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EDGEFIELDi ADERLSR "We will cling to the Pillars of the Temple of our Liberties, and if it must fall, we wiil Perish amidst the Ruins." W. F. DURISOE & SON, Proprietors. EDGEFIELED, S. C., MAY 30, 185L.- ~* 2. XEOS EPISCOPOS, Editor. INVIRER NO. 2, AND "PRESBYTER." TH1ERE is so little that is objectionable in the first of these articles, that we hardly think it worth while to advert to it. There are indeed a few things in it that are very decidedly so, and some of them ralier whim sical; as, for instance, the repetition of the tissertion that the absence of a succession necessarily drives on to infidelity ; and that the ministry is risible, while the church is znvisible, &c. But leaving out a few such notions as these, we don't know but the es say may be jtonsidered on the whole, as quite orthodox ; though, at times, rather foggy. We therefore will await for some further de monstration, and in the meantime say a few things for the benefit of our respectful cor respomident, " PU ESnYTER." First, then, we return him our thanks for hi. assurance of a proper appreciation of the motive which pi ompted us to a discussion of the subject. This is more credit than edi. tors always get for honesty of purpose, and ought, therefore, to be noted. We are also much gratified that he proposes to bring the matter wholly to the test of " the scriptures," and abide the issue; for we especially rely upion these in (It termining the matters of doubtful disputation," pertaining to doc trie discipline and general practice. We ther-fore hope he will abide by this commit tal, as it may save much trouble if the dis. cussion is continued. These things premised, we proceed to say that we are at a complete loss to imagine how lie supposes us to hold the positioa that every man, wonian and child who saw our Lord and heard his voice, and even that could work a miracle, was an Apostle. By what rule of interpretation could he come to such a conclusion I Certainly we did not so write, and all his argument on this point does not, in our judgment, twist our remarks into a resemblance to such a sentiment. We .have seen no one else who thinks so, and therefore hope that in this pa'ticular, "PRES BYTER" will have no " successors," as lie -seems to have no cotemporaties. What we -said was simply, that to be an Apostle, one 4nust have these qualifications; not that every ,one who had them was an Apostle. Why to be an Episcopalian min:ster, we suppose one must be confirmed by the Bishop, but .every one confirmed hy the Dihop is not a -preacher. To be a deacon in a Baptist cbureh imi.plies a previotu i.n 'n in wa ter of this oflicer, but h: 'o :nis have .been immersed that were mr d But does " PRasuvYT-u." r :mv Of his fraternity seriously dispute that these things, i. e. having had personal acquaintance with Christ in some way, and the possession of these letters pateni from heaven, the power .of performing supernatural works, were ne cessary to the recognition of a man as an Apostle. Then do iec conifess to a piece of information niot before in our possession, that any Protestant, living or dead, (except .a few temporarily misguided persons like those mentioned it, our article that called "PRESBYTER" and " lsavatsR" to the res cue,) did hold such a position. We knewv that they contended for a chain of coninection between their own church amid thiat at Jeru salem, but we did niot know that any Pro testant sect claimed to be in possession of Apostles. Strange, that they don't call them so. "A postle" certainly is quite as dignified as " bishop." But as it seems that " PREsBYTERI," at last , dlenies the necessity of any extraordinary qualifications for the apostleship, wve perhaps cannot do him a better piece of service than to presenit for his consideration a few passa ges from "thne Blook," for which he profess es, and we have no doubt sincerely, so much ~eve ren ce. When by the betrayal of his Master, Judas fell from his position, it was necessary that ,some one should occupy his place, and we find that the Church at Jerusalem proceeded~ to thne installation of aniother soon after our Lord's ascension. What then said Peter on this occasion ?-" Of these men wchich haae compiJanfied weith us, all the time that the L'ord Jesus went in and out ainong us, beginning with the baptismi of John unto that same day that lie was taken up from us, must one be ordained to be a tness wcith us of his resurrection." " And they gave forth their lots, and the lot fell upon M~atthias; and lie w'as numbered with the eleven Apostles." Acts, 1 ch. Now, there is some disagree ment among theologians, as to whether this act of appointing Matthias to the apostle ship w~as in accordance with the divine will, and there are, in our judgment, just grounds for a doubt on the subject. But leaving this out of the question, the transaction goes to shiow that in the opinion of the Apostles themselves, it was an indispensable qualii cation for the office of the A postleship, that the appointee should have had a p'ersonal ac quaintance with Christ. Take another example, thne fullest and inoi rstriking that can be found in the Newv Testament, that of Saul of Tarsus. Why, we ask, the miraculous circumstances at tending his conversion ? Were they simply to efect his conversion ? Then it is certain ly very remarkable, that of the many mil lions who have come to the knowledge of the truth, and who have lived and died in the faith, that not another one, since the ascen sion, has seen the Saviour or heard his voice, that they have one and all done so simply through the belief of the testimony of the