Historical Newspapers of South Carolina

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U EDEIL -MRH8154---** W.F. DURISOE, Prpitr j2J9Ja'iA~J *9~x.' LVA9J *l-- - * -! n. ... THE EDGEFIELD ADVERTISER IS PUBLISHED EVERY WEDNESDAY BY W. F. DURISOE, Proprietor. ARTHUR SIMKINS, Editor. T ER MS. Two DOLLARS per year, if paid in advance-Two DOLLARS and FirTY CENTS if not paid! within six ionths-and TuadE Dot.I.ARS if not paid before the expiration of the year. All subscriptions not distinet ly limited at the time of subscribing, will be confid ed as made for an indefinite period, and will he con tinued until all arrearages are paid, or at the option of the Publisher. Supscriptiuns from other States tnust invariably be accompanied with the cash or eference to some one known to us. ADVERTtsF.MENTS will be conspicuously inserted at 75 cents per Square (12 lines or lets) for time first insertion, and 371 cents for each subsequent insertion When only published Monthly or Quarterly $1, per square wilt be charged. All Advertisements not having the desired number of insertions marked on the tmar;in, will be continued until forbid and charged occsrdinely. Those desiring to advertise by the year can do soon theral ters-it being distinctly understood that con tacts for yearly advertising are confined to the ime tdiate, legitimate bsiness of the firm or indivilual centracting. Transient Advertisements must be paid for in advance. For announcing a Candidate, Three Dollars, in am1Vance. Fur Advertising Estrays Tolled,Two Dollars, to be tiil by ithe Magistrate advertising. SPEECH OF HON. W. W. BOYCE, OF sould CAROLINA. In the House of Represcnta.ives-Cbruary a17., IL i4. 1he House being in Committee of the ~hole on the state of the Union, on a bill to .encourage agriculture, commerce, manu .fsactures, and all other branches of imdustry, tby granting to every man who is the head ,of a family, and a citizen of the United States, a homnesteatt of one hundred and sixty acres of land out of the iulblic domuain, upon con dition of occup siney and cntivation of the .same for the period herein specified. Mr. Boci rose and said Mr. Chairman, I desire to make some re marks on - the subject of 'the tairif. It ap. ptears, front the report 'm( the Secretary of the Treasury, that the surplus bal:nce on hand September 30, 1853, was 8.2.17, .887 78. Moved by such a vast and increas ing surplus, the Secretary very properly re. i commends a modlffation of the tariff. His proposed modificalion may be summtnmed up in three ideas. Duties of one-hundred per cent, otn brandies and cordials, a greater ex tension of the free list, and a unmiform duty of Twenty-five per cent. ont all remmmittij imports. 'T'hough I have the very highest respect for the Secretary of the Treasury. I am compelled to differ from him on this sub. jaet. As regards the one hundred per cent. duties, thley are utterly indefensible as a financial measure; they are five times higher than the revenue standard. and must dimin ish the revente, and injuriously affect our I commttercial relations with France. I caan see no possilile reason for such exorbitant duties, but a desire to legislate indirectly on a great social que.stion, with which I con ceive we have nothing to do. Passing .hy these one hundred per cent. duties, which are in no hartmony with the Secret..ry's gene. ral tariff policy, I approach the two leading principles urged by him-the free list, and a uniform duty of twenty-five per cent. It is important to observe what the free list. does not contain umitin whatt it does con. tain. It does tnot conttain atrticles of foreignt tmtanum-ture, which ay~ come in .comnpeli tion withi homte mtanlufntttres. It does eon tain the raw materials of dottestic maniufac-. tures, amid certaini exports for wthich our' imnufactures are exchanged ,as tea anti coffee, for instance. It is also) importatnt to consider .what artifees will pay thme duty of twenty.five per cent., conifessedly a high ,duty abpve the revenmue statndard-five per cent. higher than the maximutm duties utider the British revised tariff of 1842. It will he found that amotngothmese articles are all for eign products which niay come in competi tion with domestic manufactures. Frotn these facts, the object of the Seeretary's tariff becomes lutminonms. it is evidently designed to give domestic tt~mannfactures tile utmot p)ractical protection ; anid it accom plishes this purpose most thoroughly ; for the'effect of adtitting the rawv material diuty free, and taxing the manufactured article twenty-five per cent., is to extenid proteciiion in some instances, to forty nd forty-five per cent. This free list is a great iniventioti; for while it conifers amn exclusive privilege oni the mantnfacturers, that of importing the commodities they need free of duty, it cre ates an atpparent ntecessity, and affords the pretext for high duties on their rival imnports. What a system! T1hose cozmmodities-which the manufacturers need pay ino duty. TIhose wvhich the people nieed pay a duly amoun ting, practically, to about one-thitd of their value. .g regards the uniform duty of twenty dve per cent., it rests ont time radical errtor that all imaports, can pay tihe satme rate of duty, whereas the fact is exacotly the reverse. Some commodities cannot pay more thani dve per cent., anid others more than tetn per cent., amnd hence every tariff we have ever Jhad has proceeded onm .agradation of duties. Tlo apply a uniformn rate of twenty-five per cent is to prohibit umny articles, aqd iimnin.. ish t4 revetnue. T1here is one article to which the Secretary proposes to extend even more thani an ordiniary share of'prhtection that is iron ; of all imaginatble thin'gs that which tlie universal industry of the counitry, in every .form and section, is niost itnterested to obtaini cheap. Yet, under the euphonious term, specific duties, this article is to receive the lion's share of protectioni. I' entirely dissent from the Secretary's 'recomemda-. Uons. -I object t'o every one'of them, his one h~undred per- cerit..duties, his free list, his horizontal tariff of t5Xenty:five per cent., his specifie duties on iron.' TIhig rojected tarifi is protectJon and montopoh~v.in their worst becase their wost covert formns.