Edgefield advertiser. (Edgefield, S.C.) 1836-current, August 14, 1851, Image 2
- 1DGEFIELD, S. C.
THURSDAY, AUGUST 14, 1851.
YELLOW GAGES.
WE are indebted to Mrs. TnoMAs Bacon for a
branch clustered around with a quantity of this
delicious frruit. The bare sight of it was enough
to make an epicure's mouth water. The plums
were so large and luscious as to excite the admira
lion of every one who saw them.-Not only was
their admiration excited but their craving also,
which was proved by the fact that they stripped
the beautiful branch vi et armis, in spite of our cf.
forts to rescue it. The Hesperides themselves
could not have saved the golden beauties.
But the depredators were excusable-for, in
truth, the temptation was strong.
The tree which bore this fruit was nursed and
reared by Mrs. B's own hands. Think of that
good matrons of Edgefield-and do like-wise.
ENGLISH JOURNALS.
Oua kind friend across the Atlantic has furnish
ed us at different times with the leading news
papers of London and Liverpool, for which we
return him our thanks. We are glad to hear that
our humble sheet has reached him in his distant
journeyings. May it serve to keep alive in his
bosom the warm resistance feelings with which he
left us !
The London Times up to the 23d of last month
reached us on the 8th inst.-16 days after date.
Pretty good for the backwoods of South Carolina
----.
OUR EXCHANGES.
THE CoNSTITUTToN.NLIST and IEICPUDr.C of
Augusta Ga. have been recently blended into one.
They were both excellent papers, and their union
must result in great strength. Their fint Weekly
is a fine sample of what we may expect from the
combination. Success to the enterprising and tal
ented gentlemen who conduct it, success to their
cause and a wide circulation to their able and
useful sheet, is all we wish for them.
SCIENTIFIC AMERICAN.
Tutrs valuable publication (which we always
welcome with pleasure) has continued to reach us
in regular time. It is perhaps the most useful and
atsfuit work of the kind in America.
--0
MR. WHYTE'S NEW LITERARY JOURNAL.
Br reference to another column, the Prospectus
of this new paper may be seen. It is to be pub
lished in Augusta, Georgia, by Mr. WHYTE. re
cently one of the Editors of the Republic. That
sheet having been merged in the Constitutionalist,
Mr. WaHT', proposes to establish a purely litera
ry one. We are glad to recommend the under
takiug to our readers. There is literary spirit
enough in Augusta to sustain the interest of such
a journal with'great success, if the editor will sub
sidise the right sort of talent. Refer to the pro
spectus.
DIOUNT TABOR PIC-NIC OF FRIDAY THE 8TH.
Tits was the most delightful affhir of the kind
we have witnessed in many years. The company
assembled numbered near fifteen hundred. By
10 o'clock, the beautiful grove was alive with
ladies and gentlemen, children and servants. On
the outskirts of the .grove, the many carriages,
buggies &c. were drawn up in long and glittering
array, and presented an unusually imposing line.
Every thing, at the beginning, promised a pleasant
day and, at-the close, every one present bore testi
mony to the fulfilment of the most sanguine expec
~~-At-~~fps -eleven, we had the honor of catllng
the immetise crowd to 'the stand for the purpose of
attending the delivery of an ADDRESS upon
Female Education. Comnpbte order having been
speedily obtained, the 11ev. 3Mr. RYmloYD wa.:
introduced by a member of the committee of ar
rangemlents as the speaker of the day ; wvhereupon
he proceeded to discharge that ',flice in an easy
graceful and efTetive mnnner. Fur an hour, lie
en~chaitned the attention of his large and enlighten
ed auditory wvith nn addres, which we are bound
to pronounce the ve-ry best it has yet been our for
aune to hear upon that stubject. It was indeed a
finished comnposit ion, and ono evincing deep anid
jnst reflection. Its sterling4 me'rits were only sur
passed by the remarkably chaste manner and
striking elocution which accompanied its deliv~ery.
This may seem to he high praise, and it is indeed
intended to be such ;biut that it is at all extrava
gant, no one who listened to it with attention will
admit. We hope to procure this address for pub
lication and will not thterefoire attempt ini advance
to delineate its prointent potits.
At the conclusion of the oration, the amaten:
hand in antendance dashed iff in one of their be:..
airs, and all again was busy hum and buistling ex
citement throughout the crowded grounds. Tfhe
order and arrangement of the feast was then anm
nounced; and the mianagers proceeded forthwith
in the work of preparatiemn, assistedl by the ladies
whio had contributed all the nicer kindls of cook'
ry. While this was going on, the good people pre
sent forgot the hour of delay in social converse of~
the liveliest and frienidliest character. We were
here and there and everywhere watching thme pro
gress of things, Lnd we nowv give it as our candid
opinion that this hour preceding the dinner was
as pleasant an hour as any crowd ever passedl. It
may be that the amount of beauty collected there
had something to do with producing this effect. It
may be that the gallantry of the young men had
also some instrumentality in it. It may be that
the kindness and benificence of the "old folks"
helped not a little. It may be that the savoury
smell, which arose from tl~e hiarbecue pit and was
wafted over us by a gentle breeze, was one of the
agents in producing this pleasant state of feeling.
Whatever were the causes, that which we have
before said and now repeat is emphatically trite:
that liour before dinner was a delightful one. But
pleasant as it was, no one, that we knowv of, object
ed to its being cut short by the loud call to dinner,
which issued from the throat of a committee-man.
