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-'-~- * * - - - * -U 66 We wvill cling to the Pillars of the Tciple of 4ub berties, and if it must fall, we ilPeihaitteRun" -. . - P W.F. DURISOE & SON, Proprietors. EDOGEFIELD- S. C., JULY 2, 1856. .VL .N.5 THE EDGEFIELD ADVERTISER, IS PUBLISHED EVERY wEDNESDAY atOR.NG BY W. F. DURISOE & SON. Two DOLLARS per year, if paid in advance-Two DOLLARS tud FIFTY CENTS if not paid within six menihs-and THREE DOLLARS if not paid befoire the expiration of the year. All suhscriptions not distinlet ly limited at the time of subscribing, wi:l be consider ed as made for an indefinite period, and will he con tinued until all arreirages are paid, or at the eption of the Publisher. Subscriptions from other States must INVARIABLY be accompanied with the C.sH. ADvERTtSEMIENTS Will be conspicuously inserted at 75 cents per Square (12 lines or less) for the first in sertion, and 37 cents for each subsequent insertion. When only published Monthly or Quarterly $1 per square will be charged. 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Mr. President. the cecasinn and the subject upoin which I am about to addrcs, the Senate of the United S'3tates, at this lime. have been brought about by events over which I have had no control, ad could have h:d note -events wh ic-h htave grown ottt of 'the coin. mencenett of a controver.,y' for whici t' Senator' from Massathu-tis' (not now ii his bent) [.1r. Sumner] thould be held exc:usively responsible to his country : .d hi God. Ile has delivered a spceeli the imo'5t extriaonlimarv that has ever had utterance in any deliberative body recognizing the sanctions of law and de eetl-v. %N hen it was delivered I was not here; and it' I had been present, what I should have done it would be perfectly id!c for me now to say ; because no one can substitute the del!iher ations of a subsequent period fur such as might have influenced hin at another time and under diiferet, circumstances. My inpretbion now is that,'if1.I had been present, I should have asked the Senator, before he finished some o the paragraphs personally applicable to mytself, 'o pause; and it' he had gune on, I would have demanded of him, the iiext :orning, that Jie should review that speech, nnd retract or modify iit, se p J :lisDt! thiP 4agpheropadi mentary proprity. If h'e had rel'uscd this, wh:t I would have done I cannot sa y; yet I ant say that I would not have subiitted to it. Bat what mode of redress I shutdd have resorted to, I cannot tell. I wilh I had been here. I would have at least assumed, as I ought to have done on my responsibility as a Senator, -m-i on my resaon sibiiity as a representative of South Carolina, all the consequences. let them lead where they might ; but instead of that, thu speech has in volved his own friends, and his own colleague. It has involved my friends. It has involved one - of them to such an extent that, at this time, he has been obliged to put hii fortune anl his lift at stake. And, sir, if the con.eqt.ees which are likely to flow from that Epeech hereafter shall end in blood and violenve, that Senator should be preptred to repent in sackeloth :mda ashes. Now, I pronounce a judginent on that speech which will be adopted by the public. I :itn :s certain as I an speaking that it i. now iconm.n ed by the public mind, atnd by posteuity it wiil be consigned to infamy, for the~ mnichiievous consequenuces which hatve flowed from it already'. attd auch as are likely yet to disturb the p'ence and repose of' the country. I said nothing, Mr. President, at any peri'd of my life-much less did I say anythiing in the cour.-e of' the debate to which he purports to hatve made at reply-thtat could h-ve called for, much less have justified, the gross persotmh abuse, traduction, and calun.ny. to whieb he hans resorted. WXhen I was at my little farm, enjoying tiy seli' qtuietly. and as I thought hiad takeni reftuge from the stril'es and contentions of' the Sena:te. and of polities, a message wats bronght to me that my ktinsm~an had been involved ini a tiiilicul ty on my account. It was so vague that I did - not know how to account for it. 1 was far fronm any telegraphic communication. I did nut wail five minutes.bel'ore I left home to put myself within the reach of' such iinforma~tion-atnd gatr bled even that was-as was acceessible. I trav eled f'our days conitinttously to W::shington; atnd when I arrived I found the very su bject under discussion nhbkIh lad given me so muchi cotteernt; and it has been a source of' the deep est conlct n to my fe'elinigs ever since I heatrd ot it, on titany' accoutst'-('n ac'ountt of' tny coun try, iU Ott acount oft the honor atnd the safetyu of myi kinant. Whetn I arrived here, I t'utntd the subject under distu'nion. I went to t he P Senate wvorn down by travel ; an:d I :lhen gave notice that, when the resolutitotns fromt hhi ehusetts should be pre'seited, I would sicak to them, as comning, fromt at Commitonweahth n os history, and whose lessoins oft history, had in-. spired me'withI the v'ery igh~est admiration-h wvouhil speak to tem f'rm a respect to a Cotti . monwealth, wiiY, l:l:eb , I the Sentor ii who had beetn the catuse of tueir miron iiion (augh I not to deserve my ntotice, and w'ouldl n.;t haveu received it. Well, sir, days pasd :t0ol those re.solution; were net preaented. Now, they have ben ire sented, and presentted in at ditr'ere'nt way io any that I have ever knownt to be submited f'rcm any Comthounweatb before. They weire 'not presented by one cof its Sen:.tors, buit were sent directly to the Presitdent of Ithe Seinate. and the Speanker of' the Ihouse of 1teplresenta tivts. I waited for some time with the e'xpecta' tion that, when these rerolutions shouhih cinte. I would acquit myself of the painfutl to.sk w~.ieb circumstances had devolved tupon me. They did r.ot e-tme until yesterday-mere thain two wveeks after their adoption. In Ihe nmeanf time--oin .Mmuly3 h:.st-T gave notice tha:t I woulhd address the Sena.te t-dayu under fthe confident belit f, not that the preset Senator [Mr. Wilsc'i] would be hi're'-becatse I have not hiing to doit vi'hi him-Ilut thatii the Senator who Ihas hen the' agtrre.