Historical Newspapers of South Carolina

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''! * - . "We ill cling to the Pillars of the Temple of Liberties, and if it must fall, we will Perish aubldst he Ruins." roEDGEF1EI . C.V MARCH 2218 . WV. F. DUJRISOE, Proprietor. '4. MA C-Z 15.- ?*..VL I.1 v THE EDGEFIELD ADVERTISER IS PUBLISHED EVERY WEDNESDAY BY W. F. DURIS0E, Proprietor. ARTHUR S I ? 8, Eitor. TERMS. Two DOL.ARaS per year, if pnid in advance-Two DOLLARS and FIFTY CaNTS if not paid' within six months-and TaaRE Dot.ARS if not paid before the expiration of the year. All subscriptions not distinct ly limitedsat the time of subscribing, will be consid ed as made for an indefinite period, and will be con tinued until all arrearages are paid, or at the option of tle- Publisher. Supseriptions from other States must invariably be accompanied with the cash or eferenee to some one known to us. AuvrTosr.tENTs will he conspicnously inserted at 75 cents per Square (12 lines or less) for the first insertion, and 37i cents for each subsequent insertion When only published Monthly or Quarterly $1, per square will be ciarged. All Advertisements not having the desired number of insertions marked on the margin. will be continued until forbid and charged accordinelv. Those desiring to advertise by the year can do soon tbernl terms-it being distinctly understood that con racts for yearly advertising are confined to the imme diate, legitimate business of the firm or individual contracting. Transient Advertisements must be paid for in advance. - - For announcing a Candidate,. Three Dollars, in advance. Fuor Advertising Estrays Tolled,Two Dollars, to be paid by the Magistrate advertising. NEBRASKA AND KANSAS. SPEECH OF HON. A. P. BUTLER, \OF SOUTIl CAROLINA, IN THE SEATE, February 24, 1854.-The Senate having under consideration the bill to organize the Territories of Nebraska and Kansas. Wi regret that our limits forbid the pub. lication of thispeech entire. It is only prac ticable in a weekly like .ours to give short speeches in full. Long ones, like that now before us, must submit to the scissors. They are thus more apt to benefit the generality of readers. Nothing daunts one unused tn long sittings and long readings more than if seven-column speech or article. With this apology, we proceed to give'a very conden sed outline of the Ju(ge's admirable speech, culling such extracts as we can. Alter an appropriate but brief exordium, the Honorable Senator gives the range of his -argument, dividing it into four parts. He prop se to-how, lat. 'That. the Missouri -. Copronniisha never been productive or good, but on the contrarv of constant seclion al strife-2nd. That said Compromise, if it had been observed, might have been produc tive of as much good to the South as to the No tlt-but it wasrviolated and it is now better to discard its Punic operation-3rdly that it was never passed by Constitutional - competency. The 4th proposition we give in the Senator's own language. He'remarks. I will ende':vor to show, in the fourth place that whilst I have some objections to the bill under considerautisn, I shall give it my support, ont the ground that its intend. tnwtts are good, and that its provisions up. proximate, at least, that spirit of justice atnd eagnality contained in the Federal Constitu tion, and that it professes a return to those maxims of policy which our forefathers acted on in reganrdin all the States alike in a po litical pointt of view. It will, it adaoted, ~obliterate a linte of gteograp 1hical di.,tintotiott -inudicating for thte tirst titte thtat thte Ft d e.ral Statles, by3 this linte, htad adverse as well as se~parate intterests. After thus annouttcing thte bearing of htis * ~arguntent, thte Judge ptoceeds, itt whtat hte terms an episodical manner to reply to cer .taitn remarks thtrowvn out by Messrs. SUMrERt, CnJsAE & othefs in the course of the debate. Itn commutentittg tupon Mr. WVADE's position that the black race was equal to the white race, Settator BUTLER discourses pertinent .ly attd at the same time humorously. Amonog other things hte makes thte followitng argn snenlumn adhomninemn: The honorable Senator from Ohio [Mr. Watde] said tha~t the black mtan wa not -equatl to the white mnoit because he hatd beent degraded. I will htave so mtucht respect for the feelings of that Senator as not to atsk wheter he would contsent that onte of thte race should occtnpy a dotmestic rebuaion towa~rds himt. I will ttot ask such at question, because it is a iting thait .is reptulsive; lbut I will take a fancy picture. Let mae suppose the case of a yountg mant who tnever saw otne t'f this racee, and who might therefore he regarded as having no prejudice whatever. Trake the case of a youngp gent lemtan of a romanttie. dispmositiott, of hih -imagination, wvitht all the gifts that could lbe bestowed up. on him by nature. Suppose it were propo sed to~ him that, if he would contsettt, he could marry an empress or a prittcess whlose dlowry' was islands and provittces, whto wast possessed of the Archtipelago of the Sotib Nowv, sir,just imagine that young gentlemam to have such a proposition brought to him. [Laughtter.] The negotiation commentces. Thte lady is to be introduced to himt in a palace,.highly decorated and prepared for such an occasion. Remember, this young matt tnever saw a black woman