, saying to her: a' Thus far shalt thou go and no further." Now observe the change which recent measures have brought about. We stand with as full privileges in regard to the Southern territory as we did-before,-nether have the privileges of the North been made greater than they were previously for all practical purposes. But the Northern territory, which was closed against us expressly and in diret contra vention of our rights as equals in the Union, has been thrown open to our free and unrestricted entrance. The South has been invited to partake of what was before denied to her, and this too when it was urged by the whaolo power of Abolitionism that to do so would he the same thing as giving us Kansas, thus en abling us to fortify the area of slavery forever ; this too, when It was anticipated that not only Missouri but thme whole South would eagerly embrace the op portunity thus offered, to strengthen our peculiar in stitution. If Kansas shall be lost to us; which we cannot believe, we submit that it will result from occupation to our side of the Union. The privilege, the right of occupation has been acceded to us in the spirit of constitutional justice; and not only in re spect to Kansas but also the whole territorial posses sions of the United- States. And now we ask the Mercury: Was it nothing gained to take off this odi ous prohibition ? Was it nothing (N obliterate the mark of degradation drawn against our institutions? Was it nothing to repeal an unconstitutional enact ment upon a point so nearly affecting our honor and interests ? Was it nothing to strike the collar from our neeks? And now that it is done, does it sit well on any Southern sentinel to complain and say, it was better to wear it? Are we, poodle-fike, to whine bE cause our coar is off and we have lost a master? But to this triumph of our cause in Congress, let us here again add the weight of the Supreme Court's decision in the Dred Scott case, which the Mercury itself construes as determining the point, "that the people of the South have a right to carry their slaves into any territory of the United States, and there the government of the United States is bound to protect them as property until the ferritory becomes.a State." Thus is the act of Congress repealing the Missouri Compromise made as fixed as the laws of the Modes and Persians. Thus are our rights admitted, illustra ted and established. And yet the Mercury p6rsists in believing that the cause of the South is not stronger in the Confederacy than heretofore. -.Finding no bet ter ground to rest its resolute opinion upon,. it lugs a new feature into the old Missouri .Compromise by which that instrutnent is. made positively to bar the North from the territory South of 360 30'; and ihence deducms the idea that we should have been bet ter off to have let that unconstitutional, anti-South ern enactment remain of force. We point the reader to the Mercury's article elsewhere in our paper and ask him to say if it can be understood in any other sense. And we suggest to our cotemporary the pro priety of dropping the word "infantile " hereafter in application to others.. Tua Mancuny's 7Tn ARTICLE. We have no "wider means of infotmation" than has the Mercry,-yet we are cognizant of the passage of the Fugitive Slave Law by Congress within the last few. years, and know It to be "a more explicit recognition'of our rights as to fugitive slaves." The Advertiser is aware that those rights existed before the passage of the law, that they had their being in the Constitution itself, and that the Supreme Court was always ready to pronounce upon them according ly. But a definitive Act by Congress and an express judgment by the Supreme Court have certainly served to render those rights more clear to the country at large and the enjoyment of them more seenro to the people of the South. It is this new recognition of our rights by the authorities of the Federal Govern ment that has provoked Ohio and Massachusetts to the adverse steps they have taken. They perceive the superior explicitness of the recognition, although the Mercury cannot; and their anti-slavery majorities have been prompted to attempt its defeat even to the extent of a gasi resistance to the Law of Congress. Why should they do this, if it were not clear to them that the South had "gained a more explicit recogni tion of her rights?" If we remember correctly (the paper is not before us) that law made sundry provis ions for the more certain enforcement of '6ur rights and set forth the duties of the Executive, as well aA of the United States Marshals and their subalterns, for its effectual execution. The Mercury makes the unsupported assertion that the Law has beeninopera tive. We incline to tlink the contrary. Atleast the Government, in the person of President Pierce, has stood forth boldly in the prosecution of those rights whenever oceasion demanded; and we may confident ly reckon upon an equal faithfulness. to his duties in this particular on the part of the present Executive. If untoward circumstances still prevent the full and prompt execution of the Law, that does not disprove our position that the Government at Washington lsain this, as in other matters, openly and by its own mo tion, on the side of our Constitutional rights. The remarks of our cotemporary about "slaves pas sing away," the "border States being drained" &c., are naked assertions, and, even if correct, have but little to do with what we have said of our rights in conn~ection weith Congresaionmal legislation. And, then, as to the Tariff exactions-the Mercury admits that a "small reduction teas wmde by the Tariff passed at the last Congress," which is exactly what we said, neither fess nor more. Of course we are aware that the present revenue exceeds the pur poses of an economical administration of the Gov ernent, and, with the Jierenary, we say, as we