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- IV 'ED D D ERTSE a Democratic ouruaJ, ?bIote wVout m ta, o enta tegn 7 tit , sUo4aIttj, emeante, agwrIwiIttu, sce We wil cin to o tho T 0 if it must fal, wo will Porish amidst the Ruins." W.F. DURISOE, ireprieter. ED.- PTEMBER 25,1851. VOL -v1--io- 3 THE EDGEFIELD ADVERTISER. PUBUSHED EVERY THURSDAY. W. F. DURISOE, Proprietor. ARTHUR SINKINS, Editor. ' W3ERM3.-Two DOLLARS per year, if paid in advance---Two DOLLARS and FirY CENTS if not paid in six months---and TntEr DOLLARS if not paid before the expiration of the year. All subscriptions nnt distinctly limited at the time of subscribing, will be consitlered as made for anl im defimi%. period, and will be continued until all are es are paid, or at the option of the Pub lisher. Subscriptions from other States must be accompanied with the cash or reference to some one known to us. ADTFRnTISEMENTS will he conspicuously inser ted at 75 cents per Square (12 lines or le.s.) for the first insertion, and 37 1-2 for each subsequent insertion. Wlhen only published Monthly or uar terly, One Dollar per square will be charged. All Advertisements not having the desired number of insertions marked on the margin, will be contin ued until forbid and charged accordingly. Those desiring to advertise by the year cardo so onibetal terms-it being distinctly understood that contracts:for yearly advertising are confined tozhe m.a legiumate business of the finn or individual contracting, Tmnsient Advertise inents must'be paid for in advance. For anniuncing a Candidate, Three Dollars, in advance. For Advertising Estrays Tolled, Two Dollars, to be paid by the Magistrate advertising. FOR T ADVERTIsER. FTHE ' - HCARMIINA he .ow Even Umns to w f the- edge raised by those opposed to separate w onl has claimed the e poWe er par an andthe early Romans, and such the Swiss. There are, too, much great evils than national poverty, and among ro.W national dishonor and national sla e Certaitn Editors in the State seem to re. gard tle.rticles of the writer in the News as auiiuswer-to the pamphlet. The author of "tutledge," to whose attention these ar i&s have been recently brought, thinks 'quite otherwise, and did not design a reply. A.1pierejoinder-is now made only to show, that far frotn having over'hriown the main prop s of Rutkge," the writer, by the weakness of his attack, and by his own admissions, has pragtjetAly4.trengthed them. If "Rutledge'"''has advanced, the most 1"startling statements" in relation to the fiscal resoure6if the State, arising fiom her in ports in sise of sepate secessiqt ' be i tafely siidhatthe p has 1uga e.tn i most absurd conclusions. Such, among others, are the folloWing: First, that the contribu tion of South Carolina in dities under'the existing Tariff, does not cicced $500,000 an -. ually. *Secondly, that under the peaceful Seraitioft a separate State Government, ~ ~0,000 wvill be cut off from our exports, " ~and consequently from our imports, and hence there would remain but $3,000,000 from which to raise a revenue. But of these hereafter. The first point assailed bf the writer is in relation to the exports of the State. Upon naked assumption, withtout any appeal to documentary evidence, he controverts the facts and figures under this head, contained in the Pamphlet; estimating the annual value of the exports from the State, at $11,050, 000. "Rutledge," from statistical tables, furnished by public doeuments, states them to be from $12,000,000 to $14,000,000. lHe did not strike an average for two reasons mainly : First, because the data upon which to base accuratte calculations were not with. in his reach. Secondly, because it was not necessary to the argument-an approxitma tion to the true results being sufficient to es tablish the positions aimed at. Can reliance be placed upon the statements of the wvriter In the News? He does not furnish a particle of evidence. In a controversial dispute ol this nature, could he expect his mere dicta tc be taken as authority I Are his statemeontt any thing more than gratuitous assumptions! H~e proceeds in this way, although Ite seem! to regard scrupulous accuracy in the tmattei essential to the argument!i Now his admission of $11,050,000 of Slatt