Edgefield advertiser. (Edgefield, S.C.) 1836-current, September 25, 1851, Image 2
- IV
'ED D D ERTSE
a Democratic ouruaJ, ?bIote wVout m ta, o enta tegn 7 tit , sUo4aIttj, emeante, agwrIwiIttu, sce
We wil cin to o tho T 0 if it must fal, wo will Porish amidst the Ruins."
W.F. DURISOE, ireprieter. ED.- PTEMBER 25,1851. VOL -v1--io- 3
THE EDGEFIELD ADVERTISER.
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W. F. DURISOE, Proprietor.
ARTHUR SINKINS, Editor. '
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FOR T ADVERTIsER.
FTHE ' - HCARMIINA
he .ow
Even
Umns to w
f the- edge
raised by those opposed to separate
w onl has claimed the
e
poWe er par
an andthe early Romans, and such the
Swiss. There are, too, much great
evils than national poverty, and among
ro.W national dishonor and national sla
e Certaitn Editors in the State seem to re.
gard tle.rticles of the writer in the News
as auiiuswer-to the pamphlet. The author
of "tutledge," to whose attention these ar
i&s have been recently brought, thinks
'quite otherwise, and did not design a reply.
A.1pierejoinder-is now made only to show,
that far frotn having over'hriown the main
prop s of Rutkge," the writer, by
the weakness of his attack, and by his own
admissions, has pragtjetAly4.trengthed them.
If "Rutledge'"''has advanced, the most
1"startling statements" in relation to the fiscal
resoure6if the State, arising fiom her in
ports in sise of sepate secessiqt ' be
i tafely siidhatthe p
has 1uga e.tn i most
absurd conclusions. Such, among others,
are the folloWing: First, that the contribu
tion of South Carolina in dities under'the
existing Tariff, does not cicced $500,000 an
-. ually. *Secondly, that under the peaceful
Seraitioft a separate State Government,
~ ~0,000 wvill be cut off from our exports,
" ~and consequently from our imports, and
hence there would remain but $3,000,000
from which to raise a revenue. But of these
hereafter.
The first point assailed bf the writer is in
relation to the exports of the State. Upon
naked assumption, withtout any appeal to
documentary evidence, he controverts the
facts and figures under this head, contained
in the Pamphlet; estimating the annual value
of the exports from the State, at $11,050,
000. "Rutledge," from statistical tables,
furnished by public doeuments, states them
to be from $12,000,000 to $14,000,000. lHe
did not strike an average for two reasons
mainly : First, because the data upon which
to base accuratte calculations were not with.
in his reach. Secondly, because it was not
necessary to the argument-an approxitma
tion to the true results being sufficient to es
tablish the positions aimed at. Can reliance
be placed upon the statements of the wvriter
In the News? He does not furnish a particle
of evidence. In a controversial dispute ol
this nature, could he expect his mere dicta tc
be taken as authority I Are his statemeontt
any thing more than gratuitous assumptions!
H~e proceeds in this way, although Ite seem!
to regard scrupulous accuracy in the tmattei
essential to the argument!i
Now his admission of $11,050,000 of Slatt
experts wvill fully sustain the hypothesis o
" Rutledge" in regard to our revenue unde
a separate Government ; but since rigid ex
aatness is to him so important, let us inquir
a little more closely into the probable annua
value of our exports.
The writer says, the quantity of cotto!
shinned annually from Charleston, the pro
duce of South Carolina, amounts on the ave
rage to 87.750,000 pounds, at an average
p ' cents per pound edre" e
ti quiatity at ioutA
but'-l ns his calculati oil
poupdC
Agaii the writer says, "tb'e Rice aDlppe
from Charleston nev eeeds 0;0
per cwL-'
ces," an rae37c
Now tb the prd)or the want-of reliable
statistics since ,-84)he writer's statement
as to the cott6p vill be received. But he
certainly unira'es the averagd price. 'By
refcrence to the Report of the Secretary of
tie Treasury for 1850, page 128, it will be
seen that the average price of cotton for the
year 1850 was 11.3 as stated by " Rutledge;"
that for the last twenty years it has been
11 1-3; for the last ten years, 8.19 ; and for
the last four years 8.91, or in South Caroli
na, from the higher price of our Sea Island
cotton, 94.
