Edgefield advertiser. (Edgefield, S.C.) 1836-current, June 11, 1856, Image 1

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* Demstrafic 3isurn1a, D~veuse t fIye OSumd an $sullern- aig!ts, sdiies, %faht 3Tews, Cihtrature, filrdittj, ~emperanee, : ictuxue, & "We will cling to the Pillars of the Templeff our Liberties, and if it umst fall, we will Perish amidst the Ruins." W. F. DUIRJSOE & SON, Proprietors. EDG-EFIELD, S. U., JUJNE 11, 1856. VOL XXr.-I.3i t From the Ohio State Journal. TO MY MOTHEE. The following lines, written by a convict in the Ohio Penitentiary, aro touchingly beautiful. We I have seen nothing of late that has so moved our m sympathy. The man who can write such poetry, c< who has such thoughts, cannot be utterly depraved. o The curse of intemperance, with its attending down- n ward influence, has here done his W'ork, and a spirit at noble and generous that might and should be the i pride and ornament of the social circle, is now the to degraded convict in the walls of the Penitentiary- J( How will that fond mother's heart bleed if she shall d hear of her darling boy, the inmate of a prison in it. a foreign land: at I've wandered far from thee, mother, to Far from my happy home; th I've left the land that gave me birth, de In other climes to roam ;f And time, since then, have rolled its years And marked them on my brow; Yet I have often thought of thee- at I'm thinking of thee now. tl so I'm thinking on the day, mother, su When at my tender side, th You watched the dawning of my youth, na And kissed me in your pride; pr Then brightly was my heart lit up mni( With hopes of future joy, -i While your bright fancy honors wove To deck your darling boy. Cr: I'm thinking of the day, mother, roe When, with anxious care, ist. You lifted up your heart to heaven- the Your hope, your trust was there ; utt Fond memory brings your parting word, of While tears roll'd down your check ; Thy long, last, loving look told more un Than ever words could speak. ma w bi I'm far away from thee, mother, 0 tria No friends is t:car me now, 31 r. To scothe me with a tender word, Fei Or cool my burning brow; adu ad The dearest ties affection wove, and Are all now torn from me; str They left me when the trouble came; ptn They did not love like thee. bee Ad& I'm lonely and forsalen now, Son Unpitied and unblest; fort Yet still I would not have thee know text How sorely I'm distrcss'd ; eiih I know you would not chide mother, not You would not g've me blame ; naI But soothe me with your tender words, "1l t And bid me hope again. plae - Rep I would not have thee know, mother, ford Tho tC=3r with his baleful cup Lion HInd dashed them all away; And shame has liet its venom sting deft To rack with angis't wild Yet still I would not have thee know' nut The sorrows of thy child. dil by . Oh, I have wandered far, mother, au Since I deserted thee, und And left thy thrusting heart to break, - Beyond the deep blue sea, due Oh ! mother still I love thee well, of I And long to hear thee speak, And feel again thy balny brcath Rt1 Upon my care-worn cheek. IV But, ah! there is-a thought, mother, see -.Prevades my bleeding breast,I That thy freed spirit may have flown staL To its eternal rest; m And while I wipe the tear away, - tra There whispers in my.cear o A voice that speaks of heaven and thee, G And bids mec seek thee there. Se. - - cot SPEECH OF THlE by HO0N. F. WP1ICiKE N ,th Ddirered at the Democratic State Convention of ~ South Carol ina, in Columnbias, Mayi 5, 18$5(. de - GENTLE.1VF. OF THlE CoNvENTION :--I returnl exi you my thanks for the very kind manner in j which you are pleased to receive me. I would tot have declined the position you have called me of to assume as your presiding ofhecer, for I desire car no notoriety whmateven in public affairs, but for Ca one cotnsideration, and that is, that I know there.I Jai is consideratble opposition to the purposes of mc~ this Convention in many sections of our State, hni and it is accompanied with tmuch bitterness. Un- o der these circumstances, I do not wvih to appear (p. even to avoid all proper responstbility, or to th< dread any share of vituperation. It tins been or the habit'of my life to meet every responsibility op imposed on tme by th~ose whom I esteem as my w: friends, aind I have aiways had to encounter ray ot: full share of denun~ciaition. On this occasion, G< white I shall not avoid the one, I shall defy theta If 1rI am corrcetly informed, thme sole object of S. this Convention is to send Delegates to repre- ne sent the people' of~ this Stale in the Cincinati fa io ienition, which meets to nominate, for the s Dem era1tie pa rtv. c.adid~ates for P resident and c Vice-P'resdien of the United States. T1hc ob- en je~etions to this are--first, that it mhas not been J: the usual etistoml of Souuth Garotina to do so; rand s.eond, that it leads us into a corrupt stog- rt gle and contest fo'r the enhiees of the Federal to Government. First, as to custom, I trust you n will bear with me while I look back brielly into a this matter. As the issue has been mande in at South Carolion, it is imnportamnt thant we should w understand the history of it, or at least sonme :m points bearing upon it. It *In that elause of thme Constitution, viih ti creates an electoral college, it, wazs origimally er intended by Mr. Madison, and others, that the p election of President att:d Vice-President should at be removed from the people, and beyond the A reach of popular excitenment ; and it was imien- s ded that the electoraleollege should choose who- ti ever they thought proper, without reference to a rn ie']ious iicaL~tion<. Uut, in the prog ress f of events the theory was entirely cebanged, and the elect ion of~ eeeters w::5, in fact, the election of President. fir the body wais pledged in ad-v vance to one candidate or another. ITbe clausen in the Constitutic,ni, as it originally stood, only provided thiat they should vote for two n-umnes, without desgnatinig who wams to be P'resident, and who Vie-Presiidenit, but the highest .shonid lbe P'resident. In 1800. the contest between the. Federal and Republican party was