experts wvill fully sustain the hypothesis o " Rutledge" in regard to our revenue unde a separate Government ; but since rigid ex aatness is to him so important, let us inquir a little more closely into the probable annua value of our exports. The writer says, the quantity of cotto! shinned annually from Charleston, the pro duce of South Carolina, amounts on the ave rage to 87.750,000 pounds, at an average p ' cents per pound edre" e ti quiatity at ioutA but'-l ns his calculati oil poupdC Agaii the writer says, "tb'e Rice aDlppe from Charleston nev eeeds 0;0 per cwL-' ces," an rae37c Now tb the prd)or the want-of reliable statistics since ,-84)he writer's statement as to the cott6p vill be received. But he certainly unira'es the averagd price. 'By refcrence to the Report of the Secretary of tie Treasury for 1850, page 128, it will be seen that the average price of cotton for the year 1850 was 11.3 as stated by " Rutledge;" that for the last twenty years it has been 11 1-3; for the last ten years, 8.19 ; and for the last four years 8.91, or in South Caroli na, from the higher price of our Sea Island cotton, 94. The writer says, our exports in Rice never exceed 130,000 tierces. What says the book? In the Pat. Office Report, (1849-'50,) page 305, it is found that the exports in Rice. from Charleston in 1848 amounted to 160, 330 tierees from a crop of 162,058 in m ket; and that the avera crop I& it 15,000 tierces less than alt 8 naking the Charlest r ,ISc in& data-aldne nI i Asrl til Total - - . $14,470,350 This statement reecives confirmation from i table of our foreign commerce published n the Charleston Mercury, Jan. 14, 1851. [t will be there seen,- that the value of 86, )85,523 lbs of Cotton, shipped during the -ear 1850, was $11,088,305. By the same rates, 87,750,000 lbs. w',uld be worth $11, 117,304. From the value exhibited by tel ame table 147,000 ticroeof Rice would yield $2.950,317. rhis result, then, may be obtained: 1850. Cotton . - $11,217,304 Rice - . 2,950,317 Other articles 1710,000 Total - - $15,877,62t Though tIis .stim*may seeIn eqtial to thl whole amount of exprt* m tite-State, yet Por-thr year 1850 it may Kb&6:* tong; iG1j-tie Charleston Mercury on . dito last given, the foreign exports from Chartes ton in 1850 amounted to $12,394,497-b)e.inlg an increase of nearly a million and a hid5 .oi dollars upon the foreign exports ind1849. Assuming the coastwise exports to.rclasin~ the same as 1849, viz: $5,494,520, the ex ports from Charleston for the year 1850, were not less than $17,889,017. The year previous they were $15,838,19. Take the year 1849. Cotton, 87,759,000 lbs. 6.9 cents, including Sea Island - - - $6,054,750 Rice 147,000 tes, at 30 per ewt. 2,8414,600 Lumber and other articles - 1,710,000 Total - - - $10,608,350 This is evidently an under estimate for 1849: for the cotton crop of that year wvas uncommonly large, being 1,026,602,269 lbs. Allow one.4euith of the~ whole f or South Caro lina, viz: 102,060,026 pounds, and the, ex. ports of the State for that year must have equalled $12,021,875. This hatter estimate is confirnmed by anothi er mode of en'leulation. The total value of expoitIs, foreign and coastwise, from Charles ton for the year 1849, was $15,S38,291. [Pat. Oflf. Rep. 1849--50, at p. 536.) What proportion of this amount arose from pro duets of other States? Nothing of conse quence is exported from products of our neighboring States, except cotton and naval stores. 3Much the largest portion of this cotton is conveyed over the Railroad from Hamburg to Charleston. The Chiarles.ton Courier (See Pat. Off. Rep. page 537) states that 141,139 bales of cotton passed over the South Carolina Railroad in 18419 rromn Uam burg and Stations on the Road. Of thiese, not more thatn 80,000 could have comne from other States.