-s'r. the cr mi na1 taggressor, ini this m:.t ier, woouhi be Ipres m. and it I give credence to. the testimnoty of' Ir Boule, I see no reason wlhy lie ihonh not be -pre'ent. For atnythiing that appears in thatt tes simony, if lie had beetn an oflicer of the Army) and had not appeaired the next (lay otn the ha:tle field, hie would have deserved to be cashiered. Sir, I am at a loss to know why he has aimed his assaults at nme individuahly, atnd ait my State on more occasions~ than one; but I tam wilbinu - t adopt theo clew afforded by the Rev. Mr Dieceber; arnd, as it is a clew upon the sul'eet I rely on it. I wish nothing of mine to go ott that I do not intend to be entirely consistent with the convictions of my mind. I ask to have ir. Beecher's remarks read. I adopt themn, and they will acquit the Senator-or they will go very far to acquit him. The Secretary read, as follows: " The only eonipl;int which I have ever heard 1f Senator Sumner has been this: that he, by his hrinking and sensitive nature, was nt fit fur the 'rou.:h and tinnbile' if polities in our day. lie unuid have hield hine!f back, and avoided giving the slightest offmece, limd it not been that he was reproved and gaa led into it by, as I think. the injudicious criticismrr of friends.-" Mr. bUrtn. Sir, I believe it, and it will .cquit his motives to some extent., Instead of making his speech here iis own, An a Senator, u toer he obligations c f the Constitution, ind the highesIt sanctions whe can influence the conduct of an Ionrable mn--iiti. ead ot mak ing it the vehicle of igh thouhts tnl noble emeins that would become a imn aid a Selna :or, it is obvious now thit he has mande that speech but the condit-I will use a stronger expresio-the fing, throngh which to express upon the public the compound poison of mnalig city and injustice. This is confirmed by his remarkable exordi. um ; for, in many respects, tfs is the mot ex traordinary speech tit has ever found its way ill anly book, or upon any ocecsion, ancient or modern. I have never before heard of proer or exordirin by prochmatioi.; and yet, before the delivery of his spechb, by a telegraphic I proelan:ation to Theodore Parker. he uuiered this remsarkable sentence: " W &hiLt you are delibring in your me ring I nni about to pro nouncee the imost thorough pirlippic that was ever havrd in the Seite of the U:.iAed States." This is in conformit y with .Mr. P.iker's opiniion. ie was:: flexib'e cunfornist inv [king the spirit 'i Th eo-lore Parker as his irse to sustarin him in the striw fOr which, by his nature and hi tarlen:, he was not fit. Sir. it was the tiibute :nd deferece 6f a flexible confornikt, wi;ling to be .rhetorical fibricator to carry .out the Views and subserve the purposes of a man who. as i under.,tand, is of an iron will a:nd robusi intelleet ; who loves controversy, :nd ir:s abili. ties which more it him. perhups, Ir tha1, tia ifor worsipjing tie lamb:i as the emublem oft ino eence, :mnd as the prototype of that Christ whose dotctrinces he has prolessed. To coneiiite Par ker, the Selnator must imake war upon South Carolina and upon mnyself. If ie supposed that le wou!d gain laurels by any -ri:.ek 1 on me beearse I was a I- foeman worthy of his :ee!," I might feel complimented; but there w-as no such purpose. It was to pinder to the prejudices of MAassachusetts, or a portion of M1ssanchusetts-fur -God forrid that I should say anything wi:icI is not proper of I aach sette to j':nuder to a portion of i vrt refhusettIs by ass:,iling South Carolina. Before I finisi I shall s.y what I think, and if he w ere here in liis I!ace I would make him hang his head in shameffor I will demonstrate, before I conclude, .ihatpin whaj ire aims -saiJ of SuuthOCarloinne-he has asrirsed the nearest :d dearest comrade of his nuher. Yes, sir, a degenerate son, incapa be or appreiating tie relations which subsis. ted between 3iassachurusetts and South Carolina it :1 limte whecn- there was soietingrrir more of ,eril to' he eenoitered than exhibtiiains of the. orie in 1.' Sena:eL of the United states; when ieIn i:e.! their iive*s aind thi,:r fortines on tire i--i w15dm h d been i::d. I will prove hin a e:.!::mnr i;:r. While he h:s enrred itb misst.timN hit ory, law, ond tire Coir.%tutionr. let no s:ay h:, -- ie who lives in gl:ss houss honrI iot throw storne ." I here say, ai I p4ldge miyse' It it, that I will Conlviet him. and h::li dernrrid or the Sen,,te a %erdic of "nilly. ullt, Mr. Pre-ilent, tiere is one resiit of tik ;'cech winch I thiink may be r airded -s ood. Ih- his shown, as 31r. eecher ays, th.t he is i fo*r the war of debate. lie h::s no busi ew- i ga.iher the ;lorties of the Sen:.te Cir:.m.. her :nii lriht with mr-:(,rS. unile-s ie i; prepmired o 11..intainr the p,iion of an hoordl comba. cmt. Th 1. his friends have investd hini wi:bi the dress Crt Aciles and e.lred ihim iais a rmror, ire has shrowni that he i.s onlyi ahde to tight t uth tire weacpons of Th'iersites, Aid desery. ed v wirt thait brawler received front tihe hanrds of the gnhlant Ulysses. I rma-t sayv, MIr. President, thiat I was utter ly dipoinrted inr tire body of the speech. Indce pendenic t ot tire personaritines which hanve distor ced anid d isgracedi it, thIere is niotin g in the spech to distingui-h it firom pretlty inearly alil tihe speiwsc whirch ire ha~is made~ ruon tis sub. jc t-::rnd I believe ire hans scarrcehy madhe any meches on aniy othrer. JIm is crie cif those o'ne.den men v h'o :rhvrys go one wary. Whilkt this 'peech has mruch of tire idennity of fonrmner effoirts, it has none of tire fresiess of their oriiginality. It threre is anyvti.; thbat vagries it att :dl anrd ciktingihies it fronm tire othrers, it is tire ea'ico pict ureis impresed upon the "warp and woof" of ihis fcn trer speeches ini tire fornimof jpr:tations; sonme of whiebci-l say it ras ar mral ist rand ras ra Seinator-stnr tire clothi upon wich they are imnpressed, mnore by threir orbsrcenity thran hre can aidurn it with tire glarre of threir col or nrg. I hrave madeic threse remrarks uponr thre characeter of tihe spechn. .lle mary regard t hem as eri icismn. Whciether my cirrirism be one that wiil be adopt edi by tire piiblic, or suchi ais will aiddress itself to thre good taste anid good senve of this taudi enece, I knouw trot. I hae givenr the coinvieticns of my ind. After rthre-e remarrks up ion tire hi: ra'eter of the sipeechr, I comre to makrie myr3 pint; and I wvill maninta in t hemir, rnot by genrer ii ci::rjgi withiouit spicificaetionsa not bry thart i':roeliity to erroir anrd faischiiood which hre so decenrtly inmputed to rie; tnot byv genrerai decli m::atio n from wvhich Ire can tanike refuge in i oa ru homrit: bunt 1 will prive threm by docu mnrts beyondc till questionu. Inr the first place., I say tinat wha thro Sernifor ,aid r f rme anrd of tire Starte of tSouthi Crlina was dr.;gge~d into thne deba:te by rio iriw of Ie gh: ra'tc ~as:'ociaut ionmr 1coninee: i'n: bitt it wans i'etceted into Ihis spech po fisi tively ini di-regard oft tire tone aind spirit of mine-nreither ini reply toi, rior in recognii ion of tihe