bitter and excited. Jeterson and Burr wecre run by the t latter, and it fell into thme Hlouse-they both aving an equal number of votes. Burr ' oted for as President, but only intended !e Repablicans in the electoral college to ice-President; and yct the Federalists, taki Ivantage of the technical flaw in the Consti on, which pwohibited them from designati ho was for President, and who for Vice-Pre !nt, actually rallied on Burr for President -der to defeat Mr. Jefferson, who was t ost odious of all men to them. The balloti intinued by StatPs in the House for a leng time, until the Government approached w< -ar to a bitter rupture; so much so, that JI rson himself said, if continued, Virginia woa m. By a member or two from South Cai ia, who were voting for Burr, at last declinii vote at all, the election was made in favor frerson, amid intense excitement, and gre nger to the permanence of the Governme ;elf The feeling of danger was so wid read, that the Constitution was immediate onded, so as to make it the duty of the ek ral college to designate on their ballots who ey intended as President, and as Vice-Pre: nt. The country also saw the great dang corruption, and a rupture of the Governmer the election falling into the House of Re sentatives; and to prevent its recurrence, ar king with abhorrence upon the disgracef .empt in the Federal party to force Burr upc country, the Republican party resorted i me mode by which it was to be prevented j ure. Hence the Congressional caucuses i Republican party. to concentrate, by nom ion, the whole strength of the party, and t vent, divieiun, by which the electoral colleg fht fail to elect, and throw it again into th use ofRepresentatives. So at the end c . Jefferson's second term, Madison was nom ed over Monroe ; and so at the end of Mad 's second term, Monroe was nominated ove wford, and others. Then during Mr. Mon s administration, after the war, the Federal , with the odium of opposing the war, an, odium of their intrigues under Burr, becani rly powerless. Mr. J. Q. Adams, the soi the great leader of that party, had betravei m and made a merit of disclosing their se ts to Mr. Jefyerson, and he had accepted offie< ler him and Mr. Madison. He now wa le Secretary of State under Mfr. Monroe ch consummated his reward. Under his in ues we fully, for the first time, realized wha Jefferson had declared-that wo were al eralistt-all Rlepubhlicanis. Mr. Monroe'i inistration was consolidating in its tendency seemed to be imbued with the great maxin Iamilton, which was to make up by con ction what was wanting in specific grants o er. What was called the Republican part) tie divided between Mr. Crawford, Mr ins, Mr. Clay, Mr. Calhoun and Gen. Jack. The Federali.sts, as a party, not p "1ttin h any candidate,-there was no plausible pre or necessity for a congressional caucus, ax. r if elected would sti;l be Repub!ican. But, vithstanding this, towards the close of Mr. iroe's term, Mr. Crawford received the nomi. n of a Congressionai caucus, and of coursec lie others denounced it. The eleelion toox e, and of course it fell into the llouse of resentatives in 1824-Mr. Adams, Mr. C-aw and Gen. JacksoC.r ito li e enius and spirit of our istitu , following the poiular will, he ought to been elected, but by combination he was ated. There was an i:djourned case-of.ve. v between Mr. Clay and Mr. Adams, and s'ittanding this and their previous decided rence on many points, yet he voted for and, his intlence in the House, elected Mr. Ad. . and immediately accepted the chief office er him declaring that it had been usual tc t the Secretary of State Chief Magistrate that le thought it a safpreceder.t. It pro ed a burst of *imdignation and a universal cr) bargain, intrigue and corruption. Tile dan of the election filing into the House o hresentatives. and its dreadful and pro Ite effects upon all the foIuntains o r were deeily felt Iv n'I classes. Thi .es that then o'eeurred and the danger t( Repubhe were painted in glowing colors bi of~ our mos beloved and distinguishei esmen-a sttesmani, the purity of wvhos tives in public, were only equalled by th tcendant and georgeous bursts of his pai tte eloqunence. I can mean no other thal arge McDufrde, for in fiery eloquence lie stand bout a rival in South Carolina. lie was iber of Congress at the titme, atnd in depici the dangers, exclaimed, if this election is t ito the House of Rep)resentatives, and repeated, "you corrupt liberty in this th t of her vitality." And in this Mr. Calhoui eurred, for albhough elected Vice-Presiden the college, having beeti voted for by bot friends of Adams tand Jackson, yet he thrc wole weight of his influence in favorc kson afterwards, upon the open grounds eating a precedent fatal to liberty and th stenee of the Government, if repeated. t was his friend~s-Mcllie, H~ayne, Hlami and others-who fought the battle in far Gen. Jackson, on these grounds, and in 182 red the election by atcclamation, and M Ihoun was elected again Vice-President co -kson's ticket. No Siate in this Unioni ton r intere4t in the elction t hana South Car i, or wvent into it with more zeal. TI trage hnd beeni so great by the House presentatives, in electing Mr. Adams, th~ :re was no need of a Congressional cauet nominating Convention to concentrate publ inion, for thero was no divibion, and Jackcsc s elected by acclamation to wipe out tI trage. In the previous contest the frienids :neral Jackson, as well as Mir. Calhoun h: n decided ground tagainst Congression unsses, because Mr. Craw ford had beeti non ted in one, antd the others had run against i miation. Therefore, the~y could never aft 11 bhaek to thaut cour-e ; but when real divisi ratg up again, they resoirted to Natior oventions as a substitute. I his was se in 1832. as to the~ Vice-President; a ckson was the unanimous choice as to ~eident, although he had said he would n n a secondl time. The only division was thec Vice.P'residetnt, and Sir. Van !!ureni iminated, while Jachson was re.noat ithot divisioni. In the mieantime, during Iiminitrationi of Mr. Adams, his friends form hat was called the National Recpublicani par d claimied to be a sub-division of the C epubican party, but they in reality drew a great extent, the remnanit, of the Old F~ -al party, and bay their duetrines soon mnada atformi so national, th~at any Federalist co and upon01 it. The first great issue that3 dams and Clay made was on the Paniama in on, and the prInciple.; assu med made the c ntiVe divi-iotn of~ parties. Thle States Rig mt Radical school, as thety wer~e then call dh ii ito oppos.ition1 in t hat grea:t debate in enae. The next great issue maide by ntional Rtepublicans, un tder Adaims and Cl ms a taril' tuor distinert protection, per se, e eted with an etnr'ed systemi of iter uiprovements. 