The tables were surrounded rapidly, but in perfect
order ; and in a few minutes every pair of jaws
was busily engaged in omasticating the most deli
cate and finely seasoned meats and every palate
employed in tasting varieties of the most delicious
gastronomical comfits. It wvould be vain to attempt
to give any idea of the Bill of Fare for the day ;
as it would be impracticably long. Suiflice it to
say that every one was strnvk with the great pro
fusion and variety of the baniquet ; and every one
left the tables pcrfctly sat'isfied. The uttmost pro
priety of behaviour marked the entire occasion.
Not an unkind word or an unamiable glance was
exchanged, to the best of our knowledge. It was
a great occasioni for enemiss to bury the hatchet
and for true lovers to pass tokens. (May bie they
did !)
After the whites had completed their meal, the
darkies advanced to the charge, emulating their
masters and mistresses in the quiet order and
decency of their behaviotur. The whole-hog gusto
with whiect they transacted thme busitess of the
repast was a sight worth seeing.
About'the conclusion of the dinuner, the approach
of a dark looking cloud drove a large portion oif
the ladiem into the chu rch which was near by.
The gentlemen of course accompanied them and
such a "chit/chiat, tittle titlde tat" (as was then
time. It was a pleasant after-piece to the per
formances of the day. The hour for dispersing.
having arrived, there was a general leave's-taking
and a Lastening to carriage and to horse. The
company departed in fine spirits, not a single un
pleasant circumstance having transpired through
out the day.
WHY SHOULD CAROLINIANS QUARREL?
IT is with feelings of the deepest melancholl
th..t we witness the determination of some of ou
rr. t estimable fellow-citizens to disorganize th<
Ii Carolina party and to create two antagonistic
factions within our borders. Our people have
hi:herto been almost as one man upon the questior
o, resistance to Federal injustice. This unanimaiti
has been the true source of whatever power we
h.ve exercised over the course and destiny of th<
American States. That this influence, hitherto
ht,. not be.en inconsiderable, will be admitted b3
n!I but our most senseless or blinded adversaries
In :peaking to Carolinians, it is -nnecessary te
a-Iduce the proof of our assertion, when we sa,
t!.at no other State in the union has made greatei
or more eiTective exertions to paralyze the hand
of usurpation and to advance the true interests o
our common country by enlightened Republican
legislation. ANDarw J.CKSON, were he alive;
would himself generously bear testimony to the
rawer of Carolina interposition-and the Free
Trade party of the world are compelled to ac
knowledge the benefits which have accrued frot
Carolina statesmanship. We are not desirous, it
Sle had the ability, of trumnneting the praises of
South Carolina in the ears of the American people
HIeaven knows, we have been taunted enough
with our " vain-glorious propensities," and it is
at length come to pass that the exquisite sensibili
ties of certain CaroUnians are shocked by any
reference to the latrel wreuth of their mothers
frane. But. we may, nevertheless, talk: of these
-hings among oursre.es and for ours-nIes. withoul
being charged with the design of rohbine others of
t'ecir deserts. It is sa'utary to recall at times the
memory of that energy and enthuerinam which
have never yet carried us to the extent of folly
which have never yet failed of achieving to a
greater or less degree, the object had in view.
Especially may it prove advantageous, when Dis
cord threatens to destroy our characteriitic unity
of purpose and to annihilate our power for good,
Let every Carolinian now revert to the histo'ry
of his State, and let him examine anew her claims
to distinction-her right to a pre-eminent positien
among her sisters. If he believes the record, hr
will find that those claims are high-that right,
indisputable. Let hin imagine Smuth Carolina to
have been an inactive and typilh member of this
confederacy for the last 39 year-:-hesit in
principle and irresolute ini action. Let him sup
pose that no State arose to nupply her place in the
great political drama-that no State became the
express and declared champi-n of those principles
which she has illustrated-that no State had been
found ready to throw itself into the br-m ehc to stay
the progress of consolidation-that no State had
interposed her sovereignty to save the South from
the evils of oppr ssive taxation. Let him suppose, in
a word, the name of South Carolina, the people of
South Carolina and the principles of Soutlh Caro
lina never to have existed, and then let hin ask
himself, what would this government have been
now ! Ile will find, if he is di:posed toanswer the
question truly, that his State has ever been the
van-guard in every battle for Southern Rights-he
will find that, but for her. the Deslect:m of a ma.
jority might have been. at this very time, tramp
ling the helpless South into the very dust of
degradation. Let him searcit for t1he real causes
which have made his State an indlispensable
agent in the preservationg-of the South-aye, and
of the -Americaa Republi,-and, if lee iiearch
philosophically, he will fined that it was because
her people leave ever had the "inetsliigence to un
derstand their rights ande the spirit to maintaine
themn." lie will find that it was beenuse shee ever
etas a sovereign Ste o~ueght to feel, trustful of
leer owvn strengeh-tlhus acting out her creed. Hie
will find theat it was because she was ever ready,
while respecting the righets of others, to ruin all
risks in the defence of leer own-ecause she ever
theoughte finr he-rself and leaned uepoce no out-side
advisers-becausee she ever determinal for heerself
andI hceetded no out-side menaces~-nd. Iast and
greatest oifall, becautse leer people were ever elan.
nish, cager to stustain their State, right or trrong,
aned, as a consequence, invaeriabely tenited ine het
hours ref trial. If this brief interpretation of our
past inefluence andI its caueses be n' truthleree, thec
have we studied te political heistory of our cuomi
monewealthe to buet litiee advantage. If it be true
(and we theink few will (deny it.) tl.en we ask al1
to keep it steadily in view, while we press home
upon thcem the queesti.an at the head of theis article.
"Whey should Carulincian!: qucarrel neow !