Apostles, and Evangelists, and other wit nesses to the truth. True it is, that at Pen tecost, and at the house of Cornelius, the truth was miraculously confirmei, and that for a special purpose, by the descent of the Holy Spirit. But on neither of these occa sions did any one see, or hear the voice of Christ. True it is, that on many occasions during the ministry of the primitive disci ples, there occurred miraculous things, to give credit to their mission, and to put to si lence the wicked opposition of Jews and Gentiles, and to confirm the faith of the dis ciples. But never did, and never has Christ appeared or spoken to any one on earth, in conversion, since the day that "a cloud re ceived him out of sight," except to Saul of Tarsus, and that to make him, what he ever after called himself, " Paul an Apostle of Jesus Christ." -' But what saith the Scripture."-Acts, 23d ch., 14 to 15th vs. When Annanias came to Saul in obedience to God's direc tion, he said, " The God of our fathers hath chosen thee that thou shouldst know his will, and and see that Just One, and shouldst hear the voice of his mouth. For thou shalt be his witness unto all men of what thou has seen and heard." Again, in his defence before Agrippa, Paul represents Christ as saying to him-Acts 26 ch. vs. 16, 17-" for I have appeared un to theefor this purpose, to make thee amin ister and a witness both of these things which thou hast seen, and of those things in the which I will appear unto thee, delivering thee from the people and from the Gentiles, unto whom now I send thee." Mark the ex pression, a minister and a nitness, not a Christian, but to enable him, like the other Apostles, to bear personal testimony to the things which he s1oke. This man Paul also, in writing to the Church of Corinth, 12 ch. 2d Cor., v 12th, ays, " Truly the signs of an Apostle were wrought among you in all patience, in signs and won(lers and mighty dee-ds." Turn ngin to Gal. Ist chap. After an nouncin-g himself as ''ai a A postle, not n ii me, neither by man, but by .lesos Chrit, d God the Father who raindd him fimm te dead," Paul proceeds to say in the 1161 and 12th vs. "But I certify you brethren that the gospel which was preached of me is not after man. For I neither received it of man, neither was I taught it but by recelation of Jesus Chris!." This certainly goes to show tht his~ commission as an A postle was not fronm the Church, but directly from heaven. That the Apostles also had the power of bestowing upon the disciples the gift of tongues and of working miracles, that by the laying on of their hands, the H oly Ghost wvas was given, is evident from the 8th and 9th chapters of Acets. Now, in the 8th chapter we find that Phil ip, an Evangelist, when he preached at Sa maria, performed wonders before the people, but he could niot bestow that powver on any others. Hence, when the Apostles at Jeru salem heard of the great things at Samaria, how that the people received the wvord of God, "they sent unto them Peter and Johni, who, wvhen they were come dowvn, prayed for thenm that they might receive the Holy Ghost." Then laid they their hands on them and they received the Holy Ghost. In the 19th chapter, Paul fnding certaitn disciples at Ephesus, 6th v.-" And when Paul had laid his hands upon them, the Holy Ghost came on them; and they spake with tongues and prophesied." Thus we see that the apostleship wvas the channel through which God bestowved this blessed gift upon the believers. Have diocesan Bishops, or other ministers, ever given any such evidence of their succession to these mitnisters pleni potetiary' of heaven? But why pile up evidetnce in a case so plaitn ? Verily atny one tmust " see through a glass darkly" that imagines lhe discovers any official resemblance between the Bish ops of our day and land, and the Christ called and commissioned ambassadors, that went forth from the capital of Judah's an. cient dominion. We have a fewv words to say in regard to the Blackstone illustration, atnd then we have a proposal to make by way of conclusion. Without noticing the whole quotation, let us coe at once to " the river." This famous stream that runs by " London town" is al ways the same, though the particles that make it are continually changing. WVell, let it he so, and we think it decidedly unfor tunate for " PEESBYTER's" argument that it is so. Now every one of these particles which are continually "succeeding" each other are i all respects similar. As a lawyer friend remarked to us the other day, "their consti at one moment water, the next milk, again molasses, &c. &c. They are water all the while, possessing all the properties of water. They will quench thirst, drown a man, cleanse from filth, float a vessel and drive machinery. An unhappy comparison, it strikes us, for the heterogeneous " succession," which sectari ans have tried so hard to establish. Now for the proposal. We have publish ed three articles from correspondents on this question and have written two replies, unless this be regarded as two in one, then we have written three, which puts us all even. We now pro'pose a cessation of.hostilities. Our reasons for this are, that what we have writ ten already has been done contrary to the advice of friends, and those, too, who bad a right, by virtue of the relation we sustain to one of the churches in this village, to advise us. For our own part we- have no objec. tion to an occasional breaking up of the dull monotony, a listless indifference, which the regular order of things will often bring about. 