The writer says, our exports in Rice never
exceed 130,000 tierces. What says the book?
In the Pat. Office Report, (1849-'50,) page
305, it is found that the exports in Rice.
from Charleston in 1848 amounted to 160,
330 tierees from a crop of 162,058 in m
ket; and that the avera crop I& it
15,000 tierces less than alt 8
naking the
Charlest
r ,ISc
in& data-aldne nI i Asrl til
Total - - . $14,470,350
This statement reecives confirmation from
i table of our foreign commerce published
n the Charleston Mercury, Jan. 14, 1851.
[t will be there seen,- that the value of 86,
)85,523 lbs of Cotton, shipped during the
-ear 1850, was $11,088,305. By the same
rates, 87,750,000 lbs. w',uld be worth $11,
117,304. From the value exhibited by tel
ame table 147,000 ticroeof Rice would
yield $2.950,317.
rhis result, then, may be obtained:
1850. Cotton . - $11,217,304
Rice - . 2,950,317
Other articles 1710,000
Total - - $15,877,62t
Though tIis .stim*may seeIn eqtial to thl
whole amount of exprt* m tite-State, yet
Por-thr year 1850 it may Kb&6:* tong;
iG1j-tie Charleston Mercury on . dito
last given, the foreign exports from Chartes
ton in 1850 amounted to $12,394,497-b)e.inlg
an increase of nearly a million and a hid5 .oi
dollars upon the foreign exports ind1849.
Assuming the coastwise exports to.rclasin~
the same as 1849, viz: $5,494,520, the ex
ports from Charleston for the year 1850,
were not less than $17,889,017. The year
previous they were $15,838,19.
Take the year 1849.
Cotton, 87,759,000 lbs. 6.9 cents, including
Sea Island - - - $6,054,750
Rice 147,000 tes, at 30 per ewt. 2,8414,600
Lumber and other articles - 1,710,000
Total - - - $10,608,350
This is evidently an under estimate for
1849: for the cotton crop of that year wvas
uncommonly large, being 1,026,602,269 lbs.
Allow one.4euith of the~ whole f or South Caro
lina, viz: 102,060,026 pounds, and the, ex.
ports of the State for that year must have
equalled $12,021,875.
This hatter estimate is confirnmed by anothi
er mode of en'leulation. The total value of
expoitIs, foreign and coastwise, from Charles
ton for the year 1849, was $15,S38,291.
[Pat. Oflf. Rep. 1849--50, at p. 536.) What
proportion of this amount arose from pro
duets of other States? Nothing of conse
quence is exported from products of our
neighboring States, except cotton and naval
stores. 3Much the largest portion of this
cotton is conveyed over the Railroad from
Hamburg to Charleston. The Chiarles.ton
Courier (See Pat. Off. Rep. page 537) states
that 141,139 bales of cotton passed over the
South Carolina Railroad in 18419 rromn Uam
burg and Stations on the Road. Of thiese,
not more thatn 80,000 could have comne from
other States.* Eighty thousand bales at the
average price for 1849, viz: 6.4, would give
$1,792,000. Value the Cotton and other
produce from other directions at $1,000,000
-this will make the total value of exports
of other States $2,798,000. The following
- rsult is deducible:
, and not Tng e Mexican Con
thii 1f6ht, and passed
- 15abolition of slavery,
ent,. after a proper val
erste the owners for
t fre&- But the gov
mply with the terms of
re, void. It seems also,
du n eninstitutiorial,by the
a nd, consequently, in
3, an amendment was
tution, by which slavery
The inference then is,
ofG uEnO, nor the
f any effect, in produ
ivery; but, that it was
endi the Constitution, and
ist in Mexico, because
d there*by the system
ed bynother name, is
rm,'and enables mas
ithout incurring the
support. It is plain
.Was abolished in Cali
Constitution, and ad
existthero, by virtue
the province came
J5the oeration 6f our
McOrding to the no
ve the Constitution
State, a paramount
tory, to that.of our
ing could be moro
th: more. insulting,
y way, to have been
euco; so soon as i
f tie United States, i
f subj very again by the I
t of o tion. Because, if
co y of all the States I
he true doctrine
aws in that Terri
n~yii nSouthern slave
o er in the enjoyment
privileges there,
Slaves are pro
'ng to the person,
at charter of our
rnia and New t
aC, e e try. apr
more by -.'ie od'a. ur .f the South,
than of ti.a MerN'vould~, bet this junetre,
an insupportable wrong. California, after r
her relinquishment, by treaty, retained only t
such of her laws, s were necessary to the
t
preservation of civil order. All of her con
stitutional or politicail.laws, and especially, r
ill, which were rcpugniant to the spiritsof our
Constitution, had ceased to be binding. That
is the rule laid down' by all the writers on
international law.