Why dividle a State wlewlh has n'-ver knownr
division See vote not that yoeu dare is most dlan.
gerotsun'ertainty. See you nte: :nt' youe make
a noviel page in Laistory.ra pay~ which slall, foe
the first tine,. sell heer: eldl fSomht Carolina was at
len-eth elicided agn i:,st her.:elf." IL-nr voue not
the rhouts; of tritumphel wheiche will buest from our
despisers aned revihers as they learn the precious
news of ouer tdownefall: hear you not the groans
and cuerses of those wheo lead been conefiding in us
with perfect security. and wheos~e daily prayers
were for the success of our action ! Ole! itn God's
holy name. let not the- pridec of opinion cause you
to persiset ien this efy~ert to divide South Carolinea.
It is hiut juest began wvith fell eleteermineation. May
it neot yet be stayed!? Is there no halms ien Gileadl ?"
We leave no appreenzsion whatever of South
Carolina being carried for suebmission. Thme evi
dence to thee reverse of theis is coneclusive to every
one who lhas closely wvatched nd faeirly wveighed
the sentiment of the Stte. hibt the bare constitu
tional power of acti-me w.ilI not, w,- fear, be sufl
eienet for our triumeepe. If the decision of the State
is frownced uapon by a considlerable mienority of leer
citizens, thee danger of imbhecility of execuetion be
comes jeninent at once. This we must avoid, if
it be possibhi. We are called upeen to do so, by
all that we heoldl dear upon earth-by our hopies of
Freedom and Indep'endence-hy the heappliness of
our children and our cheildren's chil-ren-by all
that we have been and all that we heope to be--by
the memory of Carolina's past fame and the antici
pation of her future glory. These, fellow-citizens,
are not unmeanineg expressions to fill a paragraph.
WVe speak thle earnest theought of our innmust souel.
Who, but a recrean---a hearthess recreanet, courld
h le guilty of afreetation or dupelicity at a time like
the preset? We are deeply serious whlen we
sk yote to peopese, if you can, some mid-way
ground upon wheiche we may all stand with honor.
Wee cannot and will not come to you. How can
you ask it ? I haul tien our position ice accord
ance with wheat we thlen coneceived to be aned still
think is ouer sacred duty. lonegbefore you intimated
your platform. We spoke for you as well as our
selves, never doubting that Souts Carolina, as
et, would be a band of brothers, nd fondly
imagiening that wve struck a cheord which woeuld
meet a vibratory response in every true Caroliena
heart. Thcat we have hbeen mistaken, lees been
estr misforteene, not ouer fault We perheaps relied
toes much upon thee experience of the last 25 years.
The change, wvhich we now fear is coming over
the oldl speirit oCf Carolina, had not been takene into
consideration by us in maskineg up our decision.
For, in truth, we lead not yet learned it. Our de
cision was madle up af:er the uleen fasheion, upon
tm. .pur of the momet As Carolinians, we felt
the grievous wrongs which had been perpetrated
against us by the infamous government at Wash
ington. Our Senators and members of Congress
had taught us that it was our duty to resist them, as
glid those whowent beforeus. A lesseractof injus
tice had once been met by nullification. A far
more unreasonable and heinous one, as we thought
called for a more effectual and decided step, and
accordingly our patriotic Legislature set on foot
the elevated apd constitutional step of secession.
A majority of the State at once approved this poli
cy. But a party springs up nearly six months after
date, headed by a certain set of talented and spirit
ed old men, who go to the opposite extreme at one
jump, and tell us we are madmen, political inebri
ates, delirious enthusiasts. Volatile young men
I are not lacking to join the ranks of the new party;
and after a long interval, demonstrations are
made in Charleston, Marlboro' and one or two
other places. and a new banner is flung to the
breeze-a non-descript, co-operation banner, with
no single motto distinctly and fully emblazoned
upon it, but several half developed ones. And we
are begged to desert the good old Palmetto flag,
with its strikingly independent motto, under which
we had ranged ourselves for the contest; and we
are invited to enlist under a banner which says to
us "Watch and Wait-eat your words and bite
the dust for a while in patience-.perhaps we may
get some one to help us out of our shackles in the
course of the next ten, twenty or fifty years-if we
receive no such succour, we will"--The banner
says no more !! Gentlemen of the co-operation
party, unless you propose some far more decisive
line of operation than this, the action men can
never meet you on common ground. And, though
it may please you to look upon our refusal to do so
as perverseness, yet we are willing to stand upon
this issue :efore the tribunal of posterity.
But we have extended these remarks beyond
the propor limits. We conclude by submitting to
our friends. who are now exerting themselves to
distract the State, the following propositions:
Whether the action party was not the first in the
field ? Whether their course is not entirely con
sonant with the past history of South Carolina?
Whether their policy has not gone forth to the
world as the dominant policy of the State ?
Whether they have not been the attacked party?
Whether it is easier for them now to retreat than
for the co-operationists to advance? Whether
union at home is not of greater importance than
co-operation from abroad? Whether the anti-ac
tionists are not forgetting the former in their over
weening desire for the latter? Whether it is not
better to take a course which cannot lead to sub
mission, than one which in all probability will?
Whether it be not the dangers of separate action
which deter our opponents from embracing it?
Whether these dangers are not purely hypotheti
cal? Whether freemen should be frightened from
the preservation of their Liberties by hypotheses?
Whether, in fine, it is not easier, more rational
and more Carolinian for the co-operationists to
raise the shout and "ADVANCE TO THE FRONT,"
than for the actionists to whimper out their recan
tation and meanly retreat to the rear?