~ will not dwell longer on this report, satisfi, ed to call attention to Is protective features; I pass on to the general consideration of the subiect. The history of the revenue system in ou own country is instructive. Previous t< 1810, the duties on imports were extremely low. By the first tariff act, that of 1789 w ith the exception of a duty-on carriages o fifteen per cent., and on East India goods o twelve and a half per cent., the highest rate of duty was only ten per cent. ad valorem on iron it was seven and a lalf per cent., of cotton and woolen fabrics it was five pe cent. lntervening tariffs, up to 1816, in creased these rates but very little. In 1816 the protective policy was adopted. Ant here I may. remark, that in its inception. i was advocated as a temporary expedient Governinent was urged to extend aid to in fiat manufactures struggling into existence It was not contemplated that such aid woulc be permanently necessary. In 1824, 1828, and 1832, however, tI country advanced still further in the protec t've course of policy. In 1833, to avoid r c.avulsion, it was agreed to he gradnalfy ab,andoned. In the act of 1833 was incor porated the geat principle that " duties shall be ail fur the purpose of raising such a rev. enne as may bie necessary to an economical admninitration of Government;" and provi ding that after the 30th of June, 1842, n duties should he over twenty per cent., wlhicb was conuidered the highest point of revenue duties. It 1842, profiting by the financial difficulties in which the Government was placed, and other circumstances, the protec. tive policy was revived, in violitionai of -the compromise of 1833. In 1846, the country receded from this policy to somo extent. ' It appears from this rapid summary that under the administrations of Washington, the.fist Adams, and Jefferson, the tariff was used morely as 'a revenue instrument-that the protection they favored was the u.aiversal protection which the entire country experi enced from loiw taxes. It further appears that after the protective policy was adopted, it was const:aitly progressive, until arrested in 1833,:a consequence naturally resulting from the mature of the system. Extension of Government favor to any particalar farm of industry induces a competion in it, which reduces the profits, and creates the necessity on the part of the protected interest for more protection. The first necesr.ity is for protep. tion fAom foreign conpetition ; the graiting of this creates a necessity for further pro. tecrion from hoame competition. The logi cal end of the system is prohibition and onaaties. I am glad to see, from the Secretary of the Treasury's reports, that, over and above our resgrces, out debt is nominal. Alone among the great Powers, we stand eminent ly consl.iennus for our freedom from debt. We are at liberty, then, to adopt that system of revenue which we may conceive most conducive to oatr interest. Singular and great privilege, how much of good or evil depends upon our wise exercise of it ! There are, no doubt, diffienuties intrinsic to this subject of taxation ; but they have been greatly multiplied by false and complex theories. The best plan is always to ana. %ze political questions into their general principles. By so doing we escape terious errors ; for if we are right in jhe genat prim. ciples, errors of (etail are- comparatively 1armless. I propose to do this with refer eace to the question of taxation before us. What is the object of taxation I It varies in direr.nt Governments. In some it is to depress the masses, and secure the permanent omianaatioan of the few. In our country we go upon a different idea -in theory, at least; we consider the Gov rnament nierely a trustee for the benefit of he pleople, and1( taxation is oanly a mneans to xecute the objects of the trust; we regard axation as an evil ini itself, but an evil to be .ndu red, that a greater good may be acconm. plished-the carrying on of Government. With this ge~neraul idea in view, the first priaciple of taxatioan with us should be to take as little as possible from the people, di reetly or inadirectly. I apprehend no one will dissenat from this principle. TIhae second principle is equally clear, that the burdens of taxation should hear upon all classes and sections wvith as much egality as possible. Tfhird,* that there should lbe as little iaterfer ene as possible with the industry of the ountry. Fourth, that the mnode of taxation shold'he constitutional. - No extended argnent is necessary to es tabish thaese principles. For what wisdom is there in wringing froam the people their hard earnings beyonad the waants