Why, if all the laws of Mexico remained
effectiye, in our late acquisitions, they had to s
religious liberty there-no liberty of cii- i
science, and, practically, no Constitutional t
freedom; for I am sure there is none in
Mexico.
Now I must again ask, if the limits of
slavery, in the United States, have been irre
vocably fixed, in the councils of heaven, why
is not the questiop of its reception or rejec
tion, in the Territories left to be settled, as it
should be,by their own inhabitants? If God
wills that there shall be no more slave States
in the Union, why will men, with their inflated
vanity, interfere with his high behests? Why
urge the Wilmnet Proviso ? Why urge the
admission of California, and become particeps
criminis with a reckless and domineering
administration ? Why wave the sceptre of
power over our heads, and insult our weak
ness, if nothing is to be accomplished by it ?
There was, and there is an end to be gnined.
Preidents are to be multiplied, until they
become law, and until they establish the
principle, that lavery cannot be tolerated in
this Republic. It is to be restrained within
such narrow bounds, as not only to force
upon us a system of graduni emancipation,
but to enable the free-soil majorities to over
ride us, in* the councils of the nation, and
effect our t~tal political extinetion.
If all the States in the Confederacy, and
evey .' t of land, owvned by the Govern
ment, from the Gulf of Mexico and the
Atlantie Ocean, to the qhores of the Pacific,
were to become slave territory, this instant,
it would not increase the number of slaves,
in the United States, by a single unit. Every
body is opposed to the importation of ne
groes from Africa, and there is a perfect ac
quiescence, throughout4he whole isouth, in
the laws prohibiting. the. slave .trade. The
hostility of the North then, to the extension
of slavery, arises from a aselfish policy to
swell their own majorities-to destroy the
equilibrium of the Gd*ernment, and to pros
trate the South at their feet.
STAR REDOUBT.
Youvsa ladies w~ho are accustomed to
readt newspapers are always observed to
possess most wining ways, most amiable
dispositions, invariably make good wives,
and always select good husbands. A
fact.
IF NonIODY takes notice of our faults we
eaily frgmet them ourselves.
Mr. Paulding's Letter.
The letter of. the Hon. James K, Paul
ding, in answer to an invitation from the
Correspondent Committee of the South
ern Rights Association, to address the
Public Meeting be held on the 17th inst.,
is of so remarkable a character, that the
Committee have felt it due to the Associ
ation, and to the people of the whole State,
to.deviate from the usual rule, and publish
it in advance of the occasion. The au
thor his long been sequestered from the
turmoit- of public life, and has thus the
position of an unprejudiced spectator;
while his abundant experience, during a
long career of distinguished service, makes
hiin a most competent judge. His emi
nent ability, his consistency of opinion,
and his unsullied and unsuspected integri
ty, unite.in giving the utmost weight to '
his views of public affairs at this time.