* Eighty thousand bales at the average price for 1849, viz: 6.4, would give $1,792,000. Value the Cotton and other produce from other directions at $1,000,000 -this will make the total value of exports of other States $2,798,000. The following - rsult is deducible: , and not Tng e Mexican Con thii 1f6ht, and passed - 15abolition of slavery, ent,. after a proper val erste the owners for t fre&- But the gov mply with the terms of re, void. It seems also, du n eninstitutiorial,by the a nd, consequently, in 3, an amendment was tution, by which slavery The inference then is, ofG uEnO, nor the f any effect, in produ ivery; but, that it was endi the Constitution, and ist in Mexico, because d there*by the system ed bynother name, is rm,'and enables mas ithout incurring the support. It is plain .Was abolished in Cali Constitution, and ad existthero, by virtue the province came J5the oeration 6f our McOrding to the no ve the Constitution State, a paramount tory, to that.of our ing could be moro th: more. insulting, y way, to have been euco; so soon as i f tie United States, i f subj very again by the I t of o tion. Because, if co y of all the States I he true doctrine aws in that Terri n~yii nSouthern slave o er in the enjoyment privileges there, Slaves are pro 'ng to the person, at charter of our rnia and New t aC, e e try. apr more by -.'ie od'a. ur .f the South, than of ti.a MerN'vould~, bet this junetre, an insupportable wrong. California, after r her relinquishment, by treaty, retained only t such of her laws, s were necessary to the t preservation of civil order. All of her con stitutional or politicail.laws, and especially, r ill, which were rcpugniant to the spiritsof our Constitution, had ceased to be binding. That is the rule laid down' by all the writers on international law. Why, if all the laws of Mexico remained effectiye, in our late acquisitions, they had to s religious liberty there-no liberty of cii- i science, and, practically, no Constitutional t freedom; for I am sure there is none in Mexico. Now I must again ask, if the limits of slavery, in the United States, have been irre vocably fixed, in the councils of heaven, why is not the questiop of its reception or rejec tion, in the Territories left to be settled, as it should be,by their own inhabitants? If God wills that there shall be no more slave States in the Union, why will men, with their inflated vanity, interfere with his high behests? Why urge the Wilmnet Proviso ? Why urge the admission of California, and become particeps criminis with a reckless and domineering administration ? Why wave the sceptre of power over our heads, and insult our weak ness, if nothing is to be accomplished by it ? There was, and there is an end to be gnined. Preidents are to be multiplied, until they become law, and until they establish the principle, that lavery cannot be tolerated in this Republic. It is to be restrained within such narrow bounds, as not only to force upon us a system of graduni emancipation, but to enable the free-soil majorities to over ride us, in* the councils of the nation, and effect our t~tal political extinetion. If all the States in the Confederacy, and evey .' t of land, owvned by the Govern ment, from the Gulf of Mexico and the Atlantie Ocean, to the qhores of the Pacific, were to become slave territory, this instant, it would not increase the number of slaves, in the United States, by a single unit. Every body is opposed to the importation of ne groes from Africa, and there is a perfect ac quiescence, throughout4he whole isouth, in the laws prohibiting. the. slave .trade. The hostility of the North then, to the extension of slavery, arises from a aselfish policy to swell their own majorities-to destroy the equilibrium of the Gd*ernment, and to pros trate the South at their feet. STAR REDOUBT. Youvsa ladies w~ho are accustomed to readt newspapers are always observed to possess most wining ways, most amiable dispositions, invariably make good wives, and always select good husbands. A fact. IF NonIODY takes notice of our faults we eaily frgmet them ourselves. Mr. Paulding's Letter. The letter of. the Hon. James K, Paul ding, in answer to an invitation from the Correspondent Committee of the South ern Rights Association, to address the Public Meeting be held on the 17th inst., is of so remarkable a character, that the Committee have felt it due to the Associ ation, and to the people of the whole State, to.deviate from the usual rule, and publish it in advance of the occasion. The au thor his long been sequestered from the turmoit- of public life, and has thus the position of an unprejudiced spectator; while his abundant experience, during a long career of