of the Govern met? It is utterly indefensible; for while it impoverishes the p--ople, it corrupts the Government. Besides, what right have we to-more of the people's money thani is neces s-try for the purposes of Govornmnent i None whlatever. All beayoand that poinat is injustice and robbery. If, therefore, by any mecans, by direction or indirection, Government deprives the people of more moaney than is neessary for its wuants, it violates the trusts reposed in it. Again, what principle can be more consonant with the great ideas of jus ie upon which republicanism re-sts, than equality of taxation to all classes arid sec ions? It was ian support of this great prin. ciple of equality in taixation, violated only in a preamltde, tjpat our ancestors drewv the sword in the Revolution, and mingled their blood with the dust of Lexingtoniaand King's Mountain, and Buniker Hill, and Camden, and other glorious battle-fields. This is em. [pat icall y the great American principle, sanec lified by the struggles of our ancestors, and vindicated on the most memorable pages of our history. Where is the man who would jow abnegate iti Further: what is more reasonable than that Government should in terfere as little as'possible with the industry of the countryi What more superlative folly than for Governmneat to attempt to give a direction to individual enterprisef Besides, what greater injustice than to in. terfere with labor~, the most valuable right of the greatest naimber t That the mode 'of taxation should be conastitutional, ift a Govt ernent of limited powers, is self-evident. Such a itifl' as is loissisteut with thpae principles I favor. I say a tariff, because, though a system of direct taxation might be ,mo.. per..,c i theory ye there are so many difficulties in the way at this time that I do not urge it. Before I undertake to state the practical results deducible from the principles I have indicated, I will endeavor to show what sys r' ten of taxation is inconsistent with them. That system which so arranges the duties on unports as to cherish one form of indus try at the expense of all other forms, what we know as the protective policy, is incon sistent with them. This policy does not take as little money as possible from the i people ; for, in addition to the amount paid t Government, it transfers to the manufactu rers a large amount in the enhanced price of commodities. As an illustration of the operation of this system, take the duties on I iron. Assuming the quantity of iron con sumed in the United States to be one million tons peiannum, which is rather under than over the mark, at an average. cost-of $30 per ton, that' being the cost of railroad and[ bar iron imported in 1852; we fiod that the whole value of the imsportations of..ironby the 'l'reasnry returns of '152, as $18,9 57, 903, say $19,000,000. Dcductiintlht'value Sfraom the total value of the ' consumption, $30,000,000, lenavus, a value ofMSl1,000,000 to he tnrnished by the. homne i tanufacture, which' being enhanced. in price 'to: the extent of the-duty, shows that-we piy $3,300,000 as an indirect ta'x to the iron manufacturers of.the country. An exaniination of -the .effect 'f. our high protective duties on ,other mipnpfncfured ar tieles, would show . similar' results, for the snn principle runs through them all. The indirect tax imposcd-'on nt'jenac ntry iy this system canot be lessth:i' fronti.$35,000.000 to $40,000,O00bfei' nutaan'aia suficient amount to carry on the.Goveramnent, if econ omically administered. And for. what is this greit violation of principle?. To enable the ninf.icturers to continue a business nit urally unprofitable. The protective policy violates the great principle of equality. While it professes to benefit one class, it dees so at the expense of all other classes. Agriculture and commerce are the great in teets of our country. and they are natural allies to each other ; for while it is the great idea of agriculture to sell where it can sell dearest, and buy where it can huy cheapest, commerce spreads its sails for this- exact purpose, and exacts front this necessity. Agriculture naturally desires .an external vent for its surplus commodities. This vent is coinnmrce. But the protective policy in terferes to check this vent by discouraging importations; aid to the extent that we can not buy from foreigners they cannot buy from us. Thus agriculture and conmerce are discouraged. 'T'his protective policy is manifestly tin equal to classes, but its inequality to sections is still more obvious. The manufacturing interestsire. in a great degrew confined to the northern section rf the Union. It bene fits a portion of that section at the expense of all other sections. To illustrate this, we will suppose the southern planter wishes to exchange his cotton for cotton cloth, or woolen, or iron. Under the operation of a protection tariff' he must exchange his cotton for a less quantity of those articles. If he buys the foreign commodity lie must pay Government -at least one.fourth, of its value ftir the privilege of bringing it withn the country. To escape this tAx, lie must buy the home-nade commodity at a price en hanced to the extent of the duty on the for. eign article. Five-sixths of our cotton crop is exported to Europe to lbe exchanged for their products; but as we cannot import those products without paying a duty of twentty five or thirty per cen:., our'ability to receive these products in