'IThe State flights Repubbec ook ground in opposition, and betnee arose t reat debaute on Fort's resolutiotns, when all rieds of Gen. Jackson, wilt Mr. Grundy, ft 'entessee, at their head. opened up the piri des fi State interpositioni, and even nutllifi ion, as embraced in the Virgintia resolutiout 9.-nt wTs nonn this noccnion that Gen. la3 rus distinguished for his lofty and elevated clhgc by ter, adorned as it was by pure patriotism ani be glowing eloquence, made his great speech it ng reply to Mr. Webster, which Gen. Jacksor tu- wrote him he had printed on satin, and placed ng in his library, as containing the true theory o si. the Constitution. Soon after his election, how in ever, a rupture took place belween him and Mr he Calhoun, and involved personal feelings. I ag grew out of what Gen. Jackson had supposed th to be Mr. Calhoun's course in Mr. Monroe's 11 cabinet, in relation to the Seminole campaign, f- and the taking of Pensacola and the Barancas, id It is sufficient to say that it produced a violent o- rupture. In this rupture Mr. Calhoun-fell into Ig a minority in the great party that had succeed of .ed so triumphantly in overthrowing the Adams t administration. Then soon after too, sprang up t issues which involved the general principles up. e- on which the canvass had been discussed; and ly the administration took up what Gen. Jackson c- called a judicious tariff, embracing protection. m Mr. Calhoun and his friends fell back upon free i- trade, and its great and vital principles, involvidg er ultimately in the last resort, the right of State t, interposition, taking the identical grounds taken p- in common with Gen. Jackson's friends on the d " Woollens Bill," and tariff of 1828, before the 11 election. In this great rupture, and in these n great issues, it was natural for South Carolina o to take sides with her distinguished son. He n had been the pride and ornament of his State, >f and had illustrated the spirit of her institutions i- with a noble intellect and fervent patriotism, on 0 the most trying occasion, in fact, his brilliant e genius had illuminated the remotest confines of e our State, and each and every one of hers de. f lighted to bask and to revel in its soft and glow ing rays, even as man delights irthe genial sun ofearly spring, as he flings his morning light r over the vallies and green hills of the land, all - leaping with joy under the plastic hand of a - beneficent God Yes, it was perfectly natural to take sides with such a man and to stand by him although he might fall into a minority. The issues be came more violent and decided, until it enden in thesTariff of 1832; and this State pursuing the path 'of her professed principles interposed her sovereign authority under the most intense excitement. This produced universal public discussion of the principles involved, through out the Confederacy, and just a few weeks be. fore the act was to be put into operation, which the State in Convention assembled had declared should be null and avoid, as Virginia had done in the alien and sedition laws, " the Compromise" was introduced in the Senate by Mr Clay, and hurried through the House, so that in flact the Government repealed its own act, before the day arrived on which it was to commence its operation. This was State interposition. All these events produced the most intense excite. ment, and of course threw us for years out of the party movements of the general Republican party o' ihe Union then lead by Gen. Jackson, and of' course in general nominations we took little or no interest. Those who were with us were called the strict State Rights school. Mr. Calhoun, in the mean time. had resigned his Vie-Presidency and gone into tie Senate to Bank, Gen. Jackson, for the first tie ]n public affairs, hard in his messages, appealed to the people of the nation as a whole, as contra distinguished fiom the people of tie States of the Confederacy. And hence the great majonty of the party assumed the name of the Demo ratie party, as contradistinguished from the Whig party, a generic rarc, that had sprung up and was assumed by tIhe old National Re publicans under Mr. Clay. Our party retained the name of State Righrts Republicans, and stood oil many measures between the two. So murch so, that in February, 1S35. the Democratic party, under tire lead of Mr. Polk, in the House, introduced tihe famnous bill organizing what was called tle Pet Bank system, or State Banks as depositorieS of public monics; and the Vhige, under the lead of Mr. Binney, went for mainking the United States Bank ngrain tire depository of public monies, and tire State Right.4 party un1 der the lead of Ge . Gordon, of Virgia, in troduced what is now called the Independent Treasury, to save thiemselves5 from being absorb ed by either as to a great principle. I wvas then a very young member otf tire IHouse, for tire Sfirst time, and voted with tirty-two others for 1it, in the shaprte of three resolutions, embracing tire idenrtical prjeiples of tire present indepen dent Treasury of the General Governmenlt. Inl 1836, thre National Convenitionl nomuinated Mr. Van Buren, anrd from orur peculiar position at that period, it was natural for South Carolina tto feel no interest in tile general movements of tire more national branch of tire party.. It was not so muchl becausee sire opposed threir policy f of organilzationr, but because she was indifferent, f having been alienated from the general party by her course on many