have often said, that this is a thing to be deplored,-nay more, we believe our Tariff regulations prese.nt the highest field of action now open to the exertions ol Southern members of Congress. With many others, we have looked with pride and hope to thme admirable efforts of our talented representative, lHon. WV. WV. Boyce, upon this question;j we rejoiced that he had selected so important a field of labor and were more than gratified by the nble manner in which he enter ed upon it. The State, the Country expect yet more of hinm, and we doubt not his determination to conme up fully to that expectation. The JMeremy cannot wish him God-speed more fervently than does the --idrertiser. With Mr. Boes, we are for Free Trade and Direct Taxation ; but, like him, we are aware that this consummation must he approached by grad ual steps. Ultimate success is to be found in no other course. Ultraism in this, as upon the Slavery question, is likely to defeat the end it seeks to make good. Step by step we must move steadily on to vic tory. It is in this aspect'of the matter that we regard the reduction embodied in the last Tariff with much satisfaction ; and lightly as the JMereury speaks of it, its rate of duties averages 16 per cent while thme Ta riff of 1846 averaged 22 per cent. Even this, wi submit, though far short of whaet it ought to he, is yet a sure indication of the steady progress of corret princiles. Another Congress, we trust, will go a step further; And the day may not be distant ea a Tariff, for any other object than revenue, will be numbered among the evils of the past. If thme Mercury will exhibit to us any feasible and prac ticable plan of achieving this end at once, we will heartily unite in advocating it to the best of our poor ability. Until it does, we will continue to thank Heaven for every movement, however small, in the directiun of that end. Neither would we hesitate, with these views, to look in consciousness of right " towards thme statue of our revered CALfoux," or, if that great statesman were yet in life, to sit at his feet and confess the faith thamt is within us, feeling assured that be would both applaud our aims and sanction our policy. P. S. Our replly to tihe Mercury's Sth and last ar tile is ready. We much regretthamt our limited space positively forbids its appearance until next week. Containing, as it does, the conclusion of our reply, .w should have been pleased to present it along with what we pueblish this week, but must content ourself with awaiting another issue of our paper. We will then also 'give the Mercury's summing up of the matter. TUTT da PELLETIER. The attention of our readers is directed to the card of these gentlemen, to be found over among the ad vertisements. We are well acquainted with Mr. PLLTIEtRn, and know him to be worthy of the confi dence of our people,-we also know him to be a skill fil and careful Druggist. Those who unfortunately have to purchase such luxuries (?) as Drugs, Medi ines, &c., will do well to call on Torr &1 PELLu1'Ian, at their stand (adjoining the excellent Grocery Store of A. B~ULnsmDE, Hamburg, S. C.,) and they will be accommodated with promptness and by dealers com petent to their business. Heed ye, what we say, and act accordingly. AN IMPROVEMfENT--THE CAUSE. In looking ever the last number of the Anderson Gazette mC Advoente we were struck with the unusual neat and handsome appearance of this excellent jour nal, and until we had read the fourth page down to the Terms, &c., could net divine the eause of said improvement. But there we were happy to perceive that the proprietors had secured the services of Mr. JAxas A. Hir, an efilent and energetic young man, as Publisher. We think, brother Nonass, you are quite fortunate in placing Mr. H. at the head of your estab lishment. He is competent, in more ways than one, to discharge the many and important duties of Pub lshe. n...c...s .to yu H ,In your newposition. CONMUNICATIONS. For the Advertiser. TEE PIC NIC AT AETIOC. DRAR CoLoNEL-It was my peculiar good fortune .o be in attendance at a Barbecue Pie Nic given at Antioch Churcb, on Friday last; and, as I was well piensed wi.th the delightful manner in which the whole affair was conducted, and more particularly wth the kind and hospitabe entertainment I received at the bands or the estimable citizens of the neigh borhood of Antioch, I must beg of you a small space-in the Advertiser to reedrd the Fanfo, and pay an humble but merited compliment to this munifi cent, open-hearted ind social'people. The Pie Nic was not gotten up, as usual, - for the purpose of affording some political demagogue an opportunity of mnking a two or three hours speeeh in relation to Governmental affui*ra, gas-ing the peo ple with a history. of Me. -Buchanan ind his Ad-' ministration and his unfaithfulness on the Kanvsa questiou-or to listen to any of those old and stere otype yarns on the sravery discussion aud' 'the wtongs of the South-ot to hear some hired tempe rance lecturer spout of the grett utility of legal temperance restrictionp and the fearful onsequnenes of wine bibbling, &c. No Sir, such was not the' objent of this assembly. But it was to bring about a social gathering-a cheerful intercourse-w-a mtng ring of the farmers,'the farmer's wives and the far-. mer's sons and daughters-.vbere evtry one, the large planter who owns his hundred slave.sand has thousands of dollars at his command, and the poor but honest laborer who tarna "his bread by the swyat of Jkis brow," would be on an equality,-and Mr. Editor, it gives me pleasure to state that this praiseivorthy spirit was manifested throughout the day. Exhilarity and cheerfulness were in the pre. dominance, and we all enjoyed ourselves hugely. About I I o'clock, the crowd, comprising as in telligent and fine looking men, as refined, hearty and active matron4 and old maids, and as handsome and