exchanuge is dimnin ished ; and as their means of buying from us dependE on our mieans of buyinig fromi them, they cannot afford to pay us the same price for our cotton as they could if trade wtere free between us. If thi~s cause oper ates only to the exteut'of dimnishiiitg the price of our cotton one cent per pound, then if cotton is selling at ten cent per per pounid, and the cost of' production be six cents, our planters incur an absolute loss of twenity-flre per cent., of their clear inicome. The same principle will apply to other -agricultural pro ducts, tobacco, rice, flour, &c. It is evident, then, that this policy of protection is un equal in itr operation on sections. - This protective policy interferes wvith the industry of the country. Instead of leaving the bus'iess of the community to be reguila ted by the unerring instin-et of self-interest, Government, in its assumed wisdom, under, takes to give a direction to tielabor of the people. In doing this, it commits iiot mere, ly a great folly, but a greater injustice. It interferes with labor, in the entire freedom of which consists all ideas of practical liberty aid by such interference destroys its value ; for under this system the agriculturist caninot exchange the fruits of his toiil for their full value, but must submiit to receive a less value in return. What greate-r, injustice can wve imagine than 'thisi *That the protective policy, is in violation of the Constitution is so obvious, that I will not stop to enlarge upon it. The protective policy, being thus in viol4 tion of the great principles of taxation aind the constitution, should be abandoned. So far as manufactures may be conse-quenitially protected by a strictly revenue tariff', I have no objection, for I tuke as nmuch interest in witnessing the prosperity of that interest as any other interest in the country. I only insist that the taxing powver of the govern ment shall not lie used unmduly to foster this interest at the expense of all other iuterests. Having seen what the true principles of taxation repudiate, let us see to what they lead, They lead, I conceive, to the lowvest rates of revenue duties, universality of impo sition, and discrinjiniation againist luxuries. The revenue standard, that rate of duty upon every comniodity whicb will affo~rd the largest revenue, varies upon dif'erent arti cies. Some will afford the largest revenue et five. per cent; others at ten per cent ; others at ften per cenit., and others at twtenty per cent. The reason of this is obvious. TIhe, abiity of a conmmodity to pay * ta; on iom portation arises from~ the i'ast that the aost The degree in which thiscot is less is van- Is ous. Some commodities may be produced |v abroad fifty per cent.; cheaper than here; t others only twenty five others only ten, and a some only five per cent. Tropical fruits e may be produced sevill hundred per cent. d cheaper abroad than. with us .certain cotton a maunfactures not over en percent. cheaper. p The revenue standard o'diffeknt-commod'- s ties is therefore, ncessaiily various. I pro- a pose to ascertain, as har a may be, this revenue standard in reiigence' o every com. tl modity; astd, having f6uand it, to graduate tl the tariff according. toette lovest rates be. jr low this standard whicl vill furnish sufficient e revenue. This repudiaiys a horizontal tariff; fl which, indeed, all expoience and all theory v repudiates. I would ifve the duties range . from five to twenty per cent, To arrange Ia the details of snch aat iff would require a c good deal of consider ion, aut involves no 0 iisurmounta'ble dilficult ~ a .By universality of in osition, I mean that e every commodity she d pay some .duty. When every commod, paid son duty, ft every commodity woul y the least amount u of duty. It is like raisi, a given amount by C subsciption ; the great the number of sub. t scrilbeis, the less aio t of individual sub. r scription. The princr 8, upon which the b taxation on imports r is that it is an as. sessment on consumpt. ; to be fogical, we ti must make this asse ent universal; any IT departure from the pri pile is a gross incet- ft sistency. To admit s e articles duty free, and tax others is to p ^ it a portion of con- 0 sumption, or what is same thing, a por. tion of the consumers ;go free from -a just e share of taxation. t justice there is in this sort of favoritism 'beyond my concep- ec tion. To tax consu iln, as' you profess n to do, fairly, you mu ave universality of e imposition, and reject e idea of a free list. By this means you wil utionalize taxation; every consumer -will 1 his due share of h the burden. The onl _ rticles I would ad. It tait free would be su as, at the lowest rates, produced a met ominal revenue; as natter of conveniend such artictes might C be admitted free. By taxing only a on of the inpqrts, i as is proposed by the retary of the Trea. p sury, and admitting at of articles free of fi duty through the exest-of- a little legisla. b tive Itgerdemain,,thd3 'urden of the duties til may be thrown on cel in classes and sec- b tions to the exempti of other classes and sections. I do not .imdagine we can attain i positive equality underany tariff; for from 'I he particular forms eC indstry, which are c also sectional in this try, it would be im- g ossibl. to inrvent a -Pff that would bear ei ith entire equality on all classes and sec. n tions. But though weeannotattain positive P equality, it does not follow