1 In fact we rather like it. But friends think differently about these things, and we don't wish to be contrary. It is thought in the present state of reli. gious feeling amongst us, that a discussion of this character is calculated to divert the minds of people from the consideration of more important matters. We have on hand a communication from an esteemed friend, advocating our side of the question, and which it was our intention to publish this week, but which we have to suppress under the rule. What we have written has been, not as a sectarian, but as an exponent of what we honestly think is taught in the Bible. The church with which we are connected has not had her claims to succession advocated. We believe in no succession, except to the doc trine and practice of the New Testament. Christ is there manifested in his word. The Apostles are there in what they wrote under the inspiration of the Holy Spirit. He the.' who believes and acts according to wha: there set forth, will be saved. The chu. that thus acts is in the regular line of si cession, if her visible organization only beg yesterday. HON. A. H. STEPHENS' LETTER. 1;os. ALEXANDER H. STEPHErs.-Dear 8b A runor prevails in this section, to a consider ble extent, that you will deline to serve us it the next Cotrres:, :md the chief reason asign. ed is. that i; i stppo'sed a large number of your political frieniis have gone into the secret order calied Kniow Nothings. Many of your friends desire to know if this rumor be true. It is cons.-idered ain important period in our national affairs, mnd your retiring at this time would be felt as a loss by those who have relied on you through so many trying scenes. What are your opinions and views of this new party, called Know Nothings? Knowing your willingness to give your opinions on all matters of public concern. I am induced to make the inquiry, and request permission to publish your reply. Yours, truly, TiOS. V. THiOMAS. .CRAwFOnlDyILLE, G:I., oth May, 1855. Dear Sir:--Your letter of thme 5ih inst., wats received some days ago, and should have been answered earlier, but for may absenc e from~ home. The rumor you mention, in relation to my candidacy for re.election to Congress, is true. 1 have stated, and repeated on various occasions, that I was not, and did not expect to be, a candidate-the .samne I now say to you. The reason of this declaration on my part, was the hiet, that large numbers of our old political friends seemed to be entering into new combi. nattionis with- cw oljecis, purposes and principles . of which I was not infortmed, nnd never could be, :neording to the rules of their action anmd the opinions I entertain. H-ence my conclusion that they had no further use for me as their Representative; for I presn med they knew enough, of mue to be assured if they had amny secret aims or objects to accomplish that they never could get my consent, even if they desir ed it, to become a dumb instrument to execute such a purpose. I certainly never did, a.d never shall, go before the people as a candidate for their stiffrages with miy principles in my pocket. It has been the pride of niy life, here tofore, not only to nmake known fully and freely my sentiments upon all qluestionis of public policy, but in vindieation of those sentiments thus avowed, to meet any antagonists arrayed against them, in open :and manly strife-" fnee to face and foe to foe." Ft-om this rule of action, by which I have tip to this time been overned, I shall never depart. But you ask "me what are my opinions and views of this new party called Know Nothings, with a regnest, that you be permitted to ptnblishi theta. My opinions and views thus solicited, shall be given most cheerfully, and as fully and clearly as my time, under the pressure of businmess, witl allow. You can do with them as you please-publish them or not as you like. They are the views of a private citizen. I am at piresent, to all in tents anid purposes whatsoever, literally one of the people. I hold no office nor seek any, and as one of the people I shall speak to you and them on this, and on all occasions, wiLt tat! frankness anod independence whtich it becomes a freeman to bear towards his fellows. And in giving my views of "Know Nothingism," I ought, perhaps, to premise by saying, and say ing most truly, that I really "know nothimi" about the principles, aims or objects of the par.. ~ty I am abotut to speak of-they are all kept secret-they are held in the dark-being com municated and made known only to the intitiated and not to these unitil after having lieeni duly pledged and sworn. This, to me, is a very great objection to the whole organization. All political principles, which are sought. to be car ried out in Legislation by aoy body or set of men in a republic, in my opinion, ought to beo openly avowed and publicly proclaitmed. Truth! never shuns the light or shrinks fromt invest iga tion-or at least it ought nerer to don it. H-iding places, or secret coverts, are natural resorts for error. It is, therefore, a circ.umistanlce quite suficient to excite suspicion against the truth to see it pursuing such a course. And in republics, where free discussion anid full investigation byv a virtuous and intelligent, people is followed, there never can be amny just grounds to fear any danger oven fromt the greatest errors, either in religion or politics. All questions therefore, ought to be made-known, clearly understood, fully discussed, andunderstandingly acted upon. Indeed, I do not' 4eve that a Repulliean Gov ernment can last ng, where this is not the case. In my opifl t, no man is fit to represent a free people wh561hi any private or secret ob jects, or aims, that-lie does not openly avow, or who is not ready a a willing, at all