distinguished service, makes hiin a most competent judge. His emi nent ability, his consistency of opinion, and his unsullied and unsuspected integri ty, unite.in giving the utmost weight to ' his views of public affairs at this time. Mr. Paulding has never yielded a step V bofore the tide of fanaticism, or compro miised a principle for the momentary suc ess of party. From the commencement Df this sectional controversy, he has stead Fastly and earnestly urged upon the North P 'o do justice, and upon the South to sub- 1 nit to no sacrifice of their full and perfect 0 3quality in the Union. He has not hesi. ated to maintain that it was better for the iorth, as well as the South, that the Con ederacy should be dissolved, than that its c undamental principles should be changed, t d its constitution subverted. The North t ias refused to listen to his wise counsels; n t remains to be seen if the South will be P till more fatally and perversely deaf. We trust that the press of this State, Ld the Southern Rights press every vhere, will aid in giving circulation to his admirable letter, from one of the most listinguished and most upright of the in tblic men of the Union. In this charac- h er alone, Mr. Paulding has a right to have ti is deliberately expressed opinions on a reat public question, made known to the vhole people of the Union. As a citizen f the North, who, in a position that is be. ,ond all suspicion of selfishness or preju ice, gives to the cause of the South the Treat weight of his calm approval and sup. ort, he has peculiar claims to our atten- 115 on, and his wdrds deserve to be treasured. to 'he -. dAxerv, it atill -mng GN'rLEMEN :-Your to dircete * ie at New York, con!O-ying an initation O, 3 address a meeting of the citizens of fe 'harleston District;'th be held in Charles- s )n, South Carolina, 6.n the 17th inst. has at ist reached nie at this place, where I now o eside. T For the compliment thus tendered, and si he language in which it is-, conveyed, L. egyou to accept my ack Ibdgmenti? s ecompanied by regrets that I cannot si omply with your wishes. Distance and al paceite burden. of yearsj..slioezd bear at nth me, and, morg than all, my uteapaci- at y for pubigspeakincompel me to de-, a line a task for.which I aa totally unfittect sy What Iaveto say, I thereforei.hpyou A ill VuihIt jne to address to you ngrgh a medium to which- am ro cts m omed. a A~ it appears f~$J otr-that you aie 134 wre- of the opinion >aet tot what is Wdhy Domprmise, I wilI'bgtroulie irief. recapitulatih. In .my ve Vnia gross and palpabje violation of.thd. qualtyvhichgediagles everypt-eii0I; n f the Aontu9adormss the basis y thisGolnfederation; ;alfbst unjustifia 1e 'k' "ih ntersts, safety ii mud "' eStates comn-h os yinsult and oh- 'a eq cesionwrested t< ay mr. from a minori- Il y; sequences, it will ti prove more - epose, prosperity o ind happiie'ss ifu ~oV~ very existence, t< :f the Uniont tan anfrsesures that may c be resorted to in attempting to obtain re- o C1ress for the past, or security for the fu- f< iure. n Such being my view of the subject, I0 sn, and always have been, of opinion,h that the stand originally taken b~y SouthP Carolina, and most of the Southern States, t in opposition to the principles embodied in that series of measures, was not only: . justifiable, but demanded by a proper re gard for their rights and their honor; and b that an abandonmenIt of the position they c then assumed, and an acquiescence in measures they repeatedly declared they t would resist, t'at all hazards and to the e last extremity," unless accompanied by a frank acknowledgment of having been a wvrong in the first instance, would, in the t language of the printed resolutions ap- t pended to your letter, he "what they t could not submit to without dishonor." I If such an abandonment of all previous r pledges and1( dochlrationls were the result I of a subsequent conviction of having I greatly erred in making thoem, it would be honorable and magnanimous. But such< appears not to he the caso; since even the advocates of acquiescence still eon tinue to assert the principles on which these pledges and declarations wvere based,i as well as the wvrongs which first called j them forth. h Associatio i;. I believe ..;ght in I89 Ita n,- 1onC lesto Value of ex tates le-of S . ' These cakulation mate to the true r will be safe to esti in e o Statb for 1849 at an 000. To obtain, howev four years taken, thelmi made on the first estimate' Take the year 1848. Cotton 87,750,000 lbs average pric 7.613, including Sea Islat price in South Carolin 8 Rice 160,330 tes. [Pat. 1849-'50] at 3,10 pe Other articles Total Take the yearn Cotton 87,750,0,00- pr year in So land Cot ' W Rice 145,0 1 Other article a uis~htt*as artieI r 17,O When it is n - 0 er eThis will appear from a probable estimate of rolina Cottou sent to Charleston from Iiaiim urg and Augusta-embraying the main portion a.c!t in Pickens, Andeison, Abbeville, Edge ield, and a part of Laurens and Barnwell Dis riots. Allowing an inerease in production of 0 per cent. on the eensus of 1840, and deduct g half from Barnvell, which may go by the iver, one-fifth from Ed.efield, and four-fifths roin Laurens, that probably go to Columbia, this esult is obtainedl: Orangeburg and other Stations 5,000 bales I. bevilk' - - - .. - 29,233 n- - - 8,055 Piekens - - - 1,355 Barnwell - - Edgefield.- - - 21,321 - - - 4,000 Total ;- - - G73,628 oy take away 10,000 or 12,000 bales shipped romiiamnburg and Augusta to Savannah, there Filwr main upwards of 61,000 bales of South Carolina Cotton to be deducted from 111,139 bales. This is believed to be an under-estimate ,f South Carolina Cotton that passes over the road. A few yeais ago 60,000 bales passed in ne ycar.throug uIamburgltMe. dii.it MigAvERTIEit. ~~tCAUSE OF QUARREL, i3 o OrIzENs :- hle argument of tlhe Qrt-author of the Comnpromise system,th~at sdierylJd. been ibolishl, and did not exidst in d friand New Mfexico, by virtue of !exican laws, as met, and. answered. with signal ability, by lfBERRIEN of Georgia ; to whom the count~ indebted, for a (nost patriotic speech, an "Southlfor-a.ifoble and eloquent vindication .ol her cauzse. His, and Mr. CALnoux's sydkebes heti considered together, form the com fst defence ever made for any people. tie' Senator from South Carolina might igpe been termed the Agamemnon of the''Na, the -listinguished Senator from Georgia should, at least, have been called the Achilles of the fight. If he was not really the Achilles in boldness, he certainly deserved that appellation, from the skill with which lie used his weapon. To gether, they have wholly exhausted the ar gument; and to thenm, and our other most able Senator, Judge BUTLER, I acknoWledge my obligations, for much-I have been able to present to you in this argument. Indeed, I have not aimed at any originality, but have labored to express clearly the views, which have forced me to .the conclusions I shall arrive at before I close. - As I was saying, the position of Mr. Cxr., that slatvery had been abolished in New Mex ico and California, previously to their cessior1 Ito the United States, and did not exist there by force of the Mexican statutes, was mesi successfully eneountered by Mr. BER~aIEi and Mr. SOULE, and, I think, entirely over thrown. The first decree of abolition in Mexico, i appears, was made by GUEuR.EIno, in 1829 who was then Dictator, and who, while in vested with the highest powVers to accomnplisl a particular object, transcended the limits o his authority, to exercise the functions of the whole -people in their several assemblies ts second resolution-declaringr its belief hbat the co-operation of any of the South ,rn States with South Carolina, either in esistance or secession, is at least impro )able, so long as the influence and patron ige of the General Government are ar ayed against State rights. Nor do I see Lmy reason for believing that any probable hange of administration will produce a hange of measures; since, as you will ierceive, from their repeated declarations, 11 parties in the North unite in denouncing lavery, and maintaining the Constitution I right of Congress, as well as its inflexi ple duty, to prohibit its extension to any otate that may hereafter be admitted into he Union. From all present appear nces, the principles embodied in the ,ompromise will continue to be the basis ,f the future policy of the Government. t seems also probable, that the State 'hich have submitted to past, will be qually