but that we j should obtain as much as is4attainable. It I 5' may be said this universality of duties is not as near an approx'natiop to free trade as tI the free-list system. But I think the con. b trary will appear from the slightest reflec- P it. The idea of a free list implies higher S duties on the remaining imports; and to the n extent to which the taxed articles pay a b higher duty to make up the deficiency b caused by the free list, to that extent is the A importation of those articles discouraged. t While you admit some articles free, and aro w thereby compelled to tax the remaining im- i' ports higher, which are, necessarily more al numerous and valuable, you more than coun terbalance with one provision the free im portation you eneourago with another. The as earest practical approximation to free trade g onsists in a low duty diff'uaed over all imn.i orts, ad not a high duty on some articles 0 md1( no duty ont others. As regards luxuries, the duties should ho di higher on them than on-necesasaries, because a the rich whio ehnnsume thenm are able, with L loss burden to themselves, to pay a hIgher m rate of dnty. An individual with an income fr f $20,000 per annum, can better spare ten ih per cent. of it for govmernmeut, than one of' a' 5500 can spare five per cent. Tlo insure, v therefore equality as mruch am may be, luxn. A ties should pay a higher rate of duty. But 4: this principle should not be pushed. too far ; t( for experience has shown t'hat high duties " n luxuries consumed entirely by the rich, operate rapidly to diminish their consunmp. i ion. As an -illustration on thls point, in c England, from 1823 to 1824, the rate ofp duty on French wines, was thirteen shillings r nine pence per gallon, at whinh the con, s' sumpion wvas only one hundred and seven, 0f yono thousand eight hundred and thirty- i eight gallons pe annum; in 1825 the duty ~as redueed to seven shillings three pence, it nd during the subsequent. 1ou- years, the ti average annual conisumuption rose to three .T undred and -sixty thousand four hundred o 0 nd fifty gallons. And an exorbitant duty 0 n luxuries, by disc-ruraging their imnporta- pl ton, may diminish the dematnd for the pro- s ducts of our industry, for which these luxu. ti ties are exchanged.- To explain, France is fr enable to buy our cotton and tobacco, to a s ertain extent, with her brandies, wines, and ni silks. If wve tax these articles too biglily, it " will re-act upon ourselves, and affect the . demnd for, and 0Qine..gundy the price of, a, ese staples. 'c" Such a tariff as the one I have rscommen.-l e would, I think, carry out, as near as ni d$ lie, the prjiOilesO Qf taxatin I have im! sI dicated as desirable. The smallest amount6 ofmoney , ,uld'hie taken from the people t directly by Government: the Indirect ta; tob the manufacturers would be as small as pos- I1 iblo. The burdens cif taxation would fall as equally as possible on all classes and see.-e ions. As little interference as possibly ly 'vould be had with the industry of the coun? os try. .4nd it would be strictly constitutional. ly Iinvita scrutiny to my recommendations, al td I confidently challengo the ablest finan- th iers in this H ouse to suggest a f.ariff system tr vhich w-ill be more reippnsive to the great 0; principles of taxation I have subnijtted th to you. pt There are tryo striking fasts which indi- re cate the neaessity for the lowest scale of 19 mere revenue duties, if we aina et anything ri jjle a perrmansilt tarjff systerp. The #rst is n ~he onsot bepeingof the cost aof Aner- .c n eanufactures frqn the jgreatest abun. 4 da..ce of apntal and born, nnl the~ nrogrea. f ive improvements in machinery. he taritm vill be constantly in a transition state. At his time twenty per cent. on many articles f foreign manufacture may afford a rev. nue. In ten years the cheapening of pio uction may make twenty per cent. oper..te a a prohibitory duty. This great pi-inci le works in spite of our laws, and will con. tantly tend to graduate the tariff lower, nd extract from it the protective principle. notIer fact is the progressive increase in he class of consumers. The population of be country is increasing in a geometrical atio, and revenue duties must be at'the low. at point, or we will have periodical over. owings of the Treasury against which every -ise Goverunient would guard. In twenty. veyears uripopulation will be fifty millions, nd a tar.iff so loe as only to -produce fifty ents to 'each iiJividaal will furnish $25,. 00,000. This fa'ct is dperatini every day, nd we w6uld be blind indeed to shut our yes to its necessary results. The principle deducible from these two t,the reduction of the cost of home man factures, and the' increase of the class of onsumers, is that we must abandon protec. re duties, or have no revenue: and that venue duties must be low, or we will have' )o much revenue. The difficulty from a revenue tariff is not iat we will have too little revenue, but too I ich., As an evidence of this,'I would re. sr to the results of the present tariff lessrs. Webster, Evens,. Winthrop, and thers, strongly insisted that the tariff of '46 rould not furnish sufficient revenue. They stimated the receipts from twenty-two to ,venty-six millions, and yet for 1853 the re eipts from this tariff were. $58,931,865,52, early three tijnes.morer iban the.smnallet stimate. I have no doubt, tbat-i' we aban on the . protedgiv.. nJic-y,' ity red eet in of te