times, when required or asked candidly and truthfully, to proclaim to the assembled multitude not only his principles, but his views and sentiments up on all questions that may come before him in his representative 'capacity. It was on this basis that Represenlitive Government, was foun ded, and on this alqpe can it be maintained in purity and safety. .And if any secret party shall ever be so far succeisful in this cot.ntry as to bring the Governmeot in all its departments and functions under th. baneful influence of its control and power, liplitical ruin will inevitably ensue. No truth inpolitics can be more easily and firmly established, either by reason or from history, upon principle or authority, than this. These are my opiniors, candidly expressed. I know that mahy good and true men in Georgia differ with ine in this particuar-thou sands of them, I donbt not, have joined this secret order with good intentions. Some of them have told meso, and I do not question their motives. Andthousands more will, per haps, do it. with the A4me intentions and motiven. Should it be a short4ived affair, no harm will, or may come of it.'But let it succeed-let it carry all the elections, State and Federal-let the natural and inevitable laws of its own or ganism be once fullf developed-and the coun try will go by the board. It will go as France did. The first Jacobinr Club was organized in Paris on the 6th Nov. 1789, under the alluring name or "the Friends of the Constitution," quite as specious as'thp? we now hear of " Amer icans shall rule Aierica." Many of the best men and truest pattioli in Paris joined it-and thousands of the same sort of men joined the afliliated clubs aft wrds-little dreaming of the deadly fangs of that viper they were nurtur ing in their bosoms. :Many of these very men after wards went toie Guillotine, by orders passed secretly in these very clubs-membars of the National Assembly and Convention, all of them, or most of them, were members of the clubs, for they io: not otherwise be elect ed. Arid after the qustion was settled in the clubs, the members next day went to tie nomi nal Halls of Legislation nothing but trembling atomatons, to register the edicts o: the " Or der," though it were to behead a Monarch, or to cause the blood'bf !he best of their own number to flow benetti the stroke of the axe. Is history of no use? -Or do our people vainly iniagine that Amerieahs would not do as the French did under like, circumstances? "Is thy mJIUUle ugen, 61e teinpie ol a got oi tihe Sllriie of a saint, afforded a refuge from despotic fury ir pnpular rage. But French Jacobing-, wheth er native or adopted treated with equal scorn, the sentiments of religion and the feelings of' umaiitv-and all that man had gathered from his experience upon earth, and the revelations e hoped had been made him from the sky, to bless and adorn his moral existence, and elevate his soul with immortal a.<piralions, were spurned is imposture by these fell destroyers. They would have depraved man from his humanity, as they attempted to decree God out of his ini. verse. Not contented with France as a subject for their ruthless experiments-Europe itself being too narrow for their exploits, they send their propagandists to the new world, with de igns about as charitable as those with which Stan entered Eden." Th'lis is but a faint pidture of some of the senes enacted by that self same party, which was at first formed by those who styled them selves -"the Friends of the Constitution." And where did these "secret Councis" we now hear of come from? Not from France, it is true but from that land of ismfs, where the people would have gone into anarchy long ago, if it had not been for the conservative influence of, the more stable minded men of the South? And what scenes have we lately witnessed in the Massachusetts Legislature, where this new political .organism has more fully developed itself than anywhere else. What are its nirst rits there? Unider the name of " The Ameri can Party," they have armed themselves against the Constitution of our common country, which they were sworn to support-with every memn er of the Legislatuire, I believe, sav.e cighit beloning to "ithe order," they have by an over whelming majority vote deposed Judge Loging,! for nothing but the discharge of his oflicial duty, in issuing a warrant as U. States Commissioner, to cause the arrest of the fugitive Slave Burns. n reviewing this most unheard of outrage upon the Constitution, the "National Intelligencer," t Washington, says it "shudders for the Judi ciary.' And if they go on as they have begun, well may the country "shudder," not only for the Judiciary, but for everything else we hold most sacred. " If these things be done in the green tree, whrat may you expect in the dry." "But i have beon anticipating somewhat. I was on the prelimninary questions; that is, the secrecy which lies at the foundation of the par ty-that atmosphcere of darkness in which "it lives, moves and has its being," and without which probably could not exist. I do not, how ever, intend to stop with that. I will go further and give now, my opiniions upon those questions which are said to be within the range of its secret objects and aims. T he principles as pub lished (or those principles which are attributed to the~ order, though no body as an organized party avow them,) have, as I understand them, two'leading ideas, and two only. These are 7irosc~iptionl by an exclusion from office of Catolies, as a class, and a proscription of all persons of foreign birth, as a class; the latter to be accoimplishied not only by exclusion from office of all foreigners who