kinrdness arnd foir be~nroi:ee which pervardedl mry speechr. Sir,pl am now ~ p-sing t hrouh thle list ebrapter of my pulie iire. When I came h' ere this year. I snrid to friends, " Tine larst tiring 1 woulid wirh is, toi h::ve in;ir nc or repurtat ionr, if I harve an iy, as 'ociated vcith irparty mtintfe.i mch less wirhparty comitern inns." 3iy speech uporr rhe Irrnss que.,timonis tire mnost gurarded aind remrarkablle for its fr bear::inee of anny thrat I ha~ve ever de licered. I connrieccd it by tis decharaition: "it inny be saridl that I hrcve prased thrrongh thre rdeali ot exi ricn e, rind penrrps of timer, arnd thrat thev hanve had th.idr mtliuece icr myr~ temrri'; but, s r,' Iltuk 'n :mycthing like a rupture ini civil gov errnent. aird especin~hly such a urie ms wvo::ldi throw us into thne honrrors of anrmrhy, nith nit tire samre view aun o~thers whoi imay be mre iricrepidt, nt whiii n::y thinik they enn comne rt Of it withouti~ hardr ito theimelvesi. Thei ru is notlhia so mincheiv ou; Ftmsciity as any~ mnover mintfi'eting its staibili , urrncomroik bI y resfonseibility and unregultnatedl y inrteliio nee." Upon nanher occasion I remnarked thiat I wourld be the last marnn to do or to siny anything thant woulid commnit tire issue in Knsas to thre airbi trarment of the sword ini thre harndsi of youth. 2dirne wits a wirtnirig arnd a kind voice. Biefure I prorceed with tihe argument of my a,,,in poit fuirther. I will make a. suggestion which may, perhaps,appear parenthetical. When the Senator from Massachusetts took his seat near me, I knew that he was a Free-soiler, or Abolitionist, as it was termed; but notwithstand. ing that, I had read some of his productions, and he was introduced to me, or perhaps, I to him. I had known many who came into the Senate of the United States, reeking with pre. judices from home,bwho afterwards had the cour. age :o lift themselves above the temporary in fluences which had controlled them. I supposed that a man who had read history could not be a bigot. I believed that one who was imbued wih the literature which that Senator's mind had imbibed, could not sin in the face of light, and truth, and the lessons of history. With these views, I did not hesitate to keep up what my friends complained- of. an intereouse with him, which was calculatcd to give him a curren ey far beyond what he might have had if I had n'ot indulged in thnt species of intercourse. My friends here and everywhere know it When I maide toy reply to him on the Nebraska and Kan sas bill, I complimented him. I did not hesitate to complimieit him, and he was oratified at it, for he s:;id so. His opinion of me as a lawyer was very difierent then, (if' I mny be allowed to spk l'4 what he then said.) not only on this floor, bat to other persons. I (lid not bedsitate to forbear a proscriptive judgment on any man beause he happened to diiTer with m2 to-day or to-morrow ; for life, sir, is but a span anyhow. I thought the time might cone when the tide of events would bring to him the awful cer.taiinty of the doctrines which lie held and whi;h in the first inst~ane, when he came here, he was not disp1.i-ed to prop:igate. Things stood in this way until one day when it was rioposed hero to repeal the fugritie slave. 1:lv. I sai. that I had no great confidence in ihiat , and t-irned to him with an honest pur pose, with no desi:tn whatever to provoke any ibing like a per:.onmd or sectio:al issue, and ask rd of the Senator from Massachusett whether, if there were no ftuitive slave law, 1:issachu ,et:s would be willing to carry out the provision ot' lie Constitution. Then it was, in excitement, or a: lie said." impulse,"-an impulse as I charae terizted it then, of the drawer-he rose and asked mne it' "le was a dog to do thi; thing?" I tre:ited this answer with ridicule ; it absolutely did not oi-h mV heci rt ; and after that I spoke to him. Three d.ys afterward lie cnne in with a la. bored philippie. toughing tue more deeply than he had belre ; hut he lien made, for the first - inme, a ch:irge aiecting the revolutionary history of South Carolina, by saying that John Rut ledge, who was honored by W.ashinigton and all his countrymen, and who is a historical -clirae ter, had offered, in 17'79, in a negotiation wiili Prevost, at the gates of Charleston, that South Carolina should be ncutral during the war of the Revolution. I did not wait until the-next morn ing to reply to him. I responded at once, and I have no doubt I replied with indignation. I havo no doubt that my heart threw the words upon him. Mortified vanity Ias no conscience'; itrmay-bc tumu did :not ttiink he ei otit-o thtit controversy with vs much credit' as he should--at least his friends may have thought so. I gave hii notice, however, that after tiiat I should have no communication with him whit ever-the bridge had been eat down,-and I never have hind.. Tv.o vars elapsed; and, during that time, I :im1 bound ii justice here to say, I have scarcely spoken to, of, or about him ; and, perhap-, wlhet I did speak about him, I said somethinig which hie wouihl have been gratified'to liear. My friends think th.11ometimes I did. Whatever the timp !.tti)n of my resentment mnay be, I have passed, and al pass, thronugh life with one determinia tio n: if i cannot do justice, I will not do injus. tiee to any aman. I hate exhibitel here in debate. on mr.re Oica(ion1s than onie,-impaltence and ex cite:,bilily. T hese are peculh:riies whichlhave followed ic fro:n the cr:dle. Perhaps, "ilie timlies, angter, ia its ebtillitions, may h:ve found an expres:i:!i from me ; but. hank God, I cin it was bit a trai.,ient feeli:g, wh.cI at the i-e ju-hed 11r1m the heart; it was a: feeling wineh suib.