Mr. Paulding has never yielded a step V
bofore the tide of fanaticism, or compro
miised a principle for the momentary suc
ess of party. From the commencement
Df this sectional controversy, he has stead
Fastly and earnestly urged upon the North P
'o do justice, and upon the South to sub- 1
nit to no sacrifice of their full and perfect 0
3quality in the Union. He has not hesi.
ated to maintain that it was better for the
iorth, as well as the South, that the Con
ederacy should be dissolved, than that its c
undamental principles should be changed, t
d its constitution subverted. The North t
ias refused to listen to his wise counsels; n
t remains to be seen if the South will be P
till more fatally and perversely deaf.
We trust that the press of this State,
Ld the Southern Rights press every
vhere, will aid in giving circulation to
his admirable letter, from one of the most
listinguished and most upright of the in
tblic men of the Union. In this charac- h
er alone, Mr. Paulding has a right to have ti
is deliberately expressed opinions on a
reat public question, made known to the
vhole people of the Union. As a citizen
f the North, who, in a position that is be.
,ond all suspicion of selfishness or preju
ice, gives to the cause of the South the
Treat weight of his calm approval and sup.
ort, he has peculiar claims to our atten- 115
on, and his wdrds deserve to be treasured. to
'he -. dAxerv, it atill -mng
GN'rLEMEN :-Your to dircete *
ie at New York, con!O-ying an initation O,
3 address a meeting of the citizens of fe
'harleston District;'th be held in Charles- s
)n, South Carolina, 6.n the 17th inst. has at
ist reached nie at this place, where I now o
eside. T
For the compliment thus tendered, and si
he language in which it is-, conveyed, L.
egyou to accept my ack Ibdgmenti? s
ecompanied by regrets that I cannot si
omply with your wishes. Distance and al
paceite burden. of yearsj..slioezd bear at
nth me, and, morg than all, my uteapaci- at
y for pubigspeakincompel me to de-, a
line a task for.which I aa totally unfittect sy
What Iaveto say, I thereforei.hpyou A
ill VuihIt jne to address to you ngrgh a
medium to which- am ro cts m
omed. a
A~ it appears f~$J
otr-that you aie 134
wre- of the opinion
>aet tot what is Wdhy
Domprmise, I wilI'bgtroulie
irief. recapitulatih. In .my ve
Vnia gross and palpabje violation of.thd.
qualtyvhichgediagles everypt-eii0I; n
f the Aontu9adormss the basis y
thisGolnfederation; ;alfbst unjustifia
1e 'k' "ih ntersts, safety ii
mud "' eStates comn-h
os yinsult and oh- 'a
eq cesionwrested t<
ay mr. from a minori- Il
y; sequences, it will ti
prove more - epose, prosperity o
ind happiie'ss ifu ~oV~ very existence, t<
:f the Uniont tan anfrsesures that may c
be resorted to in attempting to obtain re- o
C1ress for the past, or security for the fu- f<
iure. n
Such being my view of the subject, I0
sn, and always have been, of opinion,h
that the stand originally taken b~y SouthP
Carolina, and most of the Southern States, t
in opposition to the principles embodied
in that series of measures, was not only: .
justifiable, but demanded by a proper re
gard for their rights and their honor; and b
that an abandonmenIt of the position they c
then assumed, and an acquiescence in
measures they repeatedly declared they t
would resist, t'at all hazards and to the e
last extremity," unless accompanied by a
frank acknowledgment of having been a
wvrong in the first instance, would, in the t
language of the printed resolutions ap- t
pended to your letter, he "what they t
could not submit to without dishonor." I
If such an abandonment of all previous r
pledges and1( dochlrationls were the result I
of a subsequent conviction of having I
greatly erred in making thoem, it would be
honorable and magnanimous. But such<
appears not to he the caso; since even
the advocates of acquiescence still eon
tinue to assert the principles on which
these pledges and declarations wvere based,i
as well as the wvrongs which first called j
them forth.
h Associatio i;. I believe ..;ght in
I89 Ita n,- 1onC
lesto
Value of ex
tates
le-of S . '
These cakulation
mate to the true r
will be safe to esti in e o
Statb for 1849 at an
000. To obtain, howev
four years taken, thelmi
made on the first estimate'
Take the year 1848.