before, and thterefore htas no prejudice at all. Shte may have observed all the rules of Marie A ntoi tnette when she passed the confintes of France. Shte may adopt hetr dress. Shoe may have hter ankles covered with pearls, and her fin. gers with rittgs of rubies antd diamonds. The young gentleman is standing near the altar of Hymen, of course with a palpitating heart. . [lis betrothed isletd ont to him. He sees her white teeth ; lbut 1lo! she has a blackt skin and kinky htair. [Laughter.] Now, whtat do you suppose the youth wvould say Will thte gentleman from Massnehusetts al-. low me to borrow one of his quotatlions, and] say- that if heo could speak Latin he would] instantly exclaoim: '- Mon-strum horren dum, informe, cuii lumin ademp!tumn!" [ Laughter:] Tie woutld certaittly' insist that site wats Iu win ademniumt! antd thatt thte lightt of thte sun had never shone upon her; and I have no doubt he would regard her as a daughter of Nox. But sir, I rather think he would not have stopped to speak Latin at all; and he would not have required an engineer to show him the straightest way out of that palace. [Laughter.] If he would l.ave said anything at all, it would have been something like Rip Van Winkle's soliloquy when he found that he and his dog Wolfe found no favor with his sour spouse-whilst suffering under I the scorching fire of her tongue, Rip said there are two sides to the house, and I think the outside is the best for me. Equality! Equality! I should like to see a play written on this matter. I have no doubt that the honorable Senator from Massachusetts, with his taste and talent conld draw up one describing the scene which I have mentioned. He could depict the negro princess in search of a husband, and could take the scene as a practical illus. tration of its results. I have treated these things thus far with some little ridicule, but with fairness, I hope; and now, sir, I approaclh the discussion of the questions which I propose to debate. The Senator, having disposed of Messrs: Sr ER, WADE, &c., proceeds to sustain his first proposition which we have stated above. In setting forth this part of his argument, the speaker is clear and pointed. He illustrates the great difference between the sentiment of the Northern people on Slavery before and after the Missouri Compromise, and holds that the "seeds of discord," which have come near dissolving the Union, were all " drilled" in the line of 36? 30'. The second' branch of Iris argument is maintaiqed by our Senatorwith much force. Under this head, another long and interesting digression is nade by the Judge upon the comparative merits of northern and Southern civilization. He quotes the last Census which upon many material- points is decided. 'y in our favor. With all their boasted philanthropy the excess of Northern over Southern pauperism is shown to be nearly in the ratio of 9 to 1. We have as many churches in proportion to population. It is further exhibited that Massachusetts and Connecticut, having together a half million less of population than the-combin Slates "ofdeidekywand4TeI'rnnessed!!ha i outano noilly,1,886 ,'55 gallons more of 'iquor upon its work of ruin than do the two last named States. . Upon the subjeet of Northern isins, the Senator touches ;as follows: Sir, there are various isms at the North, iand there is but one of them for which I have any respect, and that is Puritanism. lThe Puritan, who came to this country with the sword in one hand and the Bible in the other, vas an honest man, though he may have made a mistake in some of his peenlia. rities; but when we come to aholitjonism, Maine-liquor law-ism, to strong minded w. man ism, Bloomer-ism, and all the ispn.dr'hich now pervade some portions of th'J orth ,1 am far front supposing that they .do infuse into the social system anything like a health. fAl action. No, sir, they are the cankers of theoretical conceit, of impudent intrusion. and cheerlessintidelity. They are the fungi of. self.constituted sorieties, or the organi zationt of~ Church and State. They are im pundenit usurp'ers. The miost extraordlinary dvopet of that class of persons anid that temper of society, that gives rise- to such isnms, is to be found ini eenventions of womeni, who step ftom the sphere prescribed to them by God to enter inito the political arena and claim the rights of men. I have a. profound respect for woman in all the true relations for which she is fitted. Man always has- a respect for wvoman. So long as she confines herself within the jurisdiction prescribed to her biy the Almighty, she fulfills the ends of her existence; but when she passes those lines, andI undertakes to intrude herself into a jurisdiction not assigned to her I regard her as comimitting an imious act. H er sphere is higher than that of man-more sublime in spirit, and more useful in nioulding society to the obligations (of virtue, the influence of religion, and the happiness of aff'ection and friendship. Her's is the sphere of love, and affetion, and benevolence. What b~ounds are there to the sphere of a mother's love, a danghter's and sister's tenderness, or ai wife's devotion ? I know of none. Washington rrving has beautifuilly remark ed, that the " heart is the woman's world.' It is there her ambition should seek for em pire and her avarice seek ror hidden treasures. But when she unisexes