-rm1~ily was5 supprewed4 by reason and r'epuent:meec. Th~at, hoe veer, is a failing *wiich c.mneht inhai~bit the sime imid withi t reach ry and nmlipii:y. Now, siir, I proceed to make toy points; and I slil inhowv that what the Senator said of myself, and SoothI Carolinai~, was not in responmSe to any thing which I saiid ; thait lie has gone outside thle record to hring into the deba.te. matters which dd not.!egitim ately belong to it by association or connection. I will maintain these three propositions5 so ceraiiily thlat, in miy opinion, there will not ha one niind here, unless it be disposed to morally perjr itself, which will not acquiesce ini them. I will show that his remarks upon me and Sout~h Carlitna were untrue aind unjust ; the languagec used was licetinus ; thme spirit which piromnptedl it was aggressive ; and the whiole tenor and tone of the speech was malignant and insulting. Itt no0 sp!ceh which I have made duirinig this sessioni diri I iinme Muissachuisetts or South Ca rolina. This is a most remairkable thing con sidering theO nature ot' the debate. I have culled what I said, anzd I have not introduced South Carolinau by nme into the debamte, tier have I brought in'.issachiuset~ s. Yet, sir. this Senator allutdes to mae ini t wo paragraphs. I shouold like o kiiow why me did not tiinishi my picture in oine .ketchi on the first day, when lie spoke of me as biiig " Doii Quixote ini love with slaivery as a mistres<, becnnse she was a harlot." I dlislike to repeait the obscenity of his illustration. When ie h:id mec under revicew t hen, why did lie not ini-ih me ini that geiieral sketch ? ie took anoth er night ; anud during that night the chaotic con eeptionis either emaiiated from lisi own mind or were suggested to it by those busy peopile who. seem to have cont rol over htimit; and then it was, diat lie made this celebramted attack on me, as. siinmg iny reptation as a gentleman of veracity: "' With regret, I conmc again u~pon the Senator from South Caro!ina, [Mir. lhitler.] who, omnipre enit ini this debate, overtlowed with rage at tihe sim le sutgestion that Kansas hid applied for admission as a Slate; and, withI inieohement phrases, discharged te Iloose expetoratin of his speech , nowv upon hcer reresetative, and then upon her people. There was mno extiavagane(e of the ancient parliamentary debate which lie did miot repieat ; nor was there any possible deviation fr' 'm the truth which lie did not make, with so miuch of piassion, I ami glad to add, as to save hiim from the suicin of intentional aber raton. Itut the Senator touches nothing wvhich lie does inot dirigure-with error, sometinies .of prin eipe, uomewtimes of fact. ie shows an incapacity of accuracy, whether ini stating the Constitution or in stating t'he law, wvin thier in thie details of statis Ities or the diversionis of scholarship. LHe cannot openi his mouth, but ouit there flies a blunder. Sure ly lie ought toi be temiliar with ithe life of Franklin ; ant yet'he referred to this houisehiol chiaracter, while actig as agenit of otur fiithers in England, as above suspiciomn: aiid this was dlone' that lie might give point to a fa'se contrast wvith the agent of Kan sas-niot kniowiing tha~t however they many ditTer in uzeius amid fame, in this experience they iire alike: that Franiklin, wheii intruisted with the petition of Alassachusetts B3ay, was assaulted by a roul-mnouthie& speaker, where lhe could not be heard in defense, and denounced a-a 'thief,' even as the agent of .Kansas hiasbeen assaulted ou this floor, and de. nouced as a ' forger.' A nd let not the vanity of the Senator be imnspired by the parallel with ~the British istatesnmn of that day ; for it is only in hos tility to freedom that any parallel can be recognized. ut iti agmainst the ncojule of Kansas that the sensibilities of the Senatori4te particularly aroused Coming, as he announces friOm a State'-ay, sir, from South Carolina-he tuijns with lordly disgust from this newly-formed comunity, which he 'will not recognize even as 'a 6. ly-politic.' Pray, sir by what title does he indulgein this egotism ? Has he read the history of thetate' which he repre sents ? le cannot surely bre forgotten its shame ful imbeelity from Slaver ,;eonfessed throughout the Revolution, followed byts:more shameful as sumptions for Slavery sine ,e.cannot have for gotten its wretched persis the slave trade as the very apple of its eye, te condition of its participation in the Union."Het cannot have for gotten its Constitution, whiA is republican only in niame, confirming power inAe ihands of the few, and founding the qualifieati . of its legislators on 'a settled freehold estate h en negroes' And yet the Senator, to whom t ! State' has in part committed the guardianshipi. its good name, in stead of moving, with back d treadainr steps, to cover its nakedness, rushes rd, in the very ce stasy of malness, to cxpose Y provoking a com parison with ansas!" Now, Mr. President, I going to state a proposition which will sta .lThe Senate: what he here undertakes to qu6efeas the- constitution of South Caroli~i, in refdienco to the eligibility of members of the Legis ture, is not to be found in it at all. Hoi id he bring it in response to any speech of' ine He has sworn in his affidavit that what n d was fairly in res. ponse to the speechies. whi had made. I put the question to Senators," I shall pause for their sentence: how daret, from anything in my speeches, put his fing .his profane finger -upon the constitution.. uth Carolina?- Is that a respense to anythiX Which I said ? My speeches heretofore deliveqd. are upon record, and can be referred to. I ieithei alluded to tho constitution of South Carlina, nor did I men tion South Carolina in thei*hole debate; and yet in his aflidavit he says at all these are fair lv referable as a responset he remarks of the enator from South Caro a.! What he has quoted here is not in the e jtitution of South Carolina; and when lie utid Ekes to subject me to the severity of his criti ts, as a blunderer in the statements of law M'constitution, let him stand convicted of O:' of two things either that he did not read he constitution of South Carolina himself, anfdopted itfrom oth ers, or that, if lie read it, could not under stand it. I intend to dwe l'peithis point with a view to convict him-no, L am going to but I will convict this rhefo ail jurist-this man who undertakes to sit on t tripod, and pub lish the oracles of Delphi, sit upon me as a lawyer! My God, what hi' T come to! A man wholiever managed .ase (as far as I know) in court, to sit on elf who have been thirty-five ears engaged -hlaw, either in ap pearing at ihe bar, (r expon it on the bench! I have never delivered A ment on a ques tion of law here, as a main f.the Committee on the Judiciary, whether iade the ma jority or the minority ^ hat-Senator lifsts ong60,tS~Aa ti @iiereit has bown on sectio ne ions on which lie has been overruled by the ove'rwhlming authority of the Senate. Yet, a nai who has agreed with me always-and that is thV only bad sign about it [lauighter]-ntiderakes to sit In judgment on my legal attainments! If his authority i-i worth anything, it is with me, for lie has con crred with me. On all the contested-election eases, we have agreed, excel* perhaps, in the Phelps case. There he may have differed from me: but if lie did the Senate overruled him. That, however, is not the qtistion which I was approaching. I said that what lie stated in ref ernec to the constitution of South Carolina was not in response to anything which had fal len from me, and that there