FIE! FOR SHAME I
We clip from the Southern Standard the follow
ing very delicate compliment to the brothers of the
quill throughout Carolina.-" The amount of igno
rance displayed by many of the secession papers
in the State is'truly deplorable. We scarcely
ever take up one of these country sheets, without
noticing the term Traitor applied to such as oppose
separate secession.**** Surely the amount of igno
rance exhibited by them is pitiable."
An elevated editor, truly, is this Mr. S~allorw
pate of the Standard ! And a gentleman of nice
feelings,. forsooth ! Hlow lie could have~ penned,
'hehtbove unou "ld'ai -'1
without anticipating the contemiptitao fully merits,
we cannot realize.
We exchange with all the secession papers of
the State. We have read them carefully, and to
the hest of our remembhranice. they are not at all
amenable to the charge of illiberality either in
word or in ded. To say that they have called
the anti-secessionists traitors, is slander ext rnordi
dary. If the enlightened cit will review these un
fortunate "country sheets," with the aid of a sen
sible adviser, his c-onscie:nce may prick him to
change his "three-legged stool" for the stool of
repentance. P'oor man !
GLORIOUS FROM3 SP5ARTANBURG,
Tnmne were two meetings (says the Carolinian
of the 12th inst.) held in Spartanburg on Monday
Inst--one, a co-operation meeting, called by three
hundred citizens; thme other, a Southern fRights
meeting. called simply by a notice signed "Southern
Rights." The c -operation meeting was held in
the Court Ilouse, amid was attended by from 230
to 260 ci:izens; the secession m.:eting was held in
thme pubilic square, and ntumbered two TJIoUSAND !
If we are not mistaken, Spartenbuirg was one of
the District: where that hall "started at I1am
burg, and shoved on by Greenovilhe, was to reeive
a t reimedons imp.:tus." Strong seces.sion resoluo
1ions were adopted wsithout a single " No."
Glorious news indeed ! 'The district of York
has also spokemn loudly for secession. At a meeting
Iof 1500 Yorkers, held on the 4thb inst., secession
resolutions were unanimously adopted.- The cause
will be overwhmelm'm;gly triupmhant.
"JOHNY RUTLEDGE,"
WE pereive this niame at thme head of the late
co-operation meeting held- in Charleston. Several
personis have asked Its the qjuestion.-"Who is this
IJons~ IUTLEDG;E ?" An'l to be candid we mulst
Iacknowledge that it was out of our power to satis
fy them with thme proper answer. We have made
enquiries of several intelligent men in vain. A
traveller, who has heen in the tipper districts'
mentioned to us the other day that it was a subject
of wonder wherever lie had been. Lawyers, Doc
tors, Merchatits. Planters, Editors and ev-en
Judges had been unable to solve the mystery. He
himslf, a native of the low-cotuntry and acquaint-.
edl, as lie thoughct, with every man in Charleston
of any prominmnce, had never heard of such a per
son as belonging to this age. Singular, that no
one should know who the President of thme Great
Charleston co-operation meeting is! Very strange,
that so few should be aware of the existence of
thme Jouis RUTLEDGE of '31. It is a great old name
truly-ahi! and that perhaps accounts for the
whole matter. The name is all our sagacious
friends wanted--and, doubtless, they founmd it.
SHtAKESP-EARE asked "- What's in a name ?" and
gave it as h is opiniain that there was nought. Cer
Itain wits and statesmen of the presenmt age think
differently, it would s'eenm.
IJoux R U-rLEDG E, President of the co-operation
meeting, may hiowvever prove to be some vcry
worthy old man-nobody knows ! We mean this
as no slur upon his merits, whatever they may he.
It is merely an illustration of the skilful tactics
with whlich the co-operationists have begun their
1co-operationis.
gg" THE Abbeville Banner, of the 8th inst.
says:
"Our FExchanges in this State will please no
tice the change in the reward oflered by Governor
Mas~s, for thme apprehension of FARMER and
Tosis. All the papers ini thme State are requested
to give four additional insertions."
NEW COTTON.--The first Ibale, crop of
I1851, was rece'ived in Montgomery, (Alat.)
on We'dniesday lash, from the planaton of
J. G. Spain. and sold by Messrs. LeeC & Nor
ton to ('ol. . R. Rowlanid. a, '7 1-2 cents.
COMMUNICATINS.
, FOR TI E vJa'i'sER.
OUR CAUSE. U-QUARREL.
Fellow Citizens:-I jroeeed to urge certain
othersvi, which'if w1 1, aintained, are of a
characterito excite ing Ion. in every manly
bosom, and to rouse all 1"hern men, who are
proud of their inherite of freedom, to the
most resolute action. -.
The North and Wcstfiaving obtained an over
whelming majority in Odugress and in the coun
cils of the Gove and being directly ad
verse to the South impolitical sentiment, will
never consent, according-to their own avowal, to
the admission of new States into the Union,
without some restrie in. the terms, or some
guaranty to render thn forever subservient to
their views, and to thdir own advancement in
wealth and power. 1 90'unwilling to assent to
the increase of the poweiof my oppressor, and,
thereby, to contribute-tothe promotion of meas
ures calculated to ens] r-ne, and to make me a
mark for the shafts of, icule, and for contemp
tuous jests.
The course steadilypurvued by the North, for
the last half a century, is enough, of itself, to
convince us that the policy of that people is set
tled, to consummator th ruin of all the -slave
holding States.
In Republican Goverrgents, there are three
or four cheeks to the power of majoiities, which
are often happily applied to conserve the liberties
of the people. They are written constitutions,
party-ties, and the patriotism of the sountrv.