are citizens by natu ralization, but to be more effectually carried out by an abrogation of the naturalization law for tre future, or such an amendment as would be virtually tantamount to it. These, we are told, are the great ostensible objects of all this ma chinery-these oaths, pledges, secret signs, equivocations, denials, and what not. And what I have to ay of them, is, that if these indeed and in trtuth be the principles thus at tempted to be carried out, then I am opposed to bot of them, openly and unqualiliedly. I am opposed to them "in a double aspect," both as a basis of party organization and upon their merits as questitons of publie policy. As the basis of party organization, they are found ed upon the very orronesous principle of looking iot Go how the country shall be governed, but who shall hold the offices-not to whether we shall have wise anid wholesome laws, but who shal "rule us," though they mn:ty bring ruin with their rule. Upon this principle, Trumbull, Illinois, can be as good a "Know Nothing" as any man in the "Macon Council," though he may vote, as he doubtless, will, to repeal the Fugitive Slave law, and against the adulission of any slave State in the Union; while Shields who has ever stood by the Constitution, must be rejected by Southern men because he was not born in the iountry? Upon this principle a Boston Atheist, who denies the inspiration of the Bible, because it sanctions slavery, is to be sustained by Georgia " Know Nothings" in pre ference to me, barely because I will not " bow the knee to Baal," tiis false political god they have set up. The only basis of party organi zation is an agreement amongst those who enter into it upon the paramount question of the day. And no party can last long without bringing disaster and ruin in its train, founded upon any other principle. The old National Whig Party tried the experiment when there were radical differences of opinion on such questions, and went to pieces. The National Democrtic Party are now trying a similir experiment, and are experiencing a simile fate. This is what is the matter with it. .., vital functions are de ranged-hence that disease which now afflicts it is worse than the dry rot. And what we of the South now should do is, not to go into any "Know Nothing" mummery or mischief, as it may be, but to stand firmly by those men of the North who are true to the Constitution and the Union, without regard either to their birth-place or religion. The question we should consider is not who "shall rule America," but who will vote for such measures as will best promote the interest of America, and with. that the interests of mankind. But to pass to the other view of these prin ciples-that is, the consideration of them as questions of public policy. With me, they both stand in no better light in this aspect than they do in the other; thefirst asumes temporal juris diction in "forum conscientia:"-to which I am quite as much opposed as 1 am to the spiritual powers controling the temporal. One is as bad s the other-both bad. I am utterly opposed to mingling religion with politics in any way whatever; and especially am 1 opposed to mak ing it a test of qualification for civil office. Religion is a matter between a man and his Creator, with which governments should have noting to do. In this country the Constitution guarantees to every citizen the right to enter tain whatever creed he pleases, or no creed at all, if lie is so inclined; and no other man has a right to pry into his conscience to inquire what he believes or what he does not believe. As a citizen and as a member of society, lie is to be judged by his acts and not by his creed. A Catholic, therefore, in our country, and in all countries ought, as all other citizens, to be per mitted to stand or fall in public favor and esti . 4diridual merits. "livery wiuil UI.~I~J *. -.. thrce thousand New England clergymen who ent the anti-Nebraska memorial to the Senate last year not one was a Catholic as..! have been I informed and believe. Why then should we Southern inen join the Puritans of the North to proscribe from otlice the Catholics on acconut of their religion? Let them and their religion be, as bad as they can be, or as their accusers say they are, they cannot be worse than these same puritanical :.ccusors, who started this persecu tion against them say that ?c are. They say that we are going to perdition for the enormous sin of holding slaves. The Pope with all his followers cannot I suppose even in their jndg ment be going to a worse place for hotlding what they consider the monstrous absurdity of the "immaculate conception." And for my own part I would about as soon risk miy chaince for Heaven with him, and his crowd too, as with these self righteous hypocrites who deal out fire and brimstone so liberally upon our heads. At any rate I have no hesilaney in declaring that 'should much rather risk my civil rights with the American Catholics, whom they are attempting to drive from office than with them. But sir, I am opposed to this proscription upon principle. If it is once beguna there is no telling where it will end. WVhen faction once tastes the blood of a victim it, seldom eases its rava ges amongst the fold so long as a single remain ing one, he the number at first ever so great, is left surviving. It was to guard against any such consequences as would certainly ensue in this country if this effort at proscription of this class of religionists should be successful that wise provision to which 1 have alluded was put in the fundamental law of the Union. And to maintain it intact in letter and spirit with stead fastness at this