herself, and pots on the habilinments and claims to exercise the masculine functions of a man in society, she has lost the position whlich she should occupy. IIn regard to Mr. SEwvARD'S " higher lawv ntiotns, wve extract a spicy paragraip: Whilst I have given some attention to the remarks of the Senators from Mass, and Ohin [Messrs. Sunmner and Chase,] I cannot, in justice to myself, piass over some of the re marks of the Senator from New-York, [Mr. Seward.] He entertains opinions, and is iiiulating doctrines wvhich are, perhaps pe. culiar to himself. lHe is a kind (If Moses so far as regards the position which lie has ta ken, as one having a right to give law by a a conmmication with the Divinity. Whilst Washington, Jefferson, Madison, Morris, and all our forefathers, were willing to be gov erned by a Constitution to nhlich they had given thieir conisent, arid to whose obligationi they were willinig to be bound, lie claims a a sublime exemption, and professes to be governed by a higher law. He assumes to be the apostle of the law that would substi. tte his judgment for the law of the Consti tution, as alnost all others understand it and I believe that he has made a convert, such as Miss Bremer, el. omiw genus. Hei par circellenc, lifts hinself above the age ii which lie lives-hike the cond~or that so;ari in the frozen regionis of ethem i purity, yel livesoan gar.1..,e and mut refact io n Senator BIUTLER'S third proposition, viz: the incompetency of Congress to establish the Missouri Compromise line or any such line-is sustained with elaboration ; and we would be glad to place this portion of his speech in full before our readers. They must be contented with the following e:c tracts: I regard the Missouri compromise as a fatal error on the part of our ancestors. I grant that it was an error committed in hon orable faith, under the expection that all its requirements would be observed and fulfilled. They have not been. If there were no other ground, the Southern portion bf the confed eracy, from this fact alone, would he absol ved from all claims to be called upon to ob serve it. It'wants all the elements of a com petent compact- it wants proper parties-it wants the constitutional consent of the States, properly expressed, according to the laws of the bond of union: and that bond recog nises no such parties as North and South. North and South never made a bond of com pact. Thirteen Commonwealths, sovereign republics, made a confederacy of equal States, to be governed by the terms of a written constitution, with definite and limi -ted powers to those who were to administer ithe government under its provisions. In the effort to make the compromise, the agent usurped a power that belonged exclusively to the c.onstituting principle. To some ex tent the principle may have affirmed the com promise, but with no such acquiescence as could bind either party where the provisions of the compromise have either been changed by another compromise, or disregarded by eidier party.. But I go further, and say that I know of no shadow Qf aut.hority in the federal govern ment to adopt such a provison as that which is contained in what is called the Missouri compromise,- to wit : that the line of 30* 30' should he the dividing line between the ter ritories where ab.tvery should be prohibited, and whsere it might be allowed. The very fact that such a line could be established would give to Congress unlimited discre (ion over this subject. If you admit the power of Congress to fix the line of 3G* 301, where is the limit of it ? If you can fix that line, you can go where you chose. Where does Congress derive such powers? Is it fouid in the constitution l I presume no one will contend that there is an express grant of such authoritj. But,. sir, if there i3 any 'one thisg trder thavnM;ihefr'ti3, that these States entered into this con fade racy as eqnals, each one claiming to be the peer of the other; and it never could, in such a compact, have been at all inferable that, under any state of affairs, and in any pro. gress of events, because slaves were eman cipated in those portions of the Union, those States should acquire the power to emanci pate them in other States of the Union or con trol the institution of slavery, either directly or indirectly. So far as regards the com mon rights of the South, could it he possible that, because Massachusetts and New-York thought proper to emancipate their slaves, they should acquire any power. by their sep. arate or by their joiit ~State action, which did not belong to. them befire; to acquire an ascepdancy over the weaktr party? If so, the weaker must necessarily he subject to what is the most arbitary of all pmow'ers, leg islative discretion. At Lord Camden says, discretion is a tyrant." ''here-is no limit to it. It must go on ad you cannio't conu trol it, if the niilimnited right of comnpromise be allowed. The Southern portion of this Union has no rights that it can preserv-e, if it 'surrenide.r to the podier of comproise. In such a position it will be the sheep drink ing in a stream beneath the 'wolf. The South should never-take refnge ini c ompro mises ; amnd, with a united voice against them sh~ may stand firm and self-defeniding for. ea r. Mr. Pinkney well said, during the discus sion of the Missouri compromise-I remem his expression well; " Ye Senalors inm assume-to