was no such thing to be found in the constitution of South Caro. lina as lie lis quoted. I will read the clause: " No person shall be elegibl - to a seat in the flouse of Representatives, unless lie is a free white man, of the e of twentiy-one years, and hath been a citizen anl resident of this State three years pre v Ius to his election. ir a residcit in the election distrit, lie shall iiot be elkgible to a seat in the louse of ilepresentatives, unless lie be legally seized ad~ possessed, in his own righnt, of a settled freehold estate of live hundred acres of land, and ten no iroes; or of a real estate of the value of one lien dred aind fifty pounds sterling, clear of debt. if a non-resident, lhe .shall be legally seized and possessed of a setted freehold estate therein of ithe value of lie~ hunmdred p~ounds sterling, clear of debt." I veniture to say tlh-tt nearly half of the mem brs of the Legislature of South Carolina, par tilarly those who come from towns amnd cities, do not own a negro at all; atnd very few of thema. a my colleagne knows, owni five hundred acres of laid. Merchatnts do net want it ; lawyers do not want it. The tenure by which they hold their oflices is mainly by the latter clause, which the Senattor left out, that a man' to be eligible to a seat in the House of Representatives must ownt property to the amounttof one hundred and fifty pounds sterling, clear of debt. TV'-t is a little over seven hundred dollars. Now I have r~t him ; I call on Senators to convict him. lhere is but one verdict which can be rendered. He has gone out of the wvay to assail the eon stitution of South Carolina, and, im assailng it, lie is guilty of the worst of all faults. I cannot conceive of a wvorse predicament than his, who, rofessing pedantie .aecuracy, atnd sitting ini judgment on the quotations ef others, is redu ced to the alternative of admitting that lie never read wvhat lie quoted, or, if lie had read it, could not untde.rstatnd it, or garbled it. Again, sir, lie says the constitution of South Carolina is rep~ublicani only in form. I say there is no State in the Union whose constitution gives a more enlarged right of suffrage. 1 have not the provision now before me, but I can state what nmy colleague knows to be the fact, that, every free white man of South Carolina, of the age of twenity-one, has it right of suffrage, pro vided lie pasys seventeenl shilling of tax. Inmay be mistaken, perhaps, in the smount. Ar. Ems Thersais no tax at all required, if le is at resident, aiid has resided six months in the election distriet. Then lie is entitled to vote wvithouit property qualification. Mr. BUTLER. If he has resided there for six months, no property qualifiention is required; but, it lie has not resided so long, he must have a very small amount of land. Our people do not even pay a poll-tax. Herd js the provision of the South Carolina constitution: " Every free white man of the age of twenty-one years, being a citizen of this State, and having resi ded therein -two years previous to the day of elec tion, and who bath a freehold of fifty acres of land, or a town lot of which lie bath been legally seized and possessed at least six months before such elee tin, or, not having such freehold or town lot, hiatl been a resident ini the election district in which hc offers to give his vote six months before ihe said election, and hiath paid a tax the preceeding year of three shillings sterling towards the support of thiu government, shalt have a right to vote- for a membe-i or members to serve in either brauchi of the Legis lature, for the election district in which lie holda such ptioperty, or sso reien. The Senator has presumed to characterize biet cnstitution as republican only in form, when il hits the freest and most enlarged right of suf. faig of any Stale in the Union. ,I grant yet that, when the Legislature comes into operatior tinder the constitution, there are conservativi elements which, I thank God, have withstood th ..,nd feeling of what Is called the progres of the times; but it does not become me to al lude to them now. I come next to an allegation which, if the Senator were here, I think he would not look me in the face when I repeat, and that is, his insolent ani untrue charge of the "shameful imbecility" of South Carolina Ouring the war of the Revolution in consequence of slavery. Sir, ingratitude is the monster of vices, and when it is associated with injustice, it ought to be con demned by the consuming ind~nation of even those who may to-morrow be our adversaries. What are the facts? The news of the battle of Lexington was carried to Charleston by express; and the very day they Seeived the intelligence the Liberty men, as they were called, broke open the arsenals and distributed the arms. It was but a few days afterwards before Boston sent a vessel to South Carolina for bread and wine. We sent them, I think, $3,500 worth of provisions, and seventy barrels of wine-the Maine liquor law did not prevail in Boston at that time. [Laughter.) We gave them bread; and, I answer for it, South Carolina has never asked pay for her hospitality. She would never brook the thought of asking pay for the bread she poured out upon her countrymen-country men they were, sir. Massachusetts was with out powder then, and we furnished her with it. Here I will say, lest I forget it, that the bats ties of Lexington and Bunker Hill in the Revo lution, I regard as the battles of Marathon and Salamis. They gave the Commonwealth of Massachusetts an immortality for commencing the glorious contest which has resulted in the independence of these United States; and I shall be the last man to touch the laurel crown which grows from the blood that enriched the soil upon which those battles were fought. The very powder that was used after the battle of Bunker Ilill was furnished by South Carolina. Here is the entry, not only ih the history of douth Carulina, but in the history of Massachu setts. In Ramsty's History of the Revolu tion in South Carolina, volume 1, page 43, you will find: " At the time all these military preparations were making, the whole quantity of powder in the pro vince did not exceed three thousand pounds. The people not originally designing a military opposition, no care was taken to .provide stores ; but now, re duced to the alternative of fighting or submitting, extraordinary methods were taken to obtain a sup ply. The finhabitants of East Florida having never joined in measures of opposition to Great Britain, the ports of that province were open for the purposes of trade. "Twelve persons', in which number were inelu ded Captains