Cotton 87,750,000 lbs average pric
7.613, including Sea Islat
price in South Carolin 8
Rice 160,330 tes. [Pat.
1849-'50] at 3,10 pe
Other articles
Total
Take the yearn
Cotton 87,750,0,00- pr
year in So
land Cot ' W
Rice 145,0 1
Other article
a uis~htt*as artieI r 17,O
When it is n
-
0 er
eThis will appear from a probable estimate of
rolina Cottou sent to Charleston from Iiaiim
urg and Augusta-embraying the main portion
a.c!t in Pickens, Andeison, Abbeville, Edge
ield, and a part of Laurens and Barnwell Dis
riots. Allowing an inerease in production of
0 per cent. on the eensus of 1840, and deduct
g half from Barnvell, which may go by the
iver, one-fifth from Ed.efield, and four-fifths
roin Laurens, that probably go to Columbia, this
esult is obtainedl:
Orangeburg and other Stations 5,000 bales
I. bevilk' - - - .. - 29,233
n- - - 8,055
Piekens - - - 1,355
Barnwell - -
Edgefield.- - - 21,321
- - - 4,000
Total ;- - - G73,628
oy take away 10,000 or 12,000 bales shipped
romiiamnburg and Augusta to Savannah, there
Filwr main upwards of 61,000 bales of South
Carolina Cotton to be deducted from 111,139
bales. This is believed to be an under-estimate
,f South Carolina Cotton that passes over the
road. A few yeais ago 60,000 bales passed in
ne ycar.throug uIamburgltMe.
dii.it MigAvERTIEit.
~~tCAUSE OF QUARREL,
i3 o OrIzENs :- hle argument of tlhe
Qrt-author of the Comnpromise system,th~at
sdierylJd. been ibolishl, and did not exidst
in d friand New Mfexico, by virtue of
!exican laws, as met, and. answered. with
signal ability, by lfBERRIEN of Georgia ;
to whom the count~ indebted, for a (nost
patriotic speech, an "Southlfor-a.ifoble
and eloquent vindication .ol her cauzse. His,
and Mr. CALnoux's sydkebes heti considered
together, form the com fst defence ever
made for any people. tie' Senator from
South Carolina might igpe been termed the
Agamemnon of the''Na, the -listinguished
Senator from Georgia should, at least, have
been called the Achilles of the fight. If he
was not really the Achilles in boldness, he
certainly deserved that appellation, from the
skill with which lie used his weapon. To
gether, they have wholly exhausted the ar
gument; and to thenm, and our other most
able Senator, Judge BUTLER, I acknoWledge
my obligations, for much-I have been able
to present to you in this argument. Indeed,
I have not aimed at any originality, but have
labored to express clearly the views, which
have forced me to .the conclusions I shall
arrive at before I close. -
As I was saying, the position of Mr. Cxr.,
that slatvery had been abolished in New Mex
ico and California, previously to their cessior1
Ito the United States, and did not exist there
by force of the Mexican statutes, was mesi
successfully eneountered by Mr. BER~aIEi
and Mr. SOULE, and, I think, entirely over
thrown.
The first decree of abolition in Mexico, i
appears, was made by GUEuR.EIno, in 1829
who was then Dictator, and who, while in
vested with the highest powVers to accomnplisl
a particular object, transcended the limits o
his authority, to exercise the functions of the
whole -people in their several assemblies
ts second resolution-declaringr its belief
hbat the co-operation of any of the South
,rn States with South Carolina, either in
esistance or secession, is at least impro
)able, so long as the influence and patron
ige of the General Government are ar
ayed against State rights. Nor do I see
Lmy reason for believing that any probable
hange of administration will produce a
hange of measures; since, as you will
ierceive, from their repeated declarations,
11 parties in the North unite in denouncing
lavery, and maintaining the Constitution
I right of Congress, as well as its inflexi
ple duty, to prohibit its extension to any
otate that may hereafter be admitted into
he Union. From all present appear
nces, the principles embodied in the
,ompromise will continue to be the basis
,f the future policy of the Government.
t seems also probable, that the State
'hich have submitted to past, will be
qually quiescent under future wrongs.