y'ourself the powver, because you are in the majority, of imposing this restrie tio'n upon *Missouri; but I tell you it is a wilderness of po wer." Yes, sir, it is a " wil derntess of powver," so far that iio one caii trace or control it. The temptation of inter est, the sentiment of the day, the influence of faction, may give the direction of the surveyor, instead of the compass, that iindi. cates the hine to be observed. I want the compass of true faith to traverse and main. tain the map of the Constitution. W~here can a majority of Co~u'gress derive the prower to run an arbitrary liine through the commoni territories of thme Union, disfranchising one patand throwing inito the shade of the con trast tbe Southern mnenmbers of the confe~der aey beediuse they have a difl~erenut kind of jroperty from property owned by gentlemnen in the North. The States originally entered into the con. federaey as equals, impelled by the highost miotives to form and perpetuate a Uniion which should-.advanice the great cause of re publicamn liberty. Does such a restriction as the Missouri compromise retain that feature of equality? iSuppose equality was prom ised by it: w:hat Terminus could preside over and pr-eserve the line? Will hiis counsel lors be justice and truth, or will they be in terest and corruption ? Suppose a gallaiit crew, trusting in each other's honesty and good faith, were to embark ini a vessel at sea, under definite articles of eqnal copart nershuip, and that one portion should assume, in violation of the fundamental principles not terms only-of equality, to construe the terms of the copartnershmip so as to give and distribute the fruits of the voyaige to one( recognised class in preference to another; what wvould be thought of such a procoe. ding ? Would it niot, before the lair of jus tie, before the tribunal of a common judg ment, be a caure of just complaint ? WVould it not justify the weaker party in consulmini measures of self-preservation ? Sir, rather tan remain on suelh a ship--talked oft as an equal, but spurned as an in ferior-would not thet wveaker pamrty he doing the hiighesi fh,.a of rduty and hmnr to r,,it the sips anic take to the:ii s .trusting to the winds and the waves fo eir fortunes; and if the ship were to per ould they not be justified I I. '* *2 * * * * The Miss ,line of 36? 30', in my jndg ment absoipt brought in hostile array, in these hauli, two sections of the Union; and, as I sai .esterday, I believe that, in stead of Pea' .'ith healing upon her wings, presiding o:, is line, Electra, with hissing snakes from r head, and the torch of dis cord in her d, has been'ipon it. It is an arhitary ;'and, as Mr. .efferson said, its establish, t has been most unfortunate. I see no au _y for it in the Constitution. The South, 8 never acquiesced in it fur ther than as ofuntary offering to preserve the Union'. The coi; ng -portion of Senator BUT LER's spee n direct discession of the Nebraska we give entire, regretting that we.. ha en compelled to omit so much of t oes before. The m t any people settle upon a common: t '3 of the United States, claim ing to be; ' of the United States, they enter as t of the United States, ac knowledg at they hold it under the Con stitution' - United States; and if they were to at t to change any of the' laws made by . ss, they would in, my jiudg ment, stan t in the attitude of rebellion. I have, the e,,no ilea that in the vote which I shzl "ive upon this bill, I will be committing elf to any such doctrine as that of the 'ontrolled sovereignty of the people of I territories. It is a subject which has f dis, 'ssed- -here with a great deal of abil iy Mr: Clay, Mr. Webster, Mr. Calhod ndothers; but, sir, when we come to iW igite this idea of spontaneous sovereignty at does it amount to? Is the fl-t ma rho goes into the territory a sovereign ay five or six meet in a bar room, anue, r into a government, and con. trol the de'' es of a territory I I never will assent. any. such doctrine. Jui.n Fernandez or.Robinson Crusoe might say: " I am moa iof all I survey." A,erican citizens, settidi' on A merican territory, must act under thedimited monarchy of the Con stitution.- T$at is the monarch of all it sur. veysen'd if tikes Congress the governor and trustee; th the power of delegating the agency to inister the trust 'vth a liniita tion thatit'r t be,.limited. b3 considerations n'kiow a is very common to attribute to the South some turn for metaphysical distinctions; and [ may say that I db not regard Congress as sovereign; but I regard Congress as representing the sovereignty which the different States have yielded to the U. States. In other words, South Carolina and Virginia agreed to give up portions of their soveignty, to be exercised by Congress for the common benefit of all the States, and within the sphere of those delegations, the power of Congress is supreme. South Carolina has consented that Congress may do certain things for her; Virginia has con sented that it may do the same things for her; but never did either consent to give an unlimited power to Congress, or to part with what may be regarded as one of the reserved rights of sovereignty in the enjoyment ofthe common property of the country. I would not give up such a right to the transient population which makes a territorial govern. ment. What ought to be legal, is what the