Tempirere, Cochran, Statter, Tufts, Joyner, Messrs. Tebaut, Williamson and Jenkins, authorized by the Council of Safety, sailed from Charleston for that coast, and, by surprise, bearded a vessel near the bar of St. Augustine, though twelve British grenadiers of the 14th regiment were on board. They took out fifteen thousand pounds of powder, for which they gave a bill of exchange to the capta'n ; and, and, having secured a safe retreat to themselves, by spiking the guns of the, powder.. vesselthifsetsail fo. Caroel6 'A-jr0eeifding that they should be pursued, they steered for Beau fort. From that place they came by the inland navigation, and delivered their prize to the .Council of Safety, whilst their pursuers were looking for them at the bar of Charleston. This seasonable supply enabled the people of South Carolina t6 oblige their suffering brethren in Massachusetts, who, though immediately exposed to the British army, were in a great measure destitute of that ne cessary article of defense." In a book published in Boston, entitled " Dealings with the Dead," I find these entries: " Our southern confederates arc entitled to civility, because they are men and brethren ; and they are entitled to kindness and courtesy from us of Boston. because we owe them a debt of gratitude, which it would be shameful to forget. Since we, of the North, have presumed to be undertakers upon this occasion, let us do the thing ' decenter et ornate.' Besides, our friends of the South are notoriously testy and hot-headed; they are, geographically, children of the gnn. John Smith's description of the Massachusetts Indians, in 1614, lmlimond edi tion, 2, 194, is truly applicable to the southern people, 'sery kind, bat, in their fury, no less saliant.' '-I am no more inclined to uphold thme South, iu the continued practice of moral wrong, because they gave us bread when we were hungry, as they cer tainly 'did, than was Sir Matthicw ilale to decide favorably for the suitor who sent him the fat buck." ".June 24, 17741. Twenty-four days after the port bill wvent into operation, a public meeting was held at Charleston, South Carolina. 'The imoving spirits were the Trapiers and thme Elliots, the [or ries anid the Clarksons, the Gadsdens and the Pinckneys, of that day ;and resolutions were passed full of brotherly love and sympathy for the inhabi tants of Boto. * " C 0 "New York, August 15, ?-774. Saturday last Captain Dickerson arrived here. and brought three hundred and seventy-six barrels of rye from South Carolina, to be sold, and proceeds remitted to Bos ton a present to te sufferers ; a still larger eargo is to be shipped for the like benevolent purpose." " Let the work of abolition go forward in a dig niied and decent spirit. Let us argue ; and, so far as we rightfutly may, let us legislate. Let us bring the whole world's sympathy up to the work of emancipation. But let us not revile and vituperate those who arc, to all intents and purposes, our brethren, as certainly as if they lived just over the Roxbury line, instead of .Mason and Dixon's. Such harshm and unmitiated scofling and abuse, as we too often witness, ar~e equally ungracious, ungentleman ly, and ungrateful." Trhe Senat6r says that the southern Staites, in consequence of slavery, betrayed during the revoutiom:ry war a "shameful imbeei!ity." I chalenge him to the truth of history. There was not a battle fought south of the Potomac which wais not fought by sou thren tro.ps and slavelholders, even if you choose to exclude Pennsylvaia, which wvas at that time a slave holding State. Muhlenberg's continental regi ment was always with them, and I love to al ude to it; but not a New England squad, com pany, or regiment ever passed the Potomac ; and yet theo Setnator says that but for northern aid the southern Slates could not have sustained themselves.* Sir, wvho fought the battle of King's Moun tainI It was nut fought by anybody in pay. Patriots fought it, but they never received a dollar. That battle made an impression, perhaps, the most remarkable of any during the wvar. It turned thme tide of events. Who fought the battle of Cowpens? There was none in that battle from thme north of Matlyland. Her com mander, Howard, is per-haps, in some respects, the hero of that action. Colonel Washington, commander of the cavalry, and Ptckens, a citizeni of South Carolina, anid one of the heroes of the revolutionary war, commanded the militia, and they never shrank from their post. It has been said of the South Carolina militia, during the revolutionary war, that they were only raw troops, who stood to their guns and position, whenever they were mustered into the service, and called upon to perform duty. Who fought the battle of Hobkirk's Hill? General Greene was the commandeg; and he afterwards became a shaveholder, and, of his own choice, lived and died in a southern State, among friends and comrades in arms. Who fought the battle of Eutaw ? Was thuere any New Englamnd regiment, or company, or squad therei Not one. That battle, the most distin. guhe which a. ever been fonjht in the south ern port.on of the Confederacy, was fought.by southern slaveholders from Maryland, Virginia, South Carolina, North Carolina, and Georgia. They were exclusively southern troops. In the face of these facts, the Senator said the imbe cility of the South, arising from slavery, was such that they could not fight their battles without aid. Shame! I call upon the shade of Hancock and Adams to look down and reprove a degen erate son who cefi thus invade the very sanctua ry of the history which has given them immor tality. Do you think that, sir, by this remark I re proach the troops of New England? No, sir. When Yorktown surrendered, there was not a New England regiment there; I have a list of the troops who were present. But because I eay that southern troops and those from Penn sylvania alone engaged in these distinguished battles, do I reprorch the troops of Massachu setts? God forbid! They were under the command of Washington at the time when he went to Yorktown, and, as was his duty, he sent them to defend the vulnerable points of New York and Boston. Now I will make a remark which I hope the Senate will remember: Notwithstanding their relative numbers compared with the pay list of New England, you may take the fighting days_ if you have a mind to compute it as you would labor-you may take the fighting days during which the troops of South Carolina were engag ed, and in the computation the balance will be found greatly against Massachusetts. If you have a mind to draw some other test-if you wish to test the question of sacrifice, and meas- 1 ure it by blood, South