Having thus briefly stated my views
iti regard to your first and second, I
ill now revert to your last and most im
ortant resolution, namely : " that failing
a reasonable time to obtain the co
peration of other Southern States, South
arolina should alone withdraw from the
rIion."
It seems rather late in. the day. to be
aled on to combat the old exploded'doc
ine of passive obedience and non-resis
mnee, the assertion of which cost one
ionarch his head, and sent another into
arpetual exile. Yet, as that doctrine has
tely b._;& revived by some of the high
t names of the Republic, it calls for a
issing notice in connexion with the sub
ct of this letter. It seems stravge,'too,
at this long buried- monster, which re
ived its death wounds in the two revo
tions of England and America, should
we been dug up and resuscitated by dis'
iguished Democratic Republican states
en. From all but the darkdst'Tegiona- .E
the civilized world, this portentoia .t
antom has been 'banished, as it would .t
>par, only to find refuge in that which c
ofesses to be the most free and enlight- a
ed. There is not, an European writer, P
statesman, or theologist, of any estab-, v
hed reputation, that would now'venture e
proc aimn the..
u cubl% a)? -L'~~l f
the part of equal members of 'a Con- t
deration of States, would require more ii
ace than is proper for ne to occupy, a
d more time than you can spiire on this t
casion; nor do I deem it necessary.
lie right of resistance by force, as re- t
ects States and communities, is only
i, xtension of the individual right of t
r-8fence, which.,Js a law of nature, c
ilecedent and pariiobunt to all laws, and I
t constitutions; Which cannot be alien: 1
ed or surrendered by the adoption of t
system of social organization. This s
ctrine is establig hd beyond controver- c
brthejun w nd unansierable I
grnndhts and Locke; by the a
t amrit well as. s
d - -f.ve n
-,%were 'not tbt[
en, and cIwayhvaj
when-the-occasion arises,
onto all authorities. It is true
of the writers who assert or
ie right of resistance, have at- r
p6p1efine ~Ie precise line where c
istance bedoi'rnes justifiable, because it
Ljbi,.susceptible of definition. It is a
atter of feeling, and can neither be anal- t
ed or defined.
An eminent American statesman, high a
office, and a candidate for still higher b
mors, whose opinions I wish to treat t
ith all due respect, has lately attempted t
establish a broad distinction between t
evolution and Secession; in other wvords, i
e right to resist, and the right of retiring t
it of reach of the necessity of resorting <
resistanice. His position, if I rightly e
>mprehend him, is, that though a people I
SState may have a right to resist by
Iree in certain contingencies, they havet
one to retire peaceably beyond the reachr
injury and oppression. It seemed they
ve no alternative; they must either
aceably submit, or forcibly resist, for
iy cannot get out of the way. It fol-r
wus that all radical changes in the po0
tical relations of a State wvith a Con
derationi of States, must necessarily be,
rought about by violence and bloody
ontentions. Those who cannot live to
ther in pence, must niot part in peace;
iey must resort to the right of the strong
it, and fight it out.
Thus the extermination of a portion of
ir fellow-creatures, perhaps our conrn
-ymen, is an indispensable preliminary 4
>all great political changes ; and heca- <
)mbs must be offered up on the altar of<
.iberty, before she can become a legiti
ite goddess. The establishment of this
rinciple, concediing the right of Revolu
onl and dlenying that of Secession, would,
its application to the case now under
onsideraion, leave no resource to any
nmber of this Confederation, under the
ost Intolerable oppression, but civil war,
vith all its aggravations. It leaves open
o appeal to the great tribunal of reason,
ustice and humanity ; tho right of the
trongest is the right divine ; and dissen
iosamong a Confederation of Christian
States, can only be adjusted, like those
of the wild beasts of the forest, by a
death struggle. I am aware that this has
been the almost invariable practice of
mankind in every age and country; bui
never till now do I recollect seeing it as.
serted that it was the only justifiable mode
of settling controversies among States
and nations; and it is with no little regret
I see this doctrine sanctioned by one'
whose opinions are of such high authority
among a large portion of the Americad
people. I have dwelt more emphatically
on this topic, because I consider the right
of secession as by far the most important
of all the questions involved in the present
controversy; and the attack on it as one
of the most insidious, as well as.danger.
ous blows, ever levelled at thert2
the States, all of whoni are dep nts
ested in the issue, since those who e
now the aggressorsimay. one.,day be
placed in a position whereit will be thei
only refuge from the uncontrolled despo
ism of a majority.