exciting poirts. Thring~s ethus stood until tire spring of 1837, whren uni .versal suspension of the B~anks took place, and with that, whiat was called tire Pet Banlk system r blew up. Mr. Van Buren callkd an extra session of Congress, anid was forced to recommend an r Independent Treasury. Tihe Jackson branch of c the Democratic party hlad wared uponl a Nationarl Bank, and properly warred upon it, for I never was at an~y period of my life, and I commenced e pulie ifeat tihe early age of twenty-three, a UntdSatesBanlk man. Mr. Van Buren could not recommend that, and tihe favorite antagdhist s rneasure of tire State Blanks had blown up. So e there wvas no alternative but tire Independent n Treasury, tihe very identical measure thrat had been irntroduced, February, 1835, by Gen. Gor don, and for whlich thirty-thrce of us then voted. This position of the President, tiren the head of the great, Demlocratie party, of course involved Sall those great principles connected with tire crfiscal action of the Governlmenlt, whichr lie at tire efoundation of our peculiar system. At the ex altra session of 1837, 1 was appointed by the aDemoeratire party to call up and take charge of the Sub-Treasury bill, in the Committee of tire Wole; 1 did so, and after discussion, a motion twas marde to report it, and thlen lay it..on tire table. It wans carried by a small majority and I was thre only member from South Carolina dwho voted for the measuiro4hat session. I was 11egnsured severely for it in differenrt parts of thle dState, na it, was supposed at that times, to savor too much of support to tire general Democratih r arty and Van Bureni for Lire politics of this d State. But as soon as Mr. Calhoun took hai d:stand for it, public sentiment changed. Huli great speechres on that subrject soon brought tile dState to acet cordially one more with tile na I.tionat party, from whom we had been pnstially -alienated "for seaveral yaars. We then wont 8-it h ampaign wihthem, arnd M.Calhour b ecamne reconreiied to Mr. Van Buren, even s< mj nhci so, that hre dined wvith lumr~, ;md it was epublicly announed thrrough tire Richmond En re q uirer. We arfterwards4 went mto caucu.s with them on all imnportat questions;i and in thi -greart conltest of 1840, Gov. Thomas of Mary tld anid myself, wrot" the addresa and resoiu a tons of thre Democratic party, upon which th cante~rvass was conducted, or rather in caucus tii re eport was matde by Mr'. Grurndy, and on thl he rinotionl of Mr. Polk it was referred brick to .sub.committee of Gov. Thomas and myself, an a- e remodeled it. South Carolina werrt hreartil of into tile contest, and the nomination of Va Bureni was a mere nominal matter, as there wa no division.' s.avere beaten, because the reso i tions and re ad two much strict principle for the times,. -d our opponets under Harrison cirried it witlolut principles or rather fighting for a NationalJnk in some sections and against it in others; , so of all the other great issues. At the extra s'"'ton of'1842 they endeavored to carry every.tbing in the rhapo of a National Bank in sbmb form, but were defeated in all. They suceeled in the Tariff of 1842. The conpromise of 1833 made a biennial reduction of ten per ceqt!.to run for ten years, and at the end of that tii'6-o be reduced to the wants of an economica' Government. They got the first years of -Dhe protection afforded, and before its latter yeadfulfilled its final operation, so as to give us the bpnefit, it, in shameless disrezard of all faith, wigr.epealed by the Tariff of 1842, introduced by ithe same man who had introduc ed the compronise of 1833. This was carried against the opposition of the Democratic party, except two disinguished Senators, Mr. Wright, of Now York ud Mr. Buchanan, of Pennsyl vania. It was these , reat questions that brought South Carolina uto full communion with the Democratic p" of the Union, so that in 1843 we called a Convention of Delegates exactly similar to the assembly here now. Mr. Calhoun had made a gritt impression, and was freely spoken of for President in all parts of the Union. South Carolinajook. an active part in national politics. The Convention of this State met and nominated him abject to the nomination at the Baltimore Contention. The Convention also made an argnment as to the plan of electing and organizing the General Convention. The prom inent nominatikhof Mr. Calhoun by this State immediately drew the fire of the friends of all the Candidates of the old Jackson Democratic party. These rete Mr. Van Buren, Mr. Cass, R. M. Johnson,. and Mr. Buchanan. In the meantime, towaids fall, Mr. Calhoun published his argument a p'inst the mode and manner of organizing the nzimore Convention and its evil t tendencies. There had been two Delegates for the State at largeolected by the State Conven tion, but under dibs letter of Mr. Calhoun the Congressional istricts were indifferent to elect ing any DelegaC as proposed by the State Convention, an there were none appointed. Mr. Cslhoun's n e was even taken from the papers of this Sfbte. But just at this juncture h there began to .m up another great absorbing question upon tie public horizon. The lone 9 star of Texas h risen like a fiery meteor from the bloody field San Jacinto. In 1838 Mr. t Van Buren and Secretary of State had re- L' fused to considetf the question or annexation, P and it had died " ay until 1843. The British b Government had nterfered to prevent annexa. v tion, avowing th frh Lord Aberdeen, that her d object was to pn 'e emancipation throughout a the world. Thii Xeited the public mind, and A the able letter o r. Calhoun to Mr. King, our r1 Minister in Fran 'made the whole Southdeep- ti ly alive to the delkiate and vast interests involved. e The canvass for ' Presidency had narrowed 0 down pretty mu a contest between *. t Clay and Mr. V aren. A majority of the P Dea alrea-aee P t . '?