Carolina has poured out hogsheads of blood where gallons have been poured out by Massachusetts. ' In proof of this I give a list of battles fought in South Carolina, and each was a bloody b-ttle: Battle of Fort Moultrie. Battle of Stono. Siege of Charleston. Battle of Camden. Battle of Hanging Rock. Battle of Musgrove's Mill. Battle of Blackstocks. Battle of Georgetown, and the battle at Black Wings; by Marion. Battle of King's Mountain. Battle of Cowpens. Battle of Fish Dam Ford; by Sumpter. Battle at Ninety-six. Battle at Fort Galphin. Battle at Fort Watson. Battle at Fort Mott. Battle at Hobkirk's Hill.. Battle of Granby. Battle of Cedar Spring. Battle of Hammond's Store. Battle of Quinby. Battle of Eutaw. Battle of Rocky Mount. Battle of Port Royal. . Battle of .Tafinny. . - - Battle of Warham settlement; between Beaufort and Tarleton. Battle of Cloud's Creek. Battle at Hays's station. Bloody battle of Kettle Creek; fought by t General Pickens. Battle of Houck's defeat. These were all fought in South Carolina, and i in which South Carolinians were engaged, and i were bloody battles. In addition there were < almost dialy skirmishes fought by Marion and Sumpter. - But I do not blame Massachusetts, for I have said she had glory enough, and she was covered with glory enough by taking the bold stand which she did in putting the ball of revolution in motion ; but, when the Senator undertakes to cast reproaches on the history of South Caro lina, he will have to take hard comparisons. She got bread from hci comrade. The man who t now reproaches South Carolina, as I said a littlet while ago, is a degenerate son reproaening the I dearest and nearest comrade of his mother. You cannot get over the errors he has committed in history; you cannot obviate the malignity with 1 which the arrow has been shot. Whether het shot it with the reckless aim of one who bad his I hand upon the bow, and directed the shaft con- i sious that it had been dipped in the poison of others, I know not; but I have unmaskted him; [ have detected and exposed the man who char ges me with error, and such a proclivity to error iat I cannot observe the line of truth without such deviations as to bring on me the censure, not of one intentionally guilty of falsehood, bat Oln who, under the gust and whirlwind of passion, cannot observe the line of truth. I havet detected him; I have exposed him; and now I demand of the Senate a verdict of guilty. I< paase, sir. But niow, since lhe has given his testimony, 1 1 will ask that the testimony of another man may be read-the opinion of DanielsWebster with' regard to thie revolutionary history of South Carolina and Massachusetts. The Secretary read the following extract from Mr. Webster's reply to Mr. Hayne, deliv ered January 21, 1830: "'Then, sir, the gentleman has no fault to find with these recently promulgated South .Carolina opinions. And, certainly, he need have nose; for hi own senitimnents, as nowv advanced, and advanced on refiection-as far as I have been able to cornpre hand them-go the full length of all these opinions. I propose, sir, to say sunmething on these, and to consider how far they are just and constitutional. Before doing that, however, let me observe, that the eulogium pronounced on the character oi the. State of South Carolina, by the honorable gentle man, for her rovolutionary and other merits, meets my hearty concurrence. I shall not acknowledge that the honorab~e member goes before me in re gard for whatever o.f distinguished talent, or dis tinguished character, South Carolina has produced. claim part of the honor-I partake in the pride, of hertgreat names. I claim them for countrymen one and all. The Laurenses, the Rutledges, the Pinckneys, the Sunmpters, the Marions-Americans all-whose fame is no more to be hemmed in by1 State lines than their talents and patriotism were1 apable of being circumscribed within the samei narrow limits. In their day and generation theyi served and honored the country, and the whole country ; and their renown is of the treasures of the whole country. liim, whose honored name the gentleman himself bears-does he ..steem me les i capable of gratitude for his patriotism, or sympathy, for his sufferings, than if his eyes had first opened upon the light of Massachusetts, instead of South Carolinai Sir, does be suppose it in his power to exhibit a'Carolina name so bright as to produce envy in my bosom? No, air, increased gratifica tion and delight, rather. I thank God that, if I am gifted with little of the spirit which is able to raise mortals to the skies, I have yet none, a. I trust, of that other spirit which would drag angels down. When I shall be found, sir, in my place here, in the Senate, or elsewhere, to sneer at public merit, because it happens to spring up beyond the little limits or my own State or neighborhood; whsn I refuse, for any such cause, or for any cause, the homage due to American talent, to elevated patriot ism, to sincere devotion to liberty and the country ; or, if I see an uncommon endowment or Heaven if I see extraordinary capacity andl virtue in any son of the South-and if moved by local prejudie or gangrened by State jealousy, .I get up here to abate thin tithe of a hair from his just character and just fame, may my tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth1 "Sir, let me recur to pleasing recollection-let me indlge in ref.e.hing remembrant e of the pat -let me remind you that, in early times, no Stf~ cherished greater, harmony, both of principle and reeling, than Massachusetts and South Carolina. Would to God that harmony might again return; Shoulderto ahoulder they went through the Revol tion-band in hand theystoodround the administra lionof Washington,andfelthisowngreatarm lean - them for support. Unkind feeling, if it exst, alien ition and distrust, are the growth, unnatural to melh soils, of false principled sine sown. They are weeds, the seeds of which that same great arm never scattered." Mr. BUTLER. Sir, Daniel Webster is a Dori tatue upon a colossal pedestal raised by thel. iands of patriots-raised by. the hands of states. - men, a pedeset which is imperishable as long as the achievements of heroes, patriots, and states. men can be transmitted to posterity by history. His tribute to South Carolina is worth some hing. It is the tribute of a statesman and an ,rator-of a man who could lift himself above he bigotry, and even prepare to -be crushed'un ler the wheel of wild fanaticism. It is such a ribute as was paid by an orator like Pericles, rho had guided the helm of State, who had an kthenian spirit of patriotism, who was an orator Ad a