When these are efficient in their influence, Re
publics are free, and gldious ; but when they fail
to restrain, such governments are the most un
scrupulous despotisms.6Earth. A single des
pot has no one to share'ivith him, the responsi
bility of hs acts :-he has the wants, and desires,
and ambition of only one individual to gratify,
and he has the "soul, and feelings, and princi
ples of a man." But the responsibility of a
dominant majority is so divided as to amount to
no responsibility at all :-theirwants are as count
less as the stars of the Firmament-their appe
tites and desires are as vorac'pus and unappeasa
ble as the devouring whirlpool; and being ac
countable to no tribuna1bat-God's, they are as
unfeeling as the spirit.of ' Flee itself, and as
soulless as a bank co at ion Their views are
ever popular, for it g they, themselves that make
popularity, and theiitp6wer and wealth are as
growing as the desire for'them is natural to the
human breast.
Let us see what effte, the cheeks referred to,
have had, and are likly still further to have, on
'ur Northern brethren:and first, we will con
sider the patriotism of the country-and particu
larly, that of the Free States.
When the first eeiens'of the United States was
taken in 1790, accoramg to the recent statement
of Mr. CAtLouN,.our' pppulation was 3,929,971.
That of the North amounted to 1,977,899, and
that of the South, to 1;952,072, leaving a differ
ence of but 25,827 in favor of the former. The
number of States was equally divided between
the two sections, so that the North then had only
a small major~ii~n~gress. In 1840, when
the last publish~ eeggwavs tap our popula
tion had risen to of w1 ich the North
had- *2 2'- 437, making
adifference of- 9, 'on the side of the
North. The North now has a majority of be
tween fifty and sixty in the Electoral College.
By te late census, amounting as it does, to
23,000,000, the South will be altogether divested
of her equality in the Confederacy-of her
equality in numbers, and, as a necessary conse
quence, of her equality, in position and influence.
Why the foreign imnmigration into the North
crn States is suffieient alone to secure to thorse
States, the most absolute and certain preponder
ancie in the Government, whilst the Union shall
endure. So great has been the drain fronm Ire
land, for a few years, that the number of her in
habitants hans actually been diminished to an
enormous extent. There has beent, for a consid
erable period, a constant annual influx into this
country, through the cities of the North, which
would, perhaps, nearly. equal the whole white
population of South Carolinaa, and according to
the present ratio of representation, would, on an
average, give to our antagonist section, a contin
ual yearly increase of several members to
Congress.
Even,, if our facilities for transportation were
equal to those of the Free States, we could hope
to reap nothing but disaster from foreign emigra
tion. That population, which now tends to our
shores, arc the indigent, uneducated, and, I am
aorr-y to ray, often the most lawless of the people
of Europe. They have neen accustomed, through
life, to perform the menial offices discharged by
our slaves, and, therefore, they cannot procure
employment in the South, where tho institution
of slavery is authorizediby law. It is the nature
also of the freedman to rave for liberty, arid every
emigrant to the United States casts an additional
vote against the South, and supplies one more
brand to the raging fires of fanaticism.
Since the Deelaratien and establishment of
their Independence, th'e United States have ac
quired over 2,000,000 #quare miles of territory,
of which, the North ha~ the undisputed posses
sion, of nearly three-fourths. The South has
thus been graciously allowed a fourth of the gen
eral gain, or one half o'f her indisputable right,
whilst die North has endowed herself with ter
ritory sufficient to make thirty or forty, or, per
haps, fifty, States of the average size of the pre
sent Free States, anrd,.in duo course of time, to
give her the three-fourths necessary to amend the
constitution, and to usurp the whole Government
It is very elear then, that, if from a depraved
love of the Union, or from the base promptings
of fear, we yield to the contin1ual encroachments
of that dominant sectio'n, our political power will
be annihilated--the constitution will be swept
away-slaverywill be abolished, and there will
be raised upon the ruins of our liberty a tower
ing and mereiless despotism.
This much I have felt bouud to say, as illustra
ting the patriotism of the country, which is no
longer a lofty sentiment in the land, but apart
from the interests of individuals and sections, is
the idhest sound, that ever deluded the weak and
credulous.
IIn a Government like ours, it is absolutely in
dipnsable that there shall be a written consti
tution to restrain the majority-and it is thre great
duty of the States, as well as their point of honor,
to eaforce a strict obs~rvance of such an instru
nent. For, without it, even die personal rights
of deni people.canno bewholl preserved, such
sights, for instance, as property in slaves. If
no permanent barrier be interposed to its partial
legislation, a vast sectional majority may crush a
State, and tamper with its institutions and inter
nal afirs, until it annul the commonest privile
ges of its citizens, and disturb the whole order of
society.
I agree, in part, with distinguished gentlemen'
who maintain, that the great struggle of mankind
now, is not for their personal, but for their politi
cal rights, or for the rights of States and com
munitics. This is entirely true in regard to Re
publics, and to the liberal monarchy of Great
Britain, but to no other Governments. The con
test is more apparent now, than it was in any
preceding age, because, there is more republican
freedom now than there was formerly, and the
Representative system derived from England, and
the ideas of constitutional liberty imbibed from
the same abundant fountain of wisdom and law,
and first, in written forms, fully reduced to prac
tice by our revolutionary ancestors, have presen
ted to the world, the only true conception of a
beneficient Republic.
In all Republics and Democracies, where offi
ces and distinctions have been attainable by the
masses, the notion of universal equality has pre
vailed, and there has been a tendency to agrari
anism, as also, a disposition to repose unlimited
power in the majority. In countries from which
slavery has been excluded, the inclination to so
cialism is greater and more apparent than in
slaveholding communities. This natural pro
clivity of men is easily discernible in the history
of our own country as well as that of Greece
and Rome.