%xi.j question, and ake the~elecc wW~ n- .te.old-ssespO i. which Mr. Van Buren was defeated in 1840. There had been a great re-action on them and it was thought lie could now be elected. Mr Clay was at Raleigh, and Mr. Van Buren near Alba- a ny, and yet their letters against annexation of ( Texas appeared in the National Intelligencer, at Wa1shington, if not the very same day-oC neap peared one day and the other the next. This looked like collusion, and it was universally be lieved it was by concert and understanding, and thence rose tha conflict which ended in the overthrow of Van Buren. The Democratic par ty were too sound on principle to follow their c principal leader, and lie fell. The Whigs, who 0 it is notorious always fought for abstract princi- t ple-followed their leader, and he lead them to F defeat. After the appearance of these two let- r ters from Mr. Clay and Mr. Van Buren against d annexation the excitement became intense, and y Mr. Calhoun wrote Mr. Elmoere anid myself to r go on to thme Baltimore Convention by all means, C and to have a meeting in Charleston'to get oth- 1: ers to go with us, as it was important to the I South, and to the triumph of Texas. I was I vr~y reluctant to go, under the circumstances, but we did get a few together at Stewart's Hoe tel, Charleston, and could get no one to go, ex cept Mir. Aiken, the present member of Congress. I We attended the Convention, not however us regular members, but *'hen Mr~. Polk was nomi nated we were called on to speak, and we cor-. dially approved of it. Mr. Polk was fo'r annex ation of Texas-sound on the Tariff-internal improvements-Batnk, and all great questions; 4 and as to general politics, occupied the same I ground with Mr. Calhoun ; and but for Mr. Cal- 1 houn's letter against the organization of the Convention, in all probability lhe n'ould have re ceived the nomination instead of Mr. Polk. We i came home from the Convention and public meetings were held in the State to ratify the nomination. It was received with enthusimsm, and South Carolina once more entered warm ly into the canvass for President and Vice President. lie was elected, and appointed Mr. Buchanan Secretary of State, and the Mexican war came on. Mr. Calhoun threw himself against it, and lust the sy mpathmy and control of the Democratic party in the South. And again in 1848 South Carolina became indifferent to the nominating Convention for the Presidency. Gen. Css was nominated, and many of our members of Congress were against him and in favor of Gen. Taylor. The people of the State, howev er, took very decided ground for his nomination as against Gen. Taylor, and although Charleston was carried for Taylor, the rest of the State went decidedly for the nominee. In 1850 and '51, sprung up all those angry and exciting ques tions connected with the admission of Califor nia. A Southern Convention was called on the recomtmendation of Mississippi to meet at Nash ville ; secession enlisted the deepest feelings in South Carolina. The State was divided into two very decided and bitter parties. After the terminalison of the controversy, the whole pub lic feeling of the State became prostrated amnd indifferent to general polities. Just at this pe riod came on the Convention for nointation, and of course, the State, undrer the heated events she had but recently passed through at home, took no Interest whatever In the Convention. But when Geni. Pierce was nominated, she took a decided and unanimous part. There was not division enough amongst us to produce discus sion. I have thus given a rapid view of the coursof the State, and of the prnncipal causes that influenced the course as wvell as I under stood them. The only great and decided point made in lier indifference to, or opposition to act Iing with the Democratic party in their niomina tingrConventions as was ponnected with Mr. .Calhoun's publication against the mode and -manner of organization of thme Baltimore Con ventioni that met in 1844. Mr. Calhoun was right as far as lie wepit. Thierp are no doubt very grave and serious objections to the usual i manner of constituting such assemblies. And I Mr. Calhoun's fertile genius,ecould also, no doubt 7 point out serious objections to the tmode and ri mannier of electing almost any, deliberative as . sembly if he chose to analyse it. Take for m. stance our own~Legislatures. He could easi prove that there had been coiruption and evi bribery at many of the election boxes-th there had been fraud and corrupt combinatiot in many of the Districts. And, even after ti Legislature was assembled, it could be prove that there was corrupt management and log-ro ling, and unjust and unfair Legislation. So to of Congress, that it was' very often corrupti constituted and unfairly organized-that it we partial and unfair in its Legislation. But this sufficient to abandon them altogether an abolish them ? All government itself is an ev and the only reason why we submit to i is that it is a substitute for a greater evil, whie is anarchy. In this point of view it is a positiv blessing. So in this case, there was a great ar gument beyond the positions Mr. Calhoun as sumed in his letter or communication, and tha lay in the evils arising from the election of Pres ident and Vice-President falling habitually inti the House of Representatives. Let us look a it for a moment. According to the Constitution if any candidates fail to receive a maj6rity o he whole votes cast in the electoral college, thl flection goes to the House of Representativei with the three highest. According to the theo y of that instrument, also, the powers of gov. .rnment are divided between the Senate, the President and the House of Representatives ind must be kept separate. But if the electior )f President habitually falls into the House ben that branch will in time absorb the Execu. ive, and the President will but be the humble ool and instrument of those who will make the >owers of the Republic and destroy the equili. rium of the three branches, and make in fact mut two-and where then will be your Senate 1 With the popular branch of the Government n habitual control of thi election of President nd Vice-President, there can be no safety for iberty or the Republic. The Senate would oon be at their mercy, and we would become a onsolidated Democracy to a certain extent, with corrupt oligarchy in the House of Represen