statesman. Who is he that now gives a lifferent opinion of South Carilinal Is it not L Cleon-one whose warfare is.to assail his an agonist by criminatign, calumny, and private ilander-,a man who draw shis similes from ob. - -4 icene sources, and always thinks he has con luered when he has mortified and hurt the feel. ngs of his adversaryI But, sir, the Senator undertakes to say .that, >ecause I have advocated here the constitutional ights of the South and the equality of these States, I subjected myself to an imputation hich I shall not read myself. It bears hisaown iandiwork. Mr. Secretary, I beg your pardon or asking you to read such a thing as this, but t is your duty, not mine. The Secretary read the following extract from ir. Sumner's speech of May 19: "But, before entering upon the argument, I must ay something of a general character particularly n response to what has fallen from Senators who save raised themselves to eminence on this floor In hampionship of human wrongs; I mean the Sena or from South Carolina, [Mr. Butler,] and the Set itor from Illinois, [Mr. Douglas;] who, though un. ike as Don'Quixote and Sancho Panza, yet, like his couple, sally forth together in the same adven ure. I regret ziiuch-to miss the elder Senator from iis seat; but the cause, against whi6h he has ran a iut, with such activity of animosity, demands that he opportunity of exposing him should not be lost nd it is for the cause that I speak. The Senator rom South Carolina has read many books- of chi lry, and believes himself a chivalrous knigtm entiments of honor and, courage. Of ' i, ia chosen a mistress to whom he hasi.a 1 rows, and who, though ugly to' others,' i'alas ovely to him; though polluted in the" of'tne vorld, is chaste in Ais sight-I mean hirlt lavery. For her, his tongue-is alayp seIn vords Let her ' Iere r hardihood of assertion is thentoo-great for-th. lenator. The frenzy of Dol Quixotefin belif&tof iis wench Dulcinea del Toboso, is all surpsssed.' ['he.asserted rights of Slavery, which shockequali y of all kinds, are cloaked by a fantastio elaim ofa. quality. If the slave States cannot enjoy, whatin nockery of the great fatherm of the Republia, he nisnames equality under the Constitution-in other vords, the full power in the National Territories to ompel fellow men to unpaid toil, to separate hus >and and wife, and to sell little children at the auc ion block-then, sir, the chivalric Senator will con luet the State of South Carolina out of the Union I EIeroic knight I Exalted Senator I A second Mo ;es come for a second exodus! " But not content with this podr menace, which ve have been twice told was.' measured,' the Sena. or, in the unrestrained chivalry of his nature, has indertaken to apply opprobious words'to thon3 who liffer from him on this floor. He calls them 'see ional and fanatical ' and opposition to the. usurpa ion in Kansas, he denounces as 'an uncalculating anaticism.' To be sure, these charges lack all ,race of originality, and all sentiment of truth' but he adventurous Senator does not hesitate. i.s he uncompromising, unblushing representative on his floor of flagrant sectionalism, which now domi seers over tlie Republic, and yet with a ludicrous"' gnorance of his own position-unable to see himself. a ethers see him-or with an effrontery which yen his white head ought not to protect from re unke, he applies to those here who resist his eec ionalism the very epithet which designates himself. ['he men who strive to bring back the Government o its original policy, when Freedom and not Slave y was national, while Slavery and not Freedom was ectionnl, he arraigns as sectional. This wjll not lo. It involves too great a perversion of term.. I ell that Senator, that it Is to himself, and to the organization' of which he is the ' committee advo ate,' that this epithet belongs. Inowifaten it upon, hem. For myself, I care little for names ; but since he question has been raised here, I affirm that the 1epublican party of the Union is in no just sense ectional, but more thap any other party, nsationaal, md that it now goes forth to dislodge from the high >laces of the Government the tyrannical sectional sm of which the Senator from South Carolina Is me of the maddest zealots." Mr. BUTLER. Now, Mr. President, how any nan, who has not been excluded from society, ~ould use such an illustration on this floor, I now not. I do not see how any man could >btain the consent of his own conscience to rise n the presence of a gallery of ladies and give o slavery the* personification of a "mistress," mnd say that I loved her because she was a "bar ot." I beg pardon for repeating it. What in he name of justice and decency could have ever ed that man to use such language?. That Is hA lnnguage of Cleon. It is a somewhat re narkable thing, that in the speech which I de ivered here in reply to the Senator from New [-ampshire, I used the Word " slavery" but in ne paragraph, and that was in response to a re. mark of his speaking of the. Supreme Court as Mhe eiadel of slavery. I rebuked him. I said [ would rather regard that court as the defender yr as the promontory of the Constitution; and thiat he was at too great a distance ever to reach it by any arrow which he could discharge from bis bow. Sectionalism was not in the speech itself. When I spoke of individuals in a par. ticular section, I did not speak in terms which would imply or convey the idea - that I meant the public of the slareholding 'and nton-slave holding States. I confined it to that section who are suffering at this time, I hope to a 11.1 Led extent, and who are burning their fire, until hey will be reduced to the caustic ashes of die. appointment and disgrace. I did not speak of sectionalism in any other point of view. Sir, there are men on this floor who I believe hon. satly differ from me. I would not make any personal allusion to them. Far from widening Mhis controversy, the object of my speech was -, ./ to appease public sentiment. In the course of it I ventured to say, what I had never said before, bhat the man does not live who could look with nut concern at the consequences of a separation of these States effected in 'blood. I remarkied' that I would not say thee *as-not'intellisgence snough ultimately to form new governments and make them a union of confederacies. Sir, in that speech I attempted to throw oil upon the. troubled waters. My friends in some mesuare blamed me for the tone of my retparks. The so-called reply was already in the sp,' the poI. monous sap behind, and the Senator had to us. his speech as a conduit to pour It out on as and on the country, when he had less ocessloa