Our fathers were wise men. They were sen
sibly impressed with the wisdom of the English
Constitution, and they saw as much to dread in
a fierce and reckless Democracy, controlled only
by the will of a blind and selfish majority, as
they apprehended from the most absolute tyran
ny. They, therefore, established a written con
stitution as a compact among the States-as a
restraint upon the excited and interested majori
ties that might arise, and as a protection for their
posterity in all time to come. All Republics
hitherto had been failures, and to prevent their
own from sharing a like fate, it was their chief
aim to make a sure provision.
In my opinion, the great contest in Republics
will be between the friends of a constitution. and
the advocates of consolidation, or of the unlimi
ted power of majorities. That is certainly the
complexion of the struggle now sustained in this
country.
But the Constitution of the United States,
though nominally of force, has, long ago, ceased
to protect us. It has afforded no check to the
progress of aggression, and to the spirit of mon
opoly and plunder.
From the first establishment of our Indepen
dence, even down to 1816, the commerce of the
Southern States and their general prosperity, far
exceeded the commerce and prosperity of the
Northern States ; and the decline of the former
can be ascribed only to the deleterious influence
of Government. The steadily growing majori
ty of the North has successfully pursued a sys
tem of measures, raising the taxes exelusively
from duties on imports, and thus giving birth to a
high Tariff for the encouragement of manufac
tures. .It has devised and fostered a. grand
scheme of Internal improvements. It built up
arnd suistainred an enormous Barrking institution
art Phriladelphria, to promote thre trade and riches
of thre North arid East. It is sacrificing thre pub
lie lands, with tire two-fold view of strengthen
Iing itself by immnigration, aiid of forming a pie
text fo:- highrer import duties. It hasine
ously contrived nmearsures for thre collection of the
revenues at tire North, although mostly paid by
thre South, arid for making all thre principal Gov
eranment, disbursements ia tire Northrern States
Imeasures, which have reduced our flourishring
cities to deserted hamlets, where poverty has ta
kern tire place of opulence, and whrere weeds are
ecowuing, ini rank luxuriance, ovcr~ thre places
omnce adorner1 by the gardens, and pleasure
g -oundrs, aind ornamented walk~s of thre nroble and
virtuous mrenr and womren of other darys !
Such violations though, of tire spirit of tire
Constitution might be tolerirted, arid wre night be
reduceed to poverty, wvithrout being covered with
infimity ; but it is now boldly avowed to be the
Ileading policy of tihe Northrern section to renider
our property valueless by circurmseribning thre in
stitution of slavery ; arid it is likewise foreibly in
diented, thrat there is a de.signi in that quarter,
equally fixed, of manumitting our~ slarves, in di
rect opposition to that great princeipal of conc:es
sian anrd forbearanrce, without whichr tire Govern
nmert would never have been formed. Senators
arnd Legislators declare, thrat tire obligations of
their religion arid conscience are above thir
eathrs of office, and they laugh at thre extreme ir
ritatiomn of Southern gentcemen, and tire manly
seruplles of their own hronrorable colleagues.
In tis relentless war against our institutions,
thre old party divisions are often entirely broken
down, arid "r Wing" anrd " Democrat," are
frequently unknown in the political struggles of
tire country. Tire contest is between thre aboli
tionrists and tire consolidatiornists on tire one side,
and tire friends of Constitutional liberty on tire
other. Tire chiurchtes of tire thrree greatest de
nominations of Protestant Christians are divided
-famrilies are divided, and the whiole country is
virtually divided.
Thtus it is plain, that tire sections are eternally
separrated, rnot onrly by tire ordinary local preju
dices and feelings common to Northierns and
Southierns situated as we are, but by their inter
ests, and by tire institution of slavery ; and that
tire Northrern people hauve a majority constantly
increasing, and whiile tihe Union lasts, destined,
forever, to increase, in wealthr, numibers and
power. The Southrern portion of tire Unisn is
reduced to weakness, and it has never known
tire Govcrnrment by its blessings, but by its ex
tortions,nd by its heartless despotism.
THlE STAR REDOUBT.
FOR THlE AnvEaLTnsER.
TRIBUTE OF RESPECT.
On Monday evening tire 4thr inst., tire follow
ing Preamble and Resolutions were unanimously
adopted by BU-rLFJL LODGE No. 17, 1. 0. 0. F.
Whereas, the Disposer of all things has taken
from us our brother Dsx. C. SnivariY, who died
onn the 31st of July 1851, after a painful illness
of several days. And whereas, tire deceased
was a young man, whose whole life had given
promise of the highrest usefulness both as a
neighbor anrd a citizen, and whose deportment,
from the day of Iris reception into our order, had
endeared him to all its mcmbers, as an ornament,
.a ... a pim.. of its strngth. Therefore, be it
Resolved, That In the death of our beloved
brother, this Lodge. has been deprived of one
more of its most upright, and exemplary mem
bers-the community, of an intelligent, indus
trious and useful citizen, and his family of : a
kinsman that honored it in all the relations of
life.
Resolved, That we extend to his family and
friends, our warmest sympathy in their sorrow.
Resolved, That in token of our respect and
love for the memory of our departed brother, we
cause these Resolutions to be recorded in the
books of the Lodge, his name to be inscribed on
a page of the Secretary's book, and his death to
be written in the Bible of the Lodge.
FOR THE ADVERTIsER.
Mr. Editor :-If consistent with the character
of your journal, I would respectfully ask the in
sertion of the following article, being an abstract
of the superintendant's monthly report of the
Sunday Schools connected with Trinity (Pro't
Epis.) Church, in this village.
I desire its publication simply for the informa
tion of the Parents, Guardians and Masters, who
are interested in our work and labor of love.