duties, which.i nvry be fo'ud.T mctica le to make at this time,..will.be follio d in I ss-than t.n -years.bi' asntfher sprplus in the 'reasury ; for -the resQUrt es of the country re in an extraordinair-stt o.development. ur commerce on olim o1. our oceans, the aciflic, is yet in its infaiey, excluded as it from the Eastern'Archipelago by -the cu idity of the Dutch, and from Japan by a erce conservatism. When it bursts these arriers, and glitters with the treasures of i gorgeous lEast, the.most sanguine will e astounded. :'o prevent these future surplus accumnla. ois, I would authorize the Secretary of the reasury to reduce the duties a regular per ntage every six months, after a surplus he. an to accumulate, until the receipts only 1ualled the wants of the Government. It may be ohjected that this is a dangerous. ewer to intrust to an executive officer ; but do not apprehend the people can ever be riously injured by a reduction of taxation. From such a tariff as I have recommended me material advantages would be iocalcula le. We would approximate as near as ossible to free trade-thc great privilege of lling where you.can sell dearest, and buy. g where you can buy cheapest-the richest Won which, under a good Government, can extended to the industry of any country. griculture and commerce would feel the och of a magic wand. Manufactures ould rest on a more natural, and conseque-t a more permanently prosperoums baski. U. I interests, however, the commercial would the most benefitted. Of all parts of the onfederacy, no spot would he so electrified the imperial city of New York. The rlden streams which free trade would pour to her hip would lie richer than the sands the Pactolus. Her merchant prinices old light up their miarble halls with Alad n's lamp. -Horace W~alpole once said, with foresight in advance of his age, " ma~ke ondon a f'ree port, and by consequence the arket of tho world." Mamke New York a e port, and London and Amsterdam will at the mouth of the Hudson. Indeed thes van ingeu wvhich wvould result from this ad mne to free trade be(ggar descriptioi. me~rican industry would spring to her feet, id, breaking the chains which have hither. Sipededh her progress, her giant tread ould shake the continent. I have no doubit there are some around e who will dissent from this picture, and maider any departure from the proteective licy as a 'great cnlamity. To all sich, I 'call to mind the notes of woe wvhich were mnded In 1846, on the passage of the tariff' that year, modifying, to some extent, the ore protective tariff of 1842. Mr. Niles, 'Connecticut, said " that if the bill passed,1 would be equivalent to a general conifisca-; an ; in describing the disastrous conse iences to result from the repeal of the act 1842, growving eloquent, lie saidm, " the 1y parallel to it was to be found in the re ml of the edict of Nantz." M~'r. Simmoins tid: "This bill (tariff of 1846) was to ke the daily bread from the orphan, and 01 millions whose employment- would be ~ept awvay." Mr. Huntiington protested Iainst the bill in the name of his people,' who were about to lbe thrown upon the orld without bread or the means of obtain g it." Mr. Webster, in his peculiarly fell tous manner, said, " all the industry of the nd is'against it; the manufacturers are ~anst it; the importers are against it; the ipowners are against it; no nmn cries, osave it; it is against the sentiment of e laid.". Such were the melancholy fore >din1's with whioht the modified tariff of 946 was ushered into being. I appeal to the signal progress of the untry sjice then, though we are far from wying free trade yet, as the best commeptary ithese p>rotective prophiecies. I would, wevr, particularly refer to tha jncr~ease 'imports and tonnage, the best possible ,eroetrs of the prosperity of thje conn y. In 1844, the imports werpo $108,435,.. 33, agai'st $108,118,31I in 1633 showing at under the protective policy, while the pulat on had increased .ope-half, ipiports mnained stationa4ry. In 1853, under the ss protective tariff of 1840, imports had im up to $267,977,047. In 1833, the ton 'g was 1,700,151 ; in 1844 it had only ini. -ease4 to 2,280,095; in 1853 it had expan 4 to 4,407,010. Thjese mre stubiborn ct.. .,, if each bn the rnin to resuk~ from a departure trom tne protective poney, com mend me to such ruin. The country may t well say to free trade, in the words of the. maiden's love song, c "Ruin is sweet, if thou undo me." c Those protectionists who oppose a further b reduction of duties now, will, I trust, be b somewhat guarded in their propheries of c woe. Great as would be the material ad- r vantage resulting from an adjustment of a your tariff strictly to the . revenue standard, ( the moral advantages would be greater. As r Mr. Burke philosophically remarks, the spir- r it of liberty in modern society inheres in the 'I taxing power. And there are no people t more sensitive upon this subject than the s people of this confederacy. r It cannot be denied that .the taxing pow- I ers of this Government have been exercised t unjustly to the section to which I belong. c We are not ignorant of our wrongs, what ever may be the patience with which +we I. endure them. You now have-, a fortunate c and happy opportunity of remodeling your g financial policy on great (principles of truth and justice. , Will you avail yourselves of a it. I trust you will. Before us is a future ih more glorious than - was ever given to any f