Constitution con ternplated should be. Under my views, neither Congress nora teritrial governmient can d1o anytingi which is inconisistent wvith the separate and combined sovereignties of thie States. Coin mon territory cannot lhe partiilly appropria ted. One with 'a white dress, and othern with dresses of dif'enmt cilars, are, notwith, standing the difference of their vestmemts, equal tenants in common. What is (lie ordinary course of things ir relation to the government of niewly-acquired territory, by either (lie arms or a treaty o1 the United States? The title of the States thereupon iminediately attaches, and a gov enent, in the name and under the prinaci p)ies of the Constitution, is commenced. Ai soon as Congress can it assumes the jurisdie, ion which belongs to thie government of the Uiited States. It assumes thie jurisdiction of prescribing a government for the people, as well as taiking care *of (lie territory as property. It assumes to perform a recognisec fuction of a responsible trustee, andI to main tain the rights of all against the trespasses a1 any. I have never conbiderod that thiat powe' was derived from tho provisions of the Con. stiiution wvhich grants to Congress aiuthority to " dispose of and make all needful rules and Fegulations respecting tlie territory os other property belonging to (lie United States." When1 Ie ame here-and I was then a younger man than I am now, anc ertainiy more inexperienced-and heart that urged as (lie source of (lie power o Congress to gbyern a territory, I was not at all satisfiedl. It had been assumed by Madison, and by a great many men of wis. dom and authority: but when there wvere nc such issues, as hive since occurred. Chiec Justice Marshall, with a clearness and with a philosophical precision.. which his minc impressed upon every thing it touched, sag gested the true doctrine. He said that (hi very acquisition ofa territory, either by treaty or by war, carried with it the obligation ti give'it a government. If you had nothing but (lie territory, you might dispose of it n' property ; but if you found upoin it peonpl who had become citizens under the terms oi the treaty, yon were bond, ex necessitate rci to etxcercise a resulting trust, and to givi them a gnvernment. He contended thati Iresulted from the necessity of the case, ant as incidhent to the righat of dominion, to giv< them such a government; and therefore th< right to govern m.ust necessarily grow out, lie plenary power ofevery owner of priporty andU every governor of a pieople, to maki such provIsions as are consistent with th<' constitution of the country. I pnt it npmi this principle ;I will not elaborate (lie poin further. My views upon this point are, Mr President hmint CongressR 18 t(he fgttrdiant fruinl wilt' the territorial, government should emanate. Congress is the trusteewho should exercise a control over it. If a proposition were made that Congress should pass-a territorial bill which should take away from them irrevocally the power of governing the tern. tories, 1 never could agree to it. Then, I rnuty he asked why 'will vote for this bill, which in some measure' may lead to these consequences. Sir, I shall vote for the bill because I am perfectly willing to trust the people: and in the 'main, 1 do not know that.those who settled in such numbers in the territories, as to form a government, will not do right. I do not know tlhat if one of their laws were-sent to me, - as chairman of the Committee on.the. Judiciary. I should be very astute in looking out Tor. anything by which I could reverse or control it, beause I have great confidence in the popular mind of. the American people. I believe they are worthy of a trust ; and in this instance -I am willing to repose in them a trust which I think they will administer in justice. - But if it were abused, by making invidious excep. tions in religion, such as preferir:g the Catho lic to' the Protestant, or the-Ottoman to the Greek Church, or any of the distinctions which are revolting to the common pt inciples of the Constitution of the United States, or if they attempted to pass a law containing. the provision which has been so much rep. rohated, allowing polygamy, a plurality of wives, I should bring it promptly before the Senate. I 'have the constitution of Utah before me now; and if it should contain" a provision so abominably avorse to tho laws and civiliz:ition of the United States as to sanction polygamy, I should bring it to the Senate, and then I should be able to see whether gentlemen would be willing to re. sume a jurisdiction.over the subject. If we cannot resume a jurisdiction over the Terri tories in this mode, and if our power is ended when we put in operation the machinery of a territorial government, there is an end of the subject. Can it be that a territorial people, under any form of power, whether it be one claimed by themselves, or one that is conferred on them can assume to do what Congress could not? It is .un.constitutional for Congress to pass the Missouri compro mise, or to .impose territorial restrictions, but it may give the power to do so to clan destine squatters, &c. Having expressed my views freely, Mr. President, I am willing to take the bill as it is. I am willing to take it even upon the -s'unptiori that ino shives willpiitiNebras ka or Kansas. I am willing to take it upon the ground