time I hold to be a most suleman public duty. And now, as to the other idea-the proscrip tioni of foreigners-and more particularly that view of it which looks to the denial of citizen ship to all those who may hereafter seek a home in this country and choose to cast their lots and destines with us. This is a favorite idea with many whio have not thought of its effects, or reflected much upon its consequences. The abrogation of the naturalization laws would not stop immigration, nor would the extension of the term of probation to the period of twenty one years do it. This current of migration from East to West, this Exodus of the excess of population from the Old to the New World,. which commenced with the settlement of this continent by Europeans, would still go on. And what would be the effect, even under the most modified form of the proposed measure that is of an extension of the period from five to twenty-one years, before citizenship should be granted? At the end of the first twenty one years from the commencement of the oper ation of the law, we should have several millions of people in our midst-men of our own race -occupying the unenviable position of being a " degraded easte" in society, a species of serfs without the just franchise of a freeman or the needful protection due to a slave. This woiuld be at war with all my ideas of American Re. publicanism as I have been taught them and gloried in them from youth up. If there be dagr now to our institutions, (as some seem to imaine, but which I am far from feeling or' believig,) from foreigners as a class, would not the danger be greatly enhanced by the pro posed remedy ? Now, it is trus they are made to bear their proper share of the burthens of the Government, but are also permitted, after a residence of five years, and taking an oath to! support the Constitution, to enjoy their jnst participation in the privileges, honors and im munities, which it secures. Would they be less likely to be attached to the Giovernment and its principles under the operation of the present system than they would be under the proposed one which would treat them as not much better; than outcasts and outlaws? All writers of note, from the earliest to the latest, who have treated upon the elements and component parts, or members of communities and States, have p:inte tis out ns a source of real dangter that is having a large number of the same race not only aliens by birik, but aliens in heart and feeling in the bosom of society. Such was, to a great extent, the condition of the [elots in Greece-men of the same race placed in an inferior position, and forming within them. selves a degraded class. I wish to see no such state of things in this country. With us at the south, it is true we have a " degraded caste," but it is of a race fitted by nature for their su bordinate position. The negro, with us, fills that place in society and under our system of civili tation for which he was designed by nature. No training can fit him for either social or political equality with his superiors; at least history fur aishes us with no instance of the kind; nor does he negro with us feel any degradation in his osition, because it is his natural place. But uch would not be the case with men of the same race and coming from the same State with >urselves. And what appears not a little strange ind singular to me in considering this last move. nent, is, that if it did not originate with, yet it is iow so generally and zealously favored by so nany of those men at the North who have ex )ended so much of their misguided philanthropy n behalf of our slaves. They have been endeavor ng for years to elevate the African to an equali :y, socially and politically, with the white man. And now, they are moving heaven and earth to legrade the.ichite man to a condition lower than hat held by the negro in the South. The Mas iaehusetts "Know Nothing" Legislature passed bill lately to amend their Constitution, so as o exclude from the polls in that State, hereafter, ill naturalized citizens, from whatever nation hey may come; and yet they will allow a run zcay negro slare from the South the same right o vote that they give to their own native born ons! They thus exhibit the strange Paradox >f warring against their own race-their own jlood-even their own " kith and kin," it may >e, while they are vainly and fanatically endeav. >ring to rererse the order of nature, by making he black man equal to the white. Shall we second them in any such movement 1-Shall we ven countenance themt so far as to bear the mame name-to say nothing of the same pledges, )assvy ords, signs and symbols ? Shall we :.ffili. ite and unite ourselves under the same banner, vith men whose acts show them to be governed )y such principles, and to be bent upon such a urpose? This is a question for southern men o consider. Others may do it if they choose, nt, I tell you, I never shall; that you may set lown as a " fixed fact"-one of the fixedest of ,he fixed. I am not at all astonished at the -pid spread or this new sentiment at the North, >r rather new way ot giving embodiment and ife to an old sentiment, long cherished by a :rge class of the nothern people, nstwithstan ng the paradox. It is tra "Know Nothing smn" ,-- - ratand its origin, uommenced with it upon capital sprang froi the foreignsers seek i nuderbidding out man-y capi wh old . the-. lands, wishing -loiyees, whose ir own, seized .4ir old, long - gerly as they on they have - *. -, .acle between hem and their purpose, had become the willing, hough unconscious instruments of carrying hat purpose out, which from the beginning, was desire to have a