Very Respectfully.
RICHARDSON GRAHAM.
REORT.
REV. AND DEAR SIR :-Agreeably to your re
quest I submit to you a report of our Sunday
Schools for the month of July. As however this
is my first monthly report, I may in the first
place revert to the state of the Schools on the
1st June last, when I entered upon my present
duties as Librarian and Superintendant.
There were then two Male and three Female
Teachers, having charge of seventeen (17) white
and twenty-four (4) colored scholars. On the
first Sunday of the present month, there were
connected with the Schools, three Male and three
Female Teachers, besides the Superintendnt
twenty-three (23) white and forty-eight (48)
colored scholars. During the present month
two Ladies have come to our assistance, so that
there are now engaged in the Schools four Gen
tlemen and five Ladies, making nine Teachers in
all. Our present number of scholars is twenty
eight (28) white, and sixty-five (65) colored.
Total ninety-three, (93.)
While our numbers have increased beyond our
expectation, the attendance has been very. good
indeed. The two colored classes are very large,
taxing the voices of the Teachers very considera
bly. Two or three more Teachers might be well
employed in this very important department of
our School, even if our numbers should not in
crease. Very Respectfully Yours,
C. B. WALKER,
Librarian and Superintendant.
To Rev. R. GRAUAx,
Rector of Tr'nity Church, Edgefield S. C.
Another Letter from Georgia.
The following extract of a Letter from a
Carolinian, now in Georgia, to a gentleman
in Charleston, we find in the Mercury.
"It is with extreme regret and pain, that
I observe through the Charleston papers,
what I regard, and what is regarded by
Southern Rights men in this State, as sym
toms of a retreat from the elevated and firm
position we all thought South Carolina is.
standing upon, by ,a portion of' the citizens of
Charleiston. I arn'a Charlestonian liybirth,
and it is only within- the past year that I
came into our sister State of Georgia with
business prospects. Being still as deeply in
terested in the cause in which South Caro
lina is engaged, as if I was still her citizen,
and the same cause being contended- for
here, it seems to me that my opinions are
entitled, apart from their perfect sincerity, to
be .regarded as without the least degree of'
prejudice.
" You cannot calculate, perhaps, the injiuryI
which the cause of State Rights, Southern
Rights, the great constitution Remedy for
Southern Wrongs, will sustain, by the for
mation of t wo parties among you. If South
Carolina waits for co-operation, meaning
thereby 'hat ait least two States shall simul
tancously, and by preconcert, secede from the
Union, she had as well give up the contest
at once, and acquiesce. No such thing is
g oing to occur. Virginia-no, I beg her par
don- Virginia's last Legislature has, recent
ly, made the last will and testament on the
subject. She mar'. or she may not, hereafter
elect those who n'ill destroy that decision, or
at least, add a codicil. The Southern Rights
men of Georgia, I know, are~ intensely anxious
that South Carolina should take the initiative,
and secede as early as possible. What may
be the result of the coming elections here, is
uncertain, but in "either fortune," Carolina
ought to act. If the Union party keep the
ascendancy, Georgia cannot recover under
two years. Should the Southern Rights
party succeed, then you have, at once, the
co-operation so much desired. Is it not too
much losing sight of the great foundation of
the doctrine of secession, viz: State Sover
eignty, to insist so strongly upon the abso
lute necessity of co-operation?
" Col. J1. ME. Calhoun, in his acceptance of
a Union nomination for Senator, from the 31st
district of this State, says-' Could South
Carolina obtain the co-operation of Georgia,
she would secede.' &c. T1he press at the
North are extremely anxious for the election
of Mr. Cobb, in hope, no doubt, of' its result
ing in the effect of' keeping South Carolina
from acting nowv. And, if not nowv, when ?
Perhaps, never.
" The Union party, here, are in dread of
the election of' Ex-Gov. McDonald. If we
elect him, as I have said above. South Caro
lina has co-operation at once: if we fail, will
she wait two years, not knowing what will
be the result then ?
" But I have digressed. My main object
was, to entreat yen to unite-join your as
sociations-don't quarrel-don't accuse-if
possible, don't dilfer. ' The argument is ex
hausted.' If' South Carolina falter now, she
becomes a by-word and a mockery, and the
cause is lost. If she preserves her moral
dignity, and redeems her pledge-' to resume
the powers delegated for special purposes'
the tyranny of' a reckless majority is checked,
and liberty is safe, at least, in her hands.
" Let me add, that,should Georgia, through
her authorities, fail to second South Carolina,
there are thousands in the State ready, at
the least intimation of coercion, to bring to
her soil arms of flesh, and nerve, and steel,
to uphold her righteous cause, of trutih and
justice. Alas!-the Constitution is dead."
MORE Co-oPERADoN.-The Charleston
Mercury says. " Company C. of the Fourth
A rtillery, consisting of three lieutenanta and
53 privates, arrived yesterday in the boat
from Wilmington. Another Comprany of
Artillery will arrive in the boat this morn
ing. They are, we understand, intended to
strengthen the garrisons of the forts in our
harbor. Large quantities of ordnance and
munitions have also arrived recently in
vnesels frnm the North-"
From 9MDe r
Chancellor aana;
y At a citizen's meeting
14e were entertained fo'i'ome
by a speech from Chancellor
momentous question now agl&
lie mind. We had longr been
hear the views at large of this dis ,
jurist, pure patriot, and honest man. His"
independent and original cast of mina, is
eminent services as a State Senator fro i
Darlington, his extensive and long continued -
acquaintance with the people as a leading v
lawyer at this bar, as well as his present
honorable position'as one of the Chaneell
of the State, rendered his views on '
question of secession a matter of no:
interest to the people of this District.