that, iryou adopt it, it will take a festering thorn from the side of the South. I am willing to take it upon the ground that by it the sentiments of honor are regarded. Even if I were perfectly certain that the bill would operate injuriously to the South, with the convictions on my mind that the Missouri Compromise is unconstitutional, I should be bound to vote for the bill. I never will com promise with a measure of transient expedien cy. We of the South have lost by compro mises. I say this boldly to my Northern friends; and there are sonic of them to -hom I can .appeal with confidence. Theye -are men upon this floor who wotld 'r miatain justice; meg both from the Nortli.ani %ndm the South ; and I would as .soo: trust the Northern man, when lie is honest;as anybody else. I say so of the Supreme Court. I would as soon trust the Northern members of the Supreme bench, who are sworn to ad minister the law and observe the Constitution of the United States, as I would the Southern judges wvho sit upon it. I think thart so far as regards the adminitration of the laws of the country affectinmg the North and Sou'th, sonmc of the Northierni members of that court have been inore favorable to the South than others. I do not say that I like ai Northern. man with Southern principles, or a Southern man with northern principles. I have nio ob. jectioin to a man having any principles, pro vided they are honest. I am willing, how ever, to trust judges upon the bench who are swvorn to administer the law and observe the constitution. [ am, therefore, p~erfeectly wvil ling to trust this bill' to fortune under tiie impllulse of justice. Nut Grass. As 'nra gardens of manmy of our readers are troubled with this obstinate intruider, we have thought it good to let them have the benefit of the following account of the suc cessful method of eradicating it, which we find in the Chieraw' Gazette: '" A gentleman whose garrden was overrun with grass, arnd who hand resorted to every other-expedient without even partial success, made an experimenit thus: Ile dug up and manured a spot about si' feet in diameter in his yard, and set it out thickly with nut grass, wvhiich lhe sufifered to grow for two vears ; in wvhich time, as the saIymg is, it~ was as thick as the hairs oii a cow's hack. In the spring of the third y-ear, as fast asi appeared above the ground. he shaved it.ff with a hoe, by wvhich lie effectually preven ted growth of hfolijge. In tha spring of the fourth year, there were but a fewv scattering plants, which lhe treated ini the same manner. In the spr-ing of the fifth fear, nor since, has a spear of nut grass appeared. Encouragedl by his suocess, lie ailopted the same pilan with his garden; -and the second year he was but little troubled with nut grass. Suoh a result niight readily have been iinferred from the known laws which govern vegeta. able economy. It is well, known that there are few plants or even trees wvhich can bear being stripped for one sumnmer of thenir foli age. Foliage is essential to maturimg the nut of the grass which w'e are consideinig, and if you prevent this, you destroy the plant, unless there are matured nuts of a previous y ear's growth on the soil which are not ii a position to vegetate, but wvhich subse-I qent tillage may bring into into such a po siton." .Naew POS-r OFFIC.--A new post ofiee has been estabhlished in Laurons District by Sthe name of " M~unroe," arid Munroe s hoek hey appointed Postmaster. This oftice is intended to supply the (nflice formerly known as.,bmeoo n the G:-eenville. stage road.I GARDINER's LEATiI.-Ine inquest as to the cause of Dr. Gardiner's death was con iluded on Friday, morning. Drs. Breed and Steiner, who made a chemical analysis of1 of the contents of the stoma, h, testified to findirg strychnine and brucine in quantities more than sufficient to destroy life. Pieces Df paper were also found in the 'stomach, which had been used as inclosures for the poison, and prevented its immediate action. The powder found in the pocket of deceas ed was declared strychnine and brucine, and and the paper containing it was much worn from being carried long in the pocket. The jury rendered the following verdict: "From the evidence before us, we are of opinion that he came to his death by strychnine and brucine, voluntarily taken after.. his convic tion and sentence." PRESIDENT WALKER.-According to the last advices from the republic of Sonora, President Walker had despatched his armny against the Apache Indians, who have hither. to murdered and robbed the whites with perfect impunity. By this movement he will doubtless enlist the sympathies of the ma jority of the people, who will join his cause and. assist in resisting all attempts of the mother country, Mexico,: to re gain possession of the territory-she hav ing never been able to defend them against the Indians, or provide them -with otlicers disposed to administer affairs for the benefit of any other'persons thad.tlieniselves. A threateiied mutiny in the camp of Col. Walker was summarily settled by an order for the disaffected to withdrav immediately. Forty-five there-upon left, and returned to California. A IcoRos blockade of the Russian ports, throwing one year's crop on their bands, and steadily continued on to the time when, in ordinary circumstances, they would be preparing the subsequent crop, must break the Russian social system to pieces. "We need not, says the London Examiner, send a soldier, nor shed a drop of our own blood. We shall have to pay double prices for can dIes and shoes for a year or. so and to incur the expense of augmenting our fleet. The Russian magnates will fight the rest of the battle for us; and if we simply confine our selves to holding- them tight to the work; they will in the cause of rent and revenue, tear the Russian social system to tatters. If the present head of the house of Roma noff call iiponjhe.magnates-tosiacrifieetbeii revenues to his pride, they will treat him as they -treated his predecessors, Alexander and Paul." I[YT.RESTI\C To ADVERTISES.