lovely young ladies, mharried and single, as any section of the District can bo'st of, had mostly all arrived on the ground, at which time tefrchments were handed round, which were well received and readily dispatched. From this hour until dinner was 'announced, many were the mirth-provoking and side-spliting jokes told, and many and loud were the responsive huzzas. The planter forgets, for the time being, the parcht d and apparently blast ed prospect of his crop at home-the good house wife ldses all thought of her household duties and perplexities, and all-old and young-join in the gleeful chit-ohat, which, to one of my disposition, -was invigorating in the extreme, and had a fine -efleet every way. Dinner is announced, and we all (some with a lean and hungry .ook) repair to a long and hiavily laden table-placed in themot sequestered clus ter of the magnificent grove around the Church and on this table we finua every thing that the veri est-epicurean might relish. Ali! Colonel, a sump tuous and glorious dinner it was-one that does our . inner nya" good to think of, and one which I shall long remember with pride and pleasure.' The entire assemb!y, eapeeially the male portion, who seemed quite familiar with the " game of the knife and fork," did full justice to the wjell prepared meats and other substantials, together. with the great varidty of cakes, pastries and choice luxuries so profusely furnished by the skillful caterers of that vicinity. Every thing - passed off pleasantly, and the happy termination of this neighborhood gathering reflected much credit upon the gentlemen and ladies connected therewith. Admirably and to perfection did the Committee of Arrangements dis eharge their duty. As soon as dinner was over, the younger mem bers of the party proceeded to the residence of airs IJONES, near the Church, whsre, with her per mission, they " chased the winged hours with-fiying feet" until late in the afternoon. Mrs. Jons, although quite old, being in her 76th year, still loves to see the young enjoy themselves; and is peculiarly endeared to the entire neighborhood for her many friendly deeds and charitable actions. This lady, who is very active and lively for one of her age, brings forcibly to my mind the language of another, who says : " A good woman never grows old. Years may pass over head, but if benevolence and virtue dwel in the heart, abe is as cheerful as when the spring of life first, opened to hier view. When we look upon a good woman, we never think of tier age; site looks as charming aisvwhen the rose of youth bloomed on tier cheek. That rose has not faded yet-it will never fade. in ther family, she is the life and delight, in tier neighbo.rhood site is the friend and benefactor. Whou de.wa not respect and tove the woman who has passed her dlays ini acts of kindiness and mercy 1--who has been the friend of God and muan-whose whole life- has been a scene if kindiness and lwve, a devotion to truth and reli gioti? WVe reliet-such a womant can never grow told. She will always be fresh and buoyant in spir its, and active in deeds of mercy and benevolence" And, Mr. Editor, such a character is Mrs. JoNus, -and with the prayer of all present otn last Friday evening, we may Heaven bless her in tier declining years, and may a blissful immortality await her beyond the grave. But 1 have made this communication longer than I antic'patedl, and must abruptly close by wishing my kind A ntiochi friends great success, long life and much happiness. A GUEST. For thes Advertiser. TRIRUTE OF RESPECT. As a regular meeting of. CALDwELL LODGE, NO. 82, held at Liberty Hill on Saturday July 4th 185'7, the'following Preamble and Resolutions were wun imnously adopted. WHtEREAs, it hath pleased the supreme Archi tect of the Universe, to take from 'our midst by death, our late Brothecr J. SAxLEL LIMnEcKEn; and while we submit wvith becomIng resignation to the will of that supreme Architect who best knows when to call his children from the labor. of time to the refreshment of a Celestial Lodge; it still be hooves us as brethren to pay becoming respect to the virtues of him whose loss we deplore. Therefore, Resolved, That in theodeath of J.8Sam uel Limbecker, a member of Caldwell Lodge, No. 82, the fraternity at irge, and this Lodge particu larly have sustained an irrepara~ble loss. Resolved, That in token of our esteem for the character and respect for the memory of our de ceased Brother, this Lodge be clothed in black at the, next communication; and that the members be requested to wear the usual badge of mourning for thirty days. Resolved, That a blank page in our Record Book be inscribed with the name of the deceased. Resolved, That a iop)y of the proceedings be transmitted to the " Edgefleld Adeertiaer " for publication. JAS. S. HARRISON, W. M. Jons T. CutEATHAX, See'ry. For the Advertiser. L00O'ERER. - If the unknown friend who sent a pamphlet to Allendale with a desire that it should be reviewed, will send his or her real name to the same address, the recipent of the favor will be happy to commu nicate with them. At present the "dear and learned friend" is too much engaged to review fully the "Baptismal Dem~onstrations," aside from the fact that he regards it as containing more non sense within the same limits than any production lie has hitherto met with. IUTERESTING PEON KaNIAS. Sr. Louis,, July 6.-Kansas dates to the 3d inst., are received. A Democratic Convention met at Lecompton on the 2dinst. Judge Elmore presided. Ex-Governor Ransom, of Michigan, was nominated for Congress by a two-thirds vote, over Hon. Eli Moore. A resolution endorsing the policy of Governor Walker, and expressing a determination to sup. port him, was adopted. A resolution to adopt the constitution to be framed by the constitutional eenvention, whether it is submitted to the people or not, was lost by . an te 40 yea to 41 nays.