were highly gratified, as were many others
who had the pleasure of listening to lis
unanswerable arguments in favor of seces-.
sion. We have often heard him in forensie
debate-we have listened to him in the sei
ate Chamber and on the Bench, but never
with more heartfelt satisfaction than on the
occasiou referred to. In the opening of
remarks he took a brief and rapid review
the gradual and progressive encroachments
of the Government upon the cherished Inat -
tutions of the South, referring to the M..
souri Compromise, the repeal of the 2fst
Rule in Congress, and finally to that.batcli
of measures hut recently adopted and mis
called a Compromise, by which a magnifi.
cent empire, won by Southern blodd ad
treasure, had been fraudulently smuggled
into the Union by abolition votes, with the
design of overcoming the power of the South,
and finally accomplishing the fell purpose of
circumscribing and destroying the instisutfn
of slavery. He referred also to the dismem
berment of Texas, by which a large portion
of slave territory had been purchased with
our own money for the purpose of being
converted into free-soil. He said that all
we had obtained by the so-called Compro
mise, was the Fugitive Slave Law, and that
and that we were previously entitled by the
constitution, to the rendition of fugitive
slaves. He further said that the law was
worthless, inasmuch as it cost the owner of
the fugitive slave more to recover him.than
the slave was worth. At this point Dr. Byrd
rose to enquire, as we understood,. if the
United States Marshall was not-required to
render his services free of charge to those
seeking to recover fugitives. The Chancel
lor replied that he was; that the law was
fair enough upon its face, but that attorney's
costs and other incidental expenses invariably
amounted to more than the value of the
slave. He said he took it for granted that
all his hearers were united in opinion n.the
necessity of resistance; the only difference
was as to the mode and time. He believed
that now was the time; our duty to posteri
ty demanded it; it had been asked by adis.
tinguished politician, (for whom he had-great::
respect personally,) what had posterity ever
done for us? He would ask what.. w ld
have been our-condition if our revolutionary
fathers had reasoned in this way.'-- They
had secured for us a high degree of civil-lib.
erty. The man who denied such an-obliga- .
tain was unworthy to be 'a father. He-con
tended that the only practical mode ofresis
tance was secession. He viewed the-q ies
tion in three aspects; lie said it could-only
be productive of one of three results. ..The
Government would either attempt coercion
or it would not. He thought the mostfavor
able result would spring from an attempt
to coerce. He wanted some blood; shed.
not much;. one drop. of, :blood wouldsk ave..
more solvent, power than acid on a ,roek4
then we would, .have practical 'eo-oratim
in the shape of thousatidsofmhinund~lliona.
of money from our sister Southern States,
which would inevitably result in a Southern
States, which would inevitably 'result in a
Southern Confederacy. 'He mentioned that
le had seen private letters from distinguish
ed lenders in other States, which gave the
strongest assunnce that such would be the
ease. He then proceeded to discuss the
question of the abilitj of South Carolina to
support a separate nationality in ease othe
government did not attempt coercion, which
was the second result that mnighti apring' from
secession. He thought South.Carolina might
exist as a separate Government. It had been
urged elsewhere. that the expenses of a separ
ate Government would amount to the enorn
moos sum of nine millions annually.. This
calcnlation had proceeded upon thme supposi
tion that we must have a Government on as.
splendid a scale as that of the United States
forgetting..
" How wide the limits stand
Between a splendid and a happy land."
It had been said, we must have a president,
with a salary of $25,000 a year-that we
miust build a President's House, and raise a
navy. In answver to this he said, we- nened
not give our President more than our Gover
nor now receives-and that he could occupy
his own house, as our Governor now does
..-that as to a navy we would need. non
the United States had none et first. That
we were emphatically an agricultural people
-we could make our cotton and rice and
deliver them to onr British and French cus
tomers who would be amply able to defend
them from Yankee depredations, on the high
seas, we would not be required to convey
our produce across the ocean to them; at
this point the Chancellor was again interrup
ted by Dr. Byrd, who said something about
denouncing Great Britain and.. something
about an alliance with Great Britain, which
we did not exactly understand.
The Chancellor remarked that he was
glad of the interruption, as he wished to say
something on that point. He would rather
die than see South Carolina in a state of
vassalage to Great Britain, but much as he
was opposed to that, he hated Yankeedom
a tlhousalnd times more than Groat. Britain.;
yea ten thousand times more. This senti
ment was responded to by deafening ap..
plause. At this point Dr. Byrd again rose,
and in an excited tone, and with violent gee.
tures, made some remarks which we could
not understand well enough to attempt to.
report them-he ended by saying that ho,
wvould leave the Court House, a eiet~
the streets. Great confusion prevailed for a
few moments-cries of order and - silence
from the Chair, and all parts of the Court
room were heard-calls for the. anti-seces
sionists to leave the Court room were head
and appeals from other gentlemen; not to
be lead away on any such issues. - The at
tempt to draw a line of demarcation between
the two wings of the resistance party sig..
ully failed. A corporal's guard left the Court
room, and a few others camne in about the
same time. The Chancellor calmly wnited
until order was restored and then proeeded;
lie said the only kind of allince he desired
with Great Britain was that of a Commercial.
treaty. The third and last result and the
one least probable to spring from secession,
was subjugation by the Federal Governmuent.
[n that event our condition would .e* no
worse than at present-..a few lives migt be
lost, but rather than submit ing orieusly he
preferred the State should malk on pin
struggle for her tottering liberisA bld
thiere would be no danger-it was owingjo
division, that Hungary was.subjugatek.H