patriot mn any age to look upon. To realize c it, it is only necessary -for those ire whtose i hands is the direction of public affairs, to o e!evate themhselves to the dignity .of their o mission, and, rising above class and section- 1 al ideas, advance boldly in the path of truth, g justice, and the. Constitution. Place the a foundations of your Government on those great principles, and faction and anarchy and fanaticism will in vain seek to impede our triumphal progress to prosperity, to a greatnes=, and to glory. Under the influene'e t of: these ideas, the star of our destiny, as it - w++heeled its majestic course full circle, .t flanming through the mighty firmament, sub. o li'ed with the grandeur of its hopes, would o move the universal human heart, for in its 0 wondrous'ascension men would see the im- , e pulsion of a god. a I haie thus endeavored to put forward la these great principles upon this subject which I have been so long and -so ardently cherished is by the State of South Carolina. The mas- n ter inte'l:cts with she was able in the past s so gloriously to illustrate these piinci,'les, ; have fallen into eternal night. The light of P their genius still flashes along the pages of ti your bhitory, but they are no longer of the d earth. -To those of us who have succeeded l them upon this arena, remains only the'hum ble task of manifestin'g our fidelity to the 1 great truths which they inculcated. Tus RcsstA- DErT.-The present Rs- fe sian debt, the interest of which is payable n at Baring's, in London, and the principal of S which was chiefly negotiated through this e house, is computed at. $136,846,000. The debt bears 5 per cent. interest, negotiated t< from 1829 to 1833, with the exception of S $37,500,000 four and a'half per cents. issued fr in 1850. Tliis's the Foreign Debt of the y Empire alone. 'T'here is a domestic Debt, t, created originally in 1817, ar.d now compu- ha ted .to snm more than equal to the Foreign ; I say in our. urrency 6140,000,000. An t Engis wiiifer says the debt was authorized ti to sectire the government paper money and 1 other flonating e-aimns at a fixed rate, and C thei-ely to make the paper rnbles a eonver- at tible currency.. In 1821, these paper rubles e amounted to 010 millions. In 1830, by a I ukase of the Emperor, they were made a b convertible currkney, at the rate of $3 50 er piper for one silver ruble. And so at an Ex- th hange on London of 33. Id, to the ruble, the whole wold represent a sterling amounlt yo 428,100,000: the~ hard cash to represont t which is supposed to he about 120,000,000 h f rub~les, or about $00,000,000 in the Jmnpe- tI -il Bank. This fund has been raised by " he issue of Domestie. Bonids, bearinlg 6 per h ent. interest; the amount of which is some. i where about 8125,000.000, THEu EvENING P1IAYER,-WVe oan Soare'e- al l imagine a scene more full of beauty and Ic eaning than that presented by the little childp ho kneels at his mother's knee to ask God's a lessing upon the sleep into which he isi bout to enter. There is a gieat deal of hb ignificance in the mighty prayer. It recnllsd he past to-day, and it reminds us 'of then utre to-morrow ; leads us to feel how much p o-ay's words and deeds will affect to-mo- j ow's: and, above all, tg-teach us that the " reatest physical or mnoral power which we g ay possess is not our own, but lent to us y a kind Creator. Sir T1. Brown says that tr 'Sleep is Death's younger brother: and -so I like him .that I dare not trust him without jo ny prayers." Who will deny that the, a1 ight's rest is sweeter ,for having received a s: ather's blessing ? Received, we say ; for oes not every one that askis receive ? You look upon the babe asleep in his a. radle, and say it is a picture of perfect re ose. You are right. The infant feels the fullest faiih im' its imother's or its nurse's care, t' nd thus its ropose is perfect. 'The child is will growv to manhood, ad his face will no onger wear th-mt happy loojk of peace and ba ltith, uiless he has learned to turn fromn - a r nother's to a Father's care and love. If, at t12 his mother's knee, he has daily asked for am that love, lhe will still have tile trustful child's H spirit wvhich hung so beautifully over his in ancy, and grow every day more .andl nere ike those who, having " become like little tl hildren," are ready to enter the kingdotm of (5 payen.li Parson BlfowN~ow, in exposing a default- e ng subs~rriker, who has " fled to parts un-p uknow," owing him six dollars, uses the the fplflowing tall language: d Let him be pubilished in every, journal in- U' xistence, unpjl his defalcatigpe is knowvn ; amid upon the waves of the Euxine let- his mean ness be borne along with the shrieks of the 0J rowning Austrians, and the grohnis of thes dying Turlss! .And may. the deep-dyed a waters of the Danube hide his body from the w. eye of man, when tile sabre of' the Cossack bi md of the Turk shall have drank deeply, of iis blood ! A nd may the close of 1854 never permit ghe sun to shine upon another rascal, tU who nyay abseond in our djebt, to.o mean and ir oq djis~onast pveum to write .us ando promie ei opay f. . . ti BAD LITERATURE.