atives, contesting the destiny of empire. Such as been the catastrophe of all Republics, where he legislative branch chooses the executive also. he Constitution expressly reserves the raising f all revenue bills to the House of Represen. tives. Here, then, we would have the same ranch of Congress that holds the purse strings, aming, too, the executive, and making him the unble tool of their corrupt and profligate ex enditures. You say it is corrupting to have Conventions > nominate and prevent the election falling in > the House of Representatives, and yet you ropose to corrupt permanently the Legislative ranch of the Republic, and thus poison the ry fountains of the law-making power, and bauch them by throwing the purple of empire their bar every four years for sale and barter. dmit for argument that the Convention is cor pt; yet it sinks back again into the mass of le people, without the power habitually to cov your statutebooks, with the permanent marks fraud and corruption. -To give that branch at holds the revenue in its hands, also the wer to hold the President, is in'fact to de a Burr conspiracy of the Federalists, in 1801-' d then in modern times to Oonventions. True, icy may be full of evils, and even corruption, id yet they are a choice of evils, and prevent a reter evil in all the stupendoug and corrupting ynsequences of the election habitually falling to the House of Representatives. This was ueply felt both in 1801 and 1814, and cam ' r reducing a convulsioW and, if repeated n, oes any man who has read history believe that ,s Republic could last ? Now, a few words as to the time and the pe aliar state of the country in which we are called a to act at this juncture in our affairs. Here wfore there might have been some cause of ap rehension on the part of South Carolina, for -ar she may have been betrayed, or unjustly Salt with in Conventions. The South had for ears great grievances to complain of, and there Iight have been danger that the candidates hosen might lean too much towards what had en done by Government, rather than to alle ite our wrongs and grievances. We corn. laned of the operation of an unconstitutional ank of the United States, and of a tariff for rotection connected with it ; and, also, of an nlarged and systematic system of expenditures a internal improvements, appropriated on canals d great national roads. Thbe-e were all branches f the same system; and during the operation f the Unitcd States Bank from 1816 to 1836, round numbers about $4l00,000,000 of money vus collected in the shape of revenue, $300, o00.000 of wvhich was practically paid South of ie ['otomuae, and out of the $400,000,000 dis ursed by Government during that period, at ast $300,000,000, were disbursed North of the ?otomae; and as they received $200,000,000 nro than they actually paid, and we received niy $100,000,000 in disbursement, and of ~ourse lost $200,000,000. There is no question pon earth but that the fiscal action of the Gov. ~rnment, during that period, affected the distri. ution of wealth to that amount in this Confede. *acy. We felt it deeply. The conflicts thai bee things produced created alienation and oubt, and forced us to look rather to local or. manization for protection, than to national com. >inations as to the chief offices. An issue was produced in these violent con [oets, and State interposition forced the Govern ment to repeail an odious tariff act a few weeko before the day it was fixed for it to go into ope. ration in 1833. This commenced to stop tha partial and unjust sources of supply for a cor rupt and unjust bank to operate itpon in its fis tal action, and then Gen. Jackson nobly and glo riously destroyed the bank itself. T'his Stata pisoduced an issue that caused the Governmen to pause, and forced a full discussion of the un just measure in the public mind, which ended ta a certain extent in its overthrow; and Gon Jackson destroyed the other corrupt branch o the system, and gave a decided shock to loca and partial internal improvements. Then imme diately afterwards, in 1836, sprung up thos other movements upon our local institutiona They took the place in public excltement-or th tariff, bank and internal improvements. Th North had used them to govern the South, an' now use Abolition for the same purposes. Thi unholy and unhallowed oombination betwee base ambition and foul fanaticism, the designin and unprincipled use for the purpose of creatin a majority to rule the South. It is more a quet tion of power with them than of conscience In this contest we labored under great disat vantages. One of the leading Southern State committed a stupendous blunder in the ordinanc of 1781, and then we had forced on us the Mir souri Compromise of 1820. ThIs gave t~ North the right to acquire States, and colonii South of Stio 30' latitude, but prohibited from going North of that line. South of it wv' left to the settlers to ohoose slavery or not, ar lorth we had no choice. It was an infamou and degradin~g distinction. It was substitutir a single law passed by a majority in Congre for the Constitution, and attemptIng to give all the solemnity of an amendment to the Fed rl compact. And if they could thus add to nmnd the instrument in one instance, they c0n ly in another, and thus the compact itself woulk n be in the hands of a simple majority in Con, it gress, instead of in the hands of the States whc is made it. The organic law of this Confederao3 e was made by three-fourths of the States, and d they alone can add to or take from it. There is I. no human tribunal can do it but them; and the o country will sink down into the imltecility of y slaves, if they submit to anything short of that. s These were our difficulties. And that part of s the Constitution which enjoins the rendition of I fugitives from labor, had become obsolete. Ken. I tucky, Virginia and Maryland felt the grievance :, too heavy to be borne. Now, how stand the i great issues? True, we have been wronged 3 deeply wronged in the past history of an unne cessary amount of revenue too heavy. But a tariff, embracing the principles of free trade, or t at least