quiescent under future wrongs. Having thus briefly stated my views iti regard to your first and second, I ill now revert to your last and most im ortant resolution, namely : " that failing a reasonable time to obtain the co peration of other Southern States, South arolina should alone withdraw from the rIion." It seems rather late in. the day. to be aled on to combat the old exploded'doc ine of passive obedience and non-resis mnee, the assertion of which cost one ionarch his head, and sent another into arpetual exile. Yet, as that doctrine has tely b._;& revived by some of the high t names of the Republic, it calls for a issing notice in connexion with the sub ct of this letter. It seems stravge,'too, at this long buried- monster, which re ived its death wounds in the two revo tions of England and America, should we been dug up and resuscitated by dis' iguished Democratic Republican states en. From all but the darkdst'Tegiona- .E the civilized world, this portentoia .t antom has been 'banished, as it would .t >par, only to find refuge in that which c ofesses to be the most free and enlight- a ed. There is not, an European writer, P statesman, or theologist, of any estab-, v hed reputation, that would now'venture e proc aimn the.. u cubl% a)? -L'~~l f the part of equal members of 'a Con- t deration of States, would require more ii ace than is proper for ne to occupy, a d more time than you can spiire on this t casion; nor do I deem it necessary. lie right of resistance by force, as re- t ects States and communities, is only i, xtension of the individual right of t r-8fence, which.,Js a law of nature, c ilecedent and pariiobunt to all laws, and I t constitutions; Which cannot be alien: 1 ed or surrendered by the adoption of t system of social organization. This s ctrine is establig hd beyond controver- c brthejun w nd unansierable I grnndhts and Locke; by the a t amrit well as. s d - -f.ve n -,%were 'not tbt[ en, and cIwayhvaj when-the-occasion arises, onto all authorities. It is true of the writers who assert or ie right of resistance, have at- r p6p1efine ~Ie precise line where c istance bedoi'rnes justifiable, because it Ljbi,.susceptible of definition. It is a atter of feeling, and can neither be anal- t ed or defined. An eminent American statesman, high a office, and a candidate for still higher b mors, whose opinions I wish to treat t ith all due respect, has lately attempted t establish a broad distinction between t evolution and Secession; in other wvords, i e right to resist, and the right of retiring t it of reach of the necessity of resorting < resistanice. His position, if I rightly e >mprehend him, is, that though a people I SState may have a right to resist by Iree in certain contingencies, they havet one to retire peaceably beyond the reachr injury and oppression. It seemed they ve no alternative; they must either aceably submit, or forcibly resist, for iy cannot get out of the way. It fol-r wus that all radical changes in the po0 tical relations of a State wvith a Con derationi of States, must necessarily be, rought about by violence and bloody ontentions. Those who cannot live to ther in pence, must niot part in peace; iey must resort to the right of the strong it, and fight it out. Thus the extermination of a portion of ir fellow-creatures, perhaps our conrn -ymen, is an indispensable preliminary 4 >all great political changes ; and heca- < )mbs must be offered up on the altar of< .iberty, before she can become a legiti ite goddess. The establishment of this rinciple, concediing the right of Revolu onl and dlenying that of Secession, would, its application to the case now under onsideraion, leave no resource to any nmber of this Confederation, under the ost Intolerable oppression, but civil war, vith all its aggravations. It leaves open o appeal to the great tribunal of reason, ustice and humanity ; tho right of the trongest is the right divine ; and dissen iosamong a Confederation of Christian States, can only be adjusted, like those of the wild beasts of the forest, by a death struggle. I am aware that this has been the almost invariable practice of mankind in every age and country; bui never till now do I recollect seeing it as. serted that it was the only justifiable