-We receivea some me since- from tl.e publishers, DeWite & )avennort, New York, a volume consisting f a collection of stories by Solon Robison, riginally contributed to the New York Tri une with which sheet Solon now appears to e connected. We have not noticed it, hto-' ause we believe it to be -a book that should 4 at be admitted into any family. it presents tableaux of lile in New York city, in its Forst pbases, illustration in stylo by cdarse.. ess, vulgarity and obscenity. It brings ~ its aders in contact -with all-.these; agd as one as well said, a man migit as wbll expect h be clean after being dragged through. tbe. treets of New York, as lo expect any. refi ing inflience.frdm the perusal' oC -such-a ook." '" Hot Corn" should not be-read'by te young. Familiarity with crime :and egration is no safeguard. We are surprised to see that the Hon. olin Belton O'Neal writesa.laudatory.notice f this work in the lasi Southeru Patriot; ives the price of it" to the young people of outh Carolina," and enjoins upon fathers nd mothers,'as a duty-to. their children, to uy this book as a valuable auxiliary to the ilfilment of the obligation, ."train up a bild," &c. 'An exchange before us, sp eak. ig of the book, says that " it is not as un- { bjectionable as Don Juan, or the Mysteries - f Paris, because it wants the refineuenx of oth ; it is coaser, broader, plainer.' .A'sin ular auxiliary to training up a child in-t i ays of virtue that book must be. [Carolinian. TiHE N. Y. Evening Post in the coarse of sensible article, recapitulates many interes. ng facts, calculated to show the iinmense enefit that has resulted, or is likely to result, the Western States, through the- agency f Railroads. In 1840, Illinois prodnced f her staple, Indian corn, only 22,000,000 f bushels. In 1850, the aggregate a'mount . to 57,000,000. And so with most of the ther-States. Railway facilities have stimu ted agrioltur.e,.and induced hundreds of Lrmers who othdrwis' wbuld in vain have uglt a maiket for their produce,to engage ore extensively in the cultivation of bread. uffs. 'je surplus, of course, finds-itsvway. astward,'and thus; Railroads, in: the first lace, encourage and hssist in theindustry of - ie West, and in the second, they pour ad itional millions-of agr icultural produce into? t lap of the great Atlantic cities. ARRE.CT OF A . MURDZER,-The' Il'incl urg (Va.) Express states that a young man;; ained Cocke was arrested in Richmond tw days ago, who, in 1551, shot. a young ran named Win. B. Sanderson at Holly prings, Miss. The circumstances of the ase, the Express says, are, as follows; " Some time in. 1851, Cocke was egbaged h e rnarried to a young lady at Holly prings, Miss. Sanderson.being an inim ate iend, he requested him to address . tis sung lady himself, merely to test her faith him. Sanderson accordingly addressed r, was accepted, and they were married. i ahout twenty minutes after the' consuma on of the cerenony, Cocke asked Sanderson step out into the street with hini a minute. aving gone a little distance from the house, drew a pistol and shot S. dead-the ball riking just above the mouth. C. made his :cape. The Express adds that Cocke will proba y be retained in custodav until the Gov, nor of Mississippi mikes a requisition upon e Governor of Virginia. TrE LOVED ONHS AT HOME.-Go ask e inebriate where are the loved' ones at me; and how often will he tell you that ey are gone, andI that he has no home! he fire once burnied brilliantly upon his ~arth~stone, and the -smiles of a3yoingand ieffeciionate wife swelled his noble hear} ith joy nd lhe was truly happy.' The ildren of.his pure and hallowed lovd.were ,out him ; the dimpled hands and sunny ks elicited from th'e deep fountain of his are arnd nmanly heart the strontg current of' father's affections, Ah! years agone,. and. the wild seducor is led haim from affluen~ce and respectaibilit~: awnj to poverty and' disgraice! The rose io his wife's cheek was blanched ; the dimi d hands' and cheeks of his dear little ones erc reduced to skeletons b neglected 'and ant: the warm affections of his-heart wverp me ; no noble aspirations flamed within his. anly breast ; all! all !are In ruins ! Delirium eens have 'seized upon him; his wife h'as ien laid in.the silent - tornb,. and here little es by her side-he .only remains' of .his iee hapgfanib/; lie.only left to tell the d tale of his~ fall! He commienced his downuward career as a shinable, moderate drinker-planting him If upon the weak idea that he never would a drquha'ard. ' Sineh has-heen ihp faite of any a inoble spir'it;t they have been dlepoyed om homew-entirely unconscious that Rum winning them 'away from their fauities.. Then, Moderate Drinker, w~hen you are a nmt to lift the sparkling gobletto -your lips; member that' the nexzt will advaince,.ol at iuch Ilarther in the course of the Drunly d! REM[EMBE.R THE LOVED ONLs A7 . OE !---Knight of Jlerico. FOR the inforimation of the conductors of e press geuerally' we Inve''to informp them' ys th Washington Star,) that' th'e lawt nits the amount to he paid by the hgd of her Department ijn Washington rfor news-s tpers (fo - his department) to'- $1Q0. -. This msehence is, that they are unable to pag r the papers.a gressed to them astreads of ~artmen4q from all quarters of the dounty dess formally ordered to be~ so seit.. TIE -QUEaN.--Qu'en Victoria,' at- th0 ening of aqlimeut, was attied' in a ledid dress of silver 'tissie, over whlch as a' robi of crimson velvet, orninn d' ith gold jabiand e'rthine,'and she wqre a illia~nt tiara of -pearls and diamonds. NE.1?T, AL GoNE.-Gen. HiouZistanyS at of' three hundred members of.ongress atteadance wyhen the Missouropromie as passed, thirty.-hree yer 'ae wily rP n an-Reaton. Ever'ett. and himself.