abolishing specifies and minimums, has been put into operation by the Government. The Democratic party, .in its triumph, broke down the infamous tariff of 1842, with its spe. cific and minimum duties, enpressly for protec r tion, and passed the tariff of 1846, with its ad ralorem as a substitute. True, the ad valorem is entirely too high, and the revenue beyond all that is necessary, and the heavy disbursements, are corrupting, and ought to be reduced. But tie vital principle of protection, specifies and minimus, is destroyed. They grew up from the Tariff of 1816 and bacame the centre of exis tence to a protective tariff-another corrupt branch of the system a Bank, is destroyed, and the Cumberland road, with canals, was the cen tre of the corrupt system of internal improve ments. It is now abandoned, and there has been no appropriation for it since 1837. The great issues are now changed. A Southern Senator, Mr. Mason, from Virginia, penned the fugitive slave law to enforce the Constitution on that point. A north-western Senator from a non-slaveholding State introduced and carried triumphantly by the force of his genius the re peal of the Missouri restriction. The North now complains of grievances. They demand the restoration of this Missouri line-the repeal of the fugitive slave law. They demand the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia -and the regulation of the slave trade betiveen the States, and that no new State with slavery shall hereafter be admitted. These are all posi. tive measures. They require action-offensive moves. We stand on the defensive. The Gov ernment, at last, for the first time in twenty-five years, has made a platform we can stand upon. We sustain it. The North wages war upon it. Heretofore, when we complained of grievances, if any portion of the South made a specific movement for redress, other portions would op pose it, and we were divided. Now the North has to move, and when they propose specific action they in turn will be divided, and must be from the very nature of things, and with the South united and the North divided, we can con trol this Union, if we but have wisdom and pa triotism to perceive what is right, and to do it manfully and truthfully. It is provincial statesmanship not to under stand the issues and comprehend the great changes in the country. We need no platform -the Government has al~nn -made the lat LlieJzoveinmen :L 4"V,. A Piisident at its hed,-an6. it is strong enoug and wide enough foi us to stand upon it boldly, and if they make a platform below that, they must fall themselves. The North itself has been overrun and prostrated by a corrupt and profligate combination of parties amongst them, selves, and there is no hope for the honest and true there, but in the Constitution and the whole Constitution. We go for that Constitution as broad enough for us all. As long as we are in the Union I am for discharging ali-hour duties, faithfully, and fully, under that Union. I scorn and despise to affect one thing and to feel anoth er. If we are going for secession that is another thing. But as long as we arE part of this con federacy let us do our duty, manfully and faith fully, to the eountry, the whole country-and noth Uig but the country. These are my sentiments. A Senator from a non-slaveholding State in the north-west introduced a repeal of the Mis souri compromise, and by his ability and energy carried it through triumphantly by the assisjane of northierw vo'tes. And I here pay my tribute to a brave and talented man-here, in the very centre and heart of South Carolina, I take pride in tendering my cordial approbation to a very intellectual and intrepid statesman. And shall we refuse to stand by those who have planted themselves in the breach made by the fanatical and the factious in the institutions of our coun try,--who stand with Douglass on the very out er w all, and wave the fiag of constitutional equality? No! no! Render justice to whom justice is due. Shall vie turn our backs with indifference up on the President, who nobly stands in the very portals that lead to the Temple of our common liberties-bearing, as he does. aloft in one hand, the sword of Justice, and in the ether the agis of the Constitution ? Shall we refuse to nerve his patriotic arm? Shall we refuse to stand by him? No! no!--every feeling of my nature re volts at it-every impulse of my heart warms me to the contest. But it is said, that to stand by our friends in every emergency is to endanger the virtue of oar men -is to bring them into contact with cor ruption!! And has it come to this-that South Carolina has sunk so low that she has no sons who can be trusted in the common councils of our sister States? If we are thus prostrate, poor indeed we must be,-nnd in truth it is time that our guardians should be appointed. But there is danger of our becoming corrupted with federal oficees, if we go for choosing a sound and true President !!! We have no mo motive exegpt to engage in a scramble for federal oflices!!l! Ah! I have a right to say that there are men here, who can trample the livery and trapping of federal honors beneath their feet in the dust of the earth, if incompati ble with the honor and rights of South Carolina. I tell ge*ntlemen, that there are those here, who F disdain I " To crook the pregnant hinges of the knee, .Where thrift may follow fawning." SI throw back the insinuation in pity and con .tempt. If there be any son of South Carolina, Swho, on account of his character and devotion ato the Constitution, may be thought worthy of i Federal power, why may he not wear the badge * withi honor ? There is nothing at present in the i attitude of the State to forbid it. No-let us rdo our duty-let us do what is right in forbear Sing liberality to those who differ with us. Do . openly and fairly what is right, and my Jife on ,it South Carolina will sustain us. Low.CoUsmYrWrtEAT.--We have received sa very fine sample of' heads of WVheat raised on the plantation of Mr. J. R. AMATTHEWES, on ePen Pen. They are nearly mature, with a large e number of full grains to the head. This seems, eto solve the problem of the possibility of pro. 