mode of settling controversies among States and nations; and it is with no little regret I see this doctrine sanctioned by one' whose opinions are of such high authority among a large portion of the Americad people. I have dwelt more emphatically on this topic, because I consider the right of secession as by far the most important of all the questions involved in the present controversy; and the attack on it as one of the most insidious, as well as.danger. ous blows, ever levelled at thert2 the States, all of whoni are dep nts ested in the issue, since those who e now the aggressorsimay. one.,day be placed in a position whereit will be thei only refuge from the uncontrolled despo ism of a majority. With regard to the expediency of the' State of South Carolina exercising this right of secession, either now or at any future period, it would, I conceive, be* presumptuous in one so far removed from the scene of action to offer his opinion, ar intrude his advice. In such a crisis South Carolina must act for herself,'and 'ely on herself alone. 1 wpuld'only ob ierve, that in taking a stop so decisive.as :hat of withdrawing from the Union, inanimity amongher citizens, or some hing nearly approaching it, seems, indis ensable. It appears, however, that may listinguishe, men among you, whowses eputation is national, whose opinionsare' ntitled to great weight, and who haver icretofore taken the lead in opposingthe dompromise, believe that the tfitefor ecession is not yet come;'thatfi. .co peration of at least A majority' -fth - iouthern -States is abitdiyliadessary a.the sue'essful isie of sudh a measure; bat it is best to wait for further injuries - r at least' to see whether they will :be ttempted, and if so, whether thev --ll' roduce such co-operation. I iews coincide with the -i . d by - ate remaint -i I i -: until k i decided, I.. snah. content myself 4 iserting the ight of secession, lea ie expediencyof its 'exercise to.be deci ed' bythe result., Should it be fou.*V Lat a very considerakbe. minority ia4 nly opposed, but will resist 4.resertid~ Lis remedy for their grievances, I eo eive its. immediate adoption wouldbe . aaard-ggmn the, extreme. But arbe reat interests are at stake,p, - e risked in theispreservpinoA elf I will only say, 4e;. a f South Carolina, or any otier So0 itate, I trust I should not be found idu hoafter-icing them elves ,i 6, attle, and leading i ei , VAW on whpue 4 dishohor, A few e, e iat I may wnot-be misioditodg is eyresented, and>Iwilnlng lisas ngyed time oir y~tience. if I know myseff, and the iniierbnost . relings of my heart, I am a better frieu&d~ , the Union than many of thos%i 'hile loudly professing their devotion, are*~ teadily pursuing a course of policy that as already alienated a considerable por on of its citizens, and will assuredly ring about its dissolution. It is under' be influence of this attachment, that I ave lent my feeb~le aid in opposition to hat policy. Neither force nor coercion an preserve a Union voluntarily formed n the basis of perfect equality ; nor do' believe it possible to preserve or per etuate this Confederation by any at empts to extend the powers of the Gen' al Government beyond the limits pre cribed by the Constitution, strictly con trued, agreeably to its letter and spirit. rho first attempt to coerce any one of its uemb~ers, will be the hand.wvriting on the' vall, pr'edicting the speedy and certain ate of the Union. It is not to be pre umied that great States, many of them quatl in extent to powerful kingdoms, and nhabited by increasing millions of free uen, jealous of their rights, brave, high pirited, and energetic, can be held to-' ~ethier except by a voluntary cohesion.' ['his Confederation may be likened to the' ~rent system of the universe, and it is, mtly, by the benign and gentle infloence if attraction, that the bright stars of our onstellation can be kept in their orbits. rhose who attempt to bridle or spur them, vill, in the end, fare like the rash' .fool w'ho aspired to direct the chariot of the I am, gentlemen, your ob't serv't, J. K. PAULDING. ['o F. D. Richardson, H. H. Raymond, W. HT. Peronneau--Committee, &c., Charleston, South Carolina, AGRIEEAnLE MA.-One who has a yowv and a smile for every body abroad,