rolingless population to do heir work, and perform all the labor, both in :ity, town and country, which capital may re uire. And as certainly as such a law shall be )assed, so far from it-s checking imigration, there vill be whole cargoes of people from other sountries brought over, and literally bought sp i foreign ports-to be brought over in Ameri an ships to supply the market for labor through sut all the free States of the Union. The Afri an Slave Trade, if re-opened, would not exhibit . worse spectacle in traflicing in human flesh, I han those most deluded men of the North who started this thing, and who are now aid-ng to ecopllish the end, may find they have but indled a flame to consume themselves. The vhole suab Iralum of northern society will sooni e tilling up with a class whso can work, and who, thouah while, cannot vote. T1his is what! he wouki-be Lords of that section have been vaning for a long lime. It is a scheme with many of them tn get schile slares instead of laci ones. No American laborer, or man seek ng employmeint there, who has a role, need to ~xpect to be retained long when his pla:cc can e more cheaply filled by aforeigrner, .who has 'one. This will be the practical working on he proposed reformations. This is the phsiloso. >hy of the thing. It is a blow at the ballot box. It is an insidious attack upon general suffrage. [n a line with this policy, the "Know Nothing" Sovrnor of Connecticut has already recoin nended the passage of a law denying the right1 >f voing to all who cannot read andi write. And ence, the great effort which are now being nade throughout the North, to influence the lections, not only these, hut in spending their noney in the publication of books and tracts, vritten by "no body knows who," aind scatter d broadcast throughout the southesrn States,. o influence elections here by appealing to the orst passions and strongest prejudices of our ature, not omitting those even which bad and vicked men can evoke under the sacred but prostituted name of religion. Unfortunately for the country, many evils hich all good men regret and deplore, exits at sis time, which have a direct tendency wvonder rally to aid and move forward tlsis ill omnened :rusade. These relate to the appointment of so nany foreigners-wholly unfit not onsly to min r othecs at home, but to represent our counitry, as Ministers a'broad. And to the greal frands nd gross abuses which at present attend the administrations ot our naturalization laws-these ire evils felt by the .whsole coumitry, and thsey ught to be corrected. Not by a proscription of I foreigners, withiout regard to individual me -its. But in the first place. by so amending the ,aturaliztion laws, as effectually to check and 3revent thesefrauds and abuses. And in the second place by holding to strict accountability' mt the polls in our elections, all those, public fnctionries, who either with partizan views or from whatever motive, thus improperly confer flice, whether high or low, upon undeserving oreigners, to the exclusion of native born citi ens, better quaiified to fill them. Another evil sow felt, and which ought to be remedied, is he flooding, it is said, of some of the cities with sauprs and criminals from other countries fhese ought all to be unconditionally excluded id prohibited from coming amnongst us-there, s no reason why we should be the feeders of ther nations paupers, or either the keepers or! 'xecuioners of theirfelons-these evils can and ught to be remedied without resorting to an .ndiscriminate onslaught upon all who by indus-j ry, enterprise and merit may ehoose to -better .heir condition In abandoning the respective lynasticss of the old world in which they may ave chanced to have been born, and by uniting heir energies with ours may feel a pride in ad mning the prosperity, development and progressI fa common country not much less dear to them than to us. Against those who thus wor ahlycnic,. who q,,it the misruled Emsiires of their " father land," whose hearts have been fir ed with the love of our ideas, and our institu tions even in distant climes, I. would not close the door of admission. Bbt to- allt such as our fathers did at first, so I would continue most freely and generously to extend a welcome hand . We have from such nothing.to fear. When ht% battle or in the walks of civil life did any such' ever prove traitor or recreant to -the fing or cause of his country ? On what occasion have any' such ever proven untrue or dibloyal to the Con stitution ? I will not say that no foreigner has- ever been untrue to the Constitution; but as a class they' iertainly have not proven themselves so to be. [ndeed, I know of but one class of people iii the United States at this time that I look upon as dangerous to the country. That class are' eitheir foreigners or Catholics-they are those ative born traitors at the North, who are dis. loyal to the Constitution of that country whicr. gave them birth, and under whose beneficent in stitutions they have been- reared- and nurtu.re4 Vany of them are "Kn6w Nothings." This -lass of men at the North, of which the Massa ahusetts, New Hampshire and Connecticut Know Nothing" Legislature-are but samplis, [ consider as our worst enemies. And to put them down, I will join, as politiaal allies now ind forever, all true patriots at the North and South, whether native or adopted, Jews or Gen tiles. What our Georgia friends, whether Whigs o Democrats, who have gone into this new order, are really after, or what they intend to do, I can-. not imagine. Those of them whom I know have assured me that their object is reform, both in our State and Federal Administration-to