-A case of interest to advertisers and to the press was decided in our court- last Saturday. Suit was brought by Johnston -& Cavis against J. C. Janney for recovery of pay. ment for publishing an advertisement fifty one times. At the bottom of this advertise ment was a notice to every paper in the Stat to copy to the amount of five dollars. It was not proved that this supplementary notice embraced the paper in which it first appeared. It was not proved that any or der was given by the defendant as regards this paper, and it was contended by plain tilr's counsel that as Mr. Janney was a sub scriber to the paper, and therefore probably saw the advertisement every publication, it was his duty to order it out. The verdict was in favor of plaintiffs for the account, thus settling the principle that advertisers must specify on the advertisement the tnum ber of insertions, or prove its being ordered out, else they will be liable, if subscribers, for the amount charged for every insertion until oidered out. For the phaintiff's, J. D. Tradewell, esq., for defendant, Messrs. Black and Seymour.-South Carolinian. GOOD TEMPER Is GoL.D.-If people gen. erally knesv what an advantage to them it was to be cheerful there would he fewer sour faces in the world, and itifinitely less ill temper. A man never gains anything by exhibiting his annoyance in his face, much less by bursting inito a passion. As. it is neither manly nor wise-to yield like a child pettishly to every cross, so it is alike foolish and absurd to allow feelings of anger to de prive us of self-control. There never was a man in any controversy who lost his tem per that did not come nearr losing his cause in consequence. If over a person plays the game of his enemies it is wvhen be is in a passion. Acquaintances shun men of pro. verially ill temper; friends drop away from them ; even wives and children gradually learn to fear them more than to love. Thou sands of mnen owe their wvant of success in life to neglecting the control of their temper. Nor have they thme excuse that it is an infirmi ty which cannot he restrained; for Wash. ington, though naturally of a most passionate disposition, disciplined himnself until he pas sed for a persob utterly impassive. No man who neglects his temper can be happy any more than ho can make those happy around. Good temper is gold, is health, is everything. Bad temper is a curse to the possessor and to society. ENER GY.-See!I how that fellow works!I No obstacle is too great for him to surmount, no ocean too wide for hinm to leap; no moun tain too high for him'to scale, He will make a stir in the wvorld and no mistake. Such are the man wvho build our railroads, dig up the mountains in California and enrich the world. There is nothing gained by idleness and sloth. TIhis is a world of actiotn and to make money, gain a reputation and exert a happy influence. Men must he active, per. severing. anid energetic. They must not quail at shadows-runi from P~ons, or attempt to dodge the lightning. Go forward zealously in whatever you undertake, and wve wvill risk you anywvhere and through life. Men who fuint and quail, are a laughing stock to angels, devils, and true nien. NovEI, SUrr.--A gentleman in Troy has prosecuted thme provider of a ball supper, becuse the lady wvhom lie accompanied bad a $75 dress spoiled by one of the waiters who carelessly spilled hot coffee upon it. nD.at, a .i.; an .will hear no denial: SECF.SSlON -i Av.=b-le IecessOU1w' -W South Carolina must "hide their diminished heads," the sicklyllsime of-her fireeating ehIahy must" pale their inetfeetua! fires"-beforeth'amore practicI and- unostentatious aerottof TExr bi this subjecr, That old fogy Uneffeamfbluchk quitously and tyrannically witlihetd'tie'rs ed five millions of the purehase'money4forttitehfba acres sold him "by Tdeas, and she, -" Wrd with indignation" at this unholy 'ontrage a tly. provides for placing herself exterior to thfeel, preliminary to resuming her place on 'tdois among the nations. Uncle 'Sani will- bo~fe eb what startled, when -lie sees -that' this-yeng. State ha.+ presented the question in such abipes as will give a practical solutioniro-the: td constitutional issue'involved is the diaiuniotelf the right ofit State to peaceablyAlcde frsm zthl Union, which has no long;perplexed the 'miide of our ablest statesmen. A bill making '60 sjons formaking and running the boundary1Bie between the State of Texas and-the territoty& the United States of America (we-quote the exact language of its caption) passediatea gI lature a few days since. When the bmandary%'f run, Texas, by the deelgrationtof hei'legiiatntf, 'will be exterior to and no longernpolionofdib . territory of the United tates of.mAndIcxTt this bill should raise a muss, and-sti tteinti4, made to drive us back into'the 'Ii4tW ,weely confidently on the assistnnce oft alithat'iirtlb* of the citizens of the States- who contenid.thI secession is a rightful remedy. Austin State Gazett ILLIttis.