'S~tably growing Wheat in the Low-Country ol South Carolina.-Chareton1 Mercury. s A late exchange says that the ladies of Aurora g Illinois, in considerat'on of this being Leap yeai is have, without the sham ow of a dissentient voice it passed the following resolution: e- "Resolhed, That if we, young ladies of Au >r rora, don't get married this year, somebody wil ld be to blame." NESSI. BRK AIN D EL - The correspondent of the New York. Herald, says about half-past one, after the Senate adjourned Col. Preston S.,Brooks, member of Congress, of South Carolina, ap proached Senator Sumner, who was sitting in his seat and said: "I have read your speech carefully and.. with as. much disposition to do you justice as I could command; ahd I have deliberate. ly come to the conclusion that you were guilty of a gross libel upon my State, and of a wanton insult to my absent and grey haired relative, Judge Butler, and I feel my. self under obligations to inflict on you a.: punishment for this libel and insult." - Col. Brooks thea struck Senator Sumner with his cane some dozen blows over the -head. Mr. Sumner at first showed fight, but was overpowered. Senator Crittenden and others interferred and separated them. Mr. Keitt, of South Carolina, did-not'in terfere, only to keep persons ofl. Senator Toombs declared that it was the - proper place to have chastised Mr. Sumner. About a dozen Senators and many stran gers, happened to be in the Chamber at the moment of the fight. Sumner, I learn, is badly whipped. . The city is considerably excited, and crowds everywhere are discus the last item. Sumner cried, "I'm most dead! oh, I'm most deadl" After Sumner fell between two desks his own having been overturned, he lay bleeding, and cried out, "I am almost dead-almost dead !" Mr. Brooks waited at the Porter's-.Lodge about an hour yesterday, and as long this morning, hoping to meet Mr. Sumner, with a view to attack him. Failing in this, he entered the Senate Chamber to-day, just as that body adjourned, and seeing several la- . dies present, seated himself on the opposite side to Mr. Sumner. Soon all disappeared,. but one. He then requested a friend t& get her out, when -he immediately hppioached Mr. Sumner, and made his remarks in a very quiet tone. Mr. Sumner attempted to spring to his feet, ihowing fight, but whilst in the act was struck by Col. Brooks a back-handed blow across the head, with a gutta percha cane'. near an inch thick, but hollow, and he'con tinued striking him right and left until the stick was broken into fragments, and Mr. 5 Sumner was prostrate and bleeding on the aoor. No one took holdsof Col. B. during he time, so quick was the operation; but mmediately afterwards Mr. Crittenden aught him around the body and arms, when Col. B. said, "I did not wish to hurt him nouch, but only whip him." No one knew of the anticipated attack V iefnidseaiied hhe' i his speech, and that if ocoasion required it he would use his weapons. He was not armed when attacked by Col. Brooks to day. It is said also, that Mr. Summer gave out, before he made his speech, that he would be responsible for anything he might say. The local editor of the Washington Organ thus describes Mr. Sumner's appearance, after the assault: His wounds consisted of two deep gashes. across the scalp; a heavy bruise, running from his mouth to his forehead; bruises on his hands and arms, and also on his legs, which were caused by his sudden contact with a desk with such force that he com pletely unprooted it. The Doctor partially shaved his head and put two stitches in- each would at the Capi tol, and completed the dressing at his rooms. We have devoted a considerable space to-day to matters connected with this difi-. culty. We much regreat that the insolence of such men as Mr. Sumner, renders such scenes occasionally necessary. His speech was a gross outrage upon the character and dignity of the American Senate; and while persons may honestly differ as to the pro. priety of the place, where the punishment was infieted, tbere are few who will not admit that he justly deserved a severe guua-pur chaaing, and he received it. THE KITCHEN.-We will give to intellect, to immortality, to religion, and to all virtues, 'the honor that belongs to them. And still it may be boldly affirmed that economy, taste, skill and neatness in the kitchen, have a great deal to do in making life happy and prosperous. Nor is it indispensably necessary that a house should be filled with luxuries. All the qualifications for good house-keeping can be displayed as well-on a small scale as on a large one. A small house can be more-easily kept clean than a palace. Economy is most needed in the absence of abundance. Skillful cooking is as readily discovered in a nicely baked potato; or a respectable johny-cake, as in a nutbrown sirloin or a brace of canvass-backs. A dirty kitchen and bad cooking have driven many a one from home to seek for comfort and happiness somewhere else. Dbmestic economy is a science-a theory of life, which all sensible wvomen ought to study and practice. None of our excellent girls are fit to be married until they are the roughly educated in the deep and profound mysteries of the kitchen.-Tennessee Far mer. THE fact that canal navigation is about to be resumed, gives much uneasiness to New York dealers in breadstuffs and provisions, mnore so from the fact that the prospects now are that we shall have most abundant crops this ssen. 'rhe New York Express, referring to the down. ward tendency of the markets, says: "Upon a reasonable crop, prices, at the close of water navigation, stood at $9.25 for common flour and $1.06 for corn, with a foreign market. promising favorably by reason of the war, which allowed us to feed armies of men. who, in time. of peace, passed their lives in growing food foa Great Britain. Navigation opens upon flour at 86 and corn at 62j cents, with peace in Europe, and a favorable prospect for crops here. The decline i beef and perk is not so large, but it must follow, inasmuch as cheap and abundant. food for stock must increase and cheapen the: crop of both."