With regard to the expediency of the'
State of South Carolina exercising this
right of secession, either now or at any
future period, it would, I conceive, be*
presumptuous in one so far removed from
the scene of action to offer his opinion,
ar intrude his advice. In such a crisis
South Carolina must act for herself,'and
'ely on herself alone. 1 wpuld'only ob
ierve, that in taking a stop so decisive.as
:hat of withdrawing from the Union,
inanimity amongher citizens, or some
hing nearly approaching it, seems, indis
ensable. It appears, however, that may
listinguishe, men among you, whowses
eputation is national, whose opinionsare'
ntitled to great weight, and who haver
icretofore taken the lead in opposingthe
dompromise, believe that the tfitefor
ecession is not yet come;'thatfi. .co
peration of at least A majority' -fth -
iouthern -States is abitdiyliadessary
a.the sue'essful isie of sudh a measure;
bat it is best to wait for further injuries -
r at least' to see whether they will :be
ttempted, and if so, whether thev --ll'
roduce such co-operation. I
iews coincide with the -i .
d by -
ate remaint -i I i -: until k
i decided, I.. snah. content myself 4
iserting the ight of secession, lea
ie expediencyof its 'exercise to.be deci
ed' bythe result., Should it be fou.*V
Lat a very considerakbe. minority ia4
nly opposed, but will resist 4.resertid~
Lis remedy for their grievances, I eo
eive its. immediate adoption wouldbe .
aaard-ggmn the, extreme. But arbe
reat interests are at stake,p, -
e risked in theispreservpinoA
elf I will only say, 4e;. a
f South Carolina, or any otier So0
itate, I trust I should not be found
idu hoafter-icing them
elves ,i 6, attle, and leading
i ei , VAW on whpue
4 dishohor,
A few e, e
iat I may wnot-be misioditodg is
eyresented, and>Iwilnlng lisas
ngyed time oir y~tience.
if I know myseff, and the iniierbnost .
relings of my heart, I am a better frieu&d~
, the Union than many of thos%i
'hile loudly professing their devotion, are*~
teadily pursuing a course of policy that
as already alienated a considerable por
on of its citizens, and will assuredly
ring about its dissolution. It is under'
be influence of this attachment, that I
ave lent my feeb~le aid in opposition to
hat policy. Neither force nor coercion
an preserve a Union voluntarily formed
n the basis of perfect equality ; nor do'
believe it possible to preserve or per
etuate this Confederation by any at
empts to extend the powers of the Gen'
al Government beyond the limits pre
cribed by the Constitution, strictly con
trued, agreeably to its letter and spirit.
rho first attempt to coerce any one of its
uemb~ers, will be the hand.wvriting on the'
vall, pr'edicting the speedy and certain
ate of the Union. It is not to be pre
umied that great States, many of them
quatl in extent to powerful kingdoms, and
nhabited by increasing millions of free
uen, jealous of their rights, brave, high
pirited, and energetic, can be held to-'
~ethier except by a voluntary cohesion.'
['his Confederation may be likened to the'
~rent system of the universe, and it is,
mtly, by the benign and gentle infloence
if attraction, that the bright stars of our
onstellation can be kept in their orbits.
rhose who attempt to bridle or spur them,
vill, in the end, fare like the rash' .fool
w'ho aspired to direct the chariot of the
I am, gentlemen, your ob't serv't,
J. K. PAULDING.
['o F. D. Richardson, H. H. Raymond,
W. HT. Peronneau--Committee, &c.,
Charleston, South Carolina,
AGRIEEAnLE MA.-One who has a
yowv and a smile for every body abroad,