-There is perhnpas n. Stato b1*1' Union that is advancing inore-rapidlyin'eIth, population and commer'ial. importaneoehat m'tf State'of Illinois. The GovernafitrldWrS -message, stated an' extrardidiiet. t!k strongly illustrates the vast benbt-ihnt Ie36idi4 derived by a State from libenidsiyetEtr'of*R5i roads-it is that the returns in.fbenflifofM Auditor show the actual increaserilit;lb property of that Stat'i ing E~V tifSe. fifty-four per cent. -The pri aso A wonderful. inerese.i foafidn"n :ilie ' rittk the Governor places prominently . 'ifeutb Legislature, viz: The "astonishih inet*itWW Railroads. - The-State has overiote-.thliisn4 two hundred'miles of Rgitrond ooi tid ed running condition, and wittilin another'ye}avirbs thousand miles'more of the Iron reall ha* been finished, the whole atiin #1timp* eI tent$ mile of $20,000. The rapid ;r h the metropolis of Illinoi4,i unpredbdentde M in American hitory. Twelve'yetirjgOit t .e.li tained a' population of 5,000,110 t it15,0O0Y Two years:ngo tlire wn~oulltf opi e slAai&+l. and that of only a few miles l)iehth-ente the city. Now ithnas rourkeenkitr-ttlins Railroad, and thtiitv-four "extension rnetehlin communicadng with it;'nibriainfn extmeattp 7,779 milesiol'Railroad! ITn additidlon - th there are tea trunk-lines and thive' prog --csat-mrta1r'I 6282 MIteitn,i erVR on the 1st of May next, forty..six traiiiee daya over the roids; to accommodate travel 'and'cot merec.--New Orleun Bisuitte Jonx MiTcaREL.oNnasn.-tAit'ise of Saturday last, Mitchel di-Gnes hiis'po itld;'o the Nebraska Territioial lill, now'hgsubjectip univera."l diienssion. The' floiing exera from hisnoris' will' stdffies to bow is viewst ' "For onr port, we would hail its adoption' ad another triumph of the patriotism and good sense of Congres over the folly, ianaticism, and trea. son which would dismember this glorious Union, by the vain porsnits of an emty 'shadoW to the loss an-d destruction of the substance. " It is a !rand mistake. an abuse' of language, to cal the Missouri Compromise a compiet be;. tween North and South. If it was1n the nature of a compnct, it is-rendered null and void by a later one, the Compromise of 1850. If it ia contended that the first alone is valid,- then wo reply that there is one older still,~nod' for bind= ing-the ?com'pact of the Constitution. Bit there can be no compact mide by Coniross, Id its legislation for all' the State ti common. I connot p:ss a law to bind- its anccess'-r a least ,f all, can a geographieal line prevail orns a great pirinciple nnd say, " Thus far shalt thei come, and no further."' The principle now."4 stake is, that the people'in en~ry State ah~d eieg Territ ory have a right Io' nike their-ow' 'iws nd no Congress' 'has the pow'er to' preun them. " 'TusE TJaRoSe LOAD 05 RECoD --The satie Huntsvill-e, No, 2,-'Capt. C. W. Hierrisanvhilel arrived in port yesterday from ~'lofenhce, Aladea had on boardi the lairgest eargo ever'brouigi ty this port, nnma no doubt the lardest everl-den or a stea mboat. It consisted offre' itatlmd tl hundred and one 'bale' 'eutton," 1,365 'is.3 corn, and four 7undred'and eight sigth'r p1g. ges-tho whole ampdintig to ad'Iiud80 (tom in' *eight. - If this is not'the largest stamlioatloi'ineg cord, we would like to be informed in the pre. The steamer KII R. W. Hil1, Capt. Thnssa H. Newell, fromn Memphis, also broug1:( 'dovi 'an enormous 1uad yesterday, her ie.*go tInubit ing 4,823 bales~ ofcotton, 200 bhls. offoui,5fIS bags of cotton seed, amid 225 66bk "and other pnekages.,. The largest lond previously on 'iecord' .waa 4,72 bales of cotton by'tiie Autrocrat, friim' Memphis, in the spring of 1819.--N.O. Bull 18th imns't. Giva YouR Curr-u 'A Pat ER.-A chi1d beginning to read becomes'delighted wiithy nespper, because.be "reads tho names .o0 things which are very familiar, and wi~lIlmake progress accordingly. A 'mnewpaper in n ver Is worth a quater's schooling to a child and every father must consider that' substan. tial imnformmation is connected with advarie'. ment. Thie mother of a family, bemg one.) the heads, and having~ the more' iminmediat, charge of cimldren, should herself he inte ted. Children amused by reading:osalyj are of course more considerate -andemt easily governed. How many parentsah have not spent twenty dollars for booki o papers for their families, wpuld give liundrd to reeb.im a son or a daughier hoIQba4 jg norantly or thoughtlessly ralldai inito nip tion. Tonacco CHntwnns, BEWAR,-Be' the poison contained in the 'weed itself,'a ny of our tobacco chewers are atmsbmrng.ii to their system an oxyde of lead,.eiosn which kills so mainy pninters, and yura ' others. ' Lend foil is cheaper than. ~ and some of those who put up tobacco,. Chewing, use thme tter instead, of- the-for mer. TIhe counterfeit may hoinown-hvit. dark blue or bluish color,. WhergsRtlin . nearly whbite, Tfoineco choivti&6. not 'vich to absorb~ two poisos) oh, wvill do well to proit' by this c#utin. . A Chiese merehant t'4 Saermen California, advertises. that unbng his go ......ivd,. .. h-,s "rerrner fore mnt