put better and truer men in the places of those' who now wield authority-that they have no ympathies as party men or otherwise with that lass I speak of at the North-that they are for ustaining the Union platform of our State of 1850, anI that the mask of secrecy will soon be removed when ll will be made public. If these be their objects, and also to check the frauds and correct the abuses in the existing naturaliza ion laws, which I have mentioned, without the indiscriminate proscription of any class of citi zens on account of their birth place or religion then they will have my co-operation, as I have told them, in every proper and legitimate way, to effect such a refdrmation. Not as a secretly initiated co-worker in the dark for any pumpos,. but as an open and bold advocate of truth in the light of day. But will they do'as they say? Will they throw ofi the ma.k-? That is the question. Is it possible that they will continue in political fellowship with their " worthy breth ren" of Massachusetts, Connecticut. New Hamp shire, and the entire North I Every one of whom elected to the next Congress is- our dead ly foe! Do they intend to continue -their alliihce with these oper eonmies to our institutions and the Constitutio --. nisnamed asso.'r -the very prin ing anti-A~meric Gu~erie. like true Chris onfined to any Akmericaism is s not of the on he head and t - 2nward and ou,.amu, s si nam soul are those Trand ideas of government which characterise cur institutions and distinguish us from all other people; and there is no two features it our sys tem which so signally distinguish un from all ther nations, asfree toleration of religion and' the doctrine of expatriztio)n-thec right of a man to throw a hii all..giance ti any anl every mther State, IPince, or Potent:te whatsoever, ni by n wurali:;ion to be incorpra!'vd as citi r.en: nto our body politie. Etb these princviples are speciaiiTy provided or and hi rml!v e-bished in our Conslt itu ion.. But these Atieric:n ideas which were proclin Ad in 1789 by our 1 sires of o(," are by their sons" at this day deridel :ml scmfl'-d at. We re now told that " naturalization" is a " hum bug," and that is an "inpos-ibility." So did ur fathers think. This " humbug" and' "im possibility" they planted in the, Constitution; and a vindicntion of the same prineiple was one of the eauses of our second war of independence.-. England held that "natturalization" was an im-. possiblo thing. She claimed the alleg~Ianco of subjects born within her realm, notwithstanding they had become citizens of this Repubfle- by.. our' Constitutiotn and lawvs. She not only elihn id their allegince, but she claimed the right ?o scarch our ships upon the high seas, and take from them all such who mnight be found in them. It was in pursuit of this d'octrine of hers-of the ri ght of search for our " naturalized" citizens -that the Chesapeake was fired into, whieh was' the immediate cause of the war of l8*1:2. Let. no man then, barely because he wan born in-. America, presume t'o be imbued with reaI and true " Americanism" who either ignores the di-. ret and positive obligations of the Constitution,. or ignores this, one of its most striking charac-" teristics. As well might any unbelieving sin-. nr claim to be one of the faithful-one of the elect even-barely because he was born some.. where within thi limits of Christendom. And.a just as well might the Jacobins, who " decreed. God o'ut of his Universe," have dubbed thteir" club a " Christian Associution." becnuse they were born on Christian soil. The genuine dis iples of " true Americanism," like the genuino. followers of the Cross, are those whose heats are sarmed and fired-purified, elevated and' ennobled-by those principles, doctrines, and precepts which characterize their respective systems. It is for this reason that a Kamsehat kan, a Briton, a Jew, or a Hindoo, can be as. good a Christian as any one born o-n " Calvary~a brow," or where the " Sermon on the Mount"~ was preached ! And for the same~.eason an Irishman, a Frenchman, a German, or Rurssian, - an be as thoroughly " American" as if he had-' been orn within the ssalls of old Independence Hll! itself. Which was the "true American?~" Arnold or Hamilton ? The on'c was a natire - the other wvas e.; adopted soni. But to return.' What do out' Georgin t'riends ititend to do ? Is i not time that they hatd shown their hand t" Do they intend to abandon the Georgia platform5 ad go over " horse, foot and dragoons," into a political alliance with Trumnll,-Dutrkee, WVilsonm &. Co ? Is this the course marked out for them selves by any of the gallant old Whigs of thie 7th and 8th Congressional Districts ? I trust not, I hope not. But if they do not intend thus to commit themselves, is it not time to pause and reflect? Is it not time to take a reckoning and see whither thief ate drifling? When "the blind lead the blind" where Is the hope of safe tv? have been cited to the resolution which, i is said, the late Know Nothing Convention passed in Maeon. This, it seems. is the only - hing that the 600 delegates could bring fort4 ater a two days "labor"-and of it we may well" say " Montes parturient et ridiculus mnus nay-~ itur"-" The mountains have been in labor and,. ydieus mouse is born." It simply affirmas, most s'y and submissively, what no anar South of Msn atid Dixon's line. for .the Jauj thirty-five yea'r' would have ventured to dety,,. without justly subjecting himself to thecharge of inciuim-that is, tht "Congress haa no . onstitutional p'ower to intesvedie by excluding a new State applying'for admiission-'into the-Ut ion., uo thgonnd that the Constitution .of,