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- 1DGEFIELD, S. C. THURSDAY, AUGUST 14, 1851. YELLOW GAGES. WE are indebted to Mrs. TnoMAs Bacon for a branch clustered around with a quantity of this delicious frruit. The bare sight of it was enough to make an epicure's mouth water. The plums were so large and luscious as to excite the admira lion of every one who saw them.-Not only was their admiration excited but their craving also, which was proved by the fact that they stripped the beautiful branch vi et armis, in spite of our cf. forts to rescue it. The Hesperides themselves could not have saved the golden beauties. But the depredators were excusable-for, in truth, the temptation was strong. The tree which bore this fruit was nursed and reared by Mrs. B's own hands. Think of that good matrons of Edgefield-and do like-wise. ENGLISH JOURNALS. Oua kind friend across the Atlantic has furnish ed us at different times with the leading news papers of London and Liverpool, for which we return him our thanks. We are glad to hear that our humble sheet has reached him in his distant journeyings. May it serve to keep alive in his bosom the warm resistance feelings with which he left us ! The London Times up to the 23d of last month reached us on the 8th inst.-16 days after date. Pretty good for the backwoods of South Carolina ----. OUR EXCHANGES. THE CoNSTITUTToN.NLIST and IEICPUDr.C of Augusta Ga. have been recently blended into one. They were both excellent papers, and their union must result in great strength. Their fint Weekly is a fine sample of what we may expect from the combination. Success to the enterprising and tal ented gentlemen who conduct it, success to their cause and a wide circulation to their able and useful sheet, is all we wish for them. SCIENTIFIC AMERICAN. Tutrs valuable publication (which we always welcome with pleasure) has continued to reach us in regular time. It is perhaps the most useful and atsfuit work of the kind in America. --0 MR. WHYTE'S NEW LITERARY JOURNAL. Br reference to another column, the Prospectus of this new paper may be seen. It is to be pub lished in Augusta, Georgia, by Mr. WHYTE. re cently one of the Editors of the Republic. That sheet having been merged in the Constitutionalist, Mr. WaHT', proposes to establish a purely litera ry one. We are glad to recommend the under takiug to our readers. There is literary spirit enough in Augusta to sustain the interest of such a journal with'great success, if the editor will sub sidise the right sort of talent. Refer to the pro spectus. DIOUNT TABOR PIC-NIC OF FRIDAY THE 8TH. Tits was the most delightful affhir of the kind we have witnessed in many years. The company assembled numbered near fifteen hundred. By 10 o'clock, the beautiful grove was alive with ladies and gentlemen, children and servants. On the outskirts of the .grove, the many carriages, buggies &c. were drawn up in long and glittering array, and presented an unusually imposing line. Every thing, at the beginning, promised a pleasant day and, at-the close, every one present bore testi mony to the fulfilment of the most sanguine expec ~~-At-~~fps -eleven, we had the honor of catllng the immetise crowd to 'the stand for the purpose of attending the delivery of an ADDRESS upon Female Education. Comnpbte order having been speedily obtained, the 11ev. 3Mr. RYmloYD wa.: introduced by a member of the committee of ar rangemlents as the speaker of the day ; wvhereupon he proceeded to discharge that ',flice in an easy graceful and efTetive mnnner. Fur an hour, lie en~chaitned the attention of his large and enlighten ed auditory wvith nn addres, which we are bound to pronounce the ve-ry best it has yet been our for aune to hear upon that stubject. It was indeed a finished comnposit ion, and ono evincing deep anid jnst reflection. Its sterling4 me'rits were only sur passed by the remarkably chaste manner and striking elocution which accompanied its deliv~ery. This may seem to he high praise, and it is indeed intended to be such ;biut that it is at all extrava gant, no one who listened to it with attention will admit. We hope to procure this address for pub lication and will not thterefoire attempt ini advance to delineate its prointent potits. At the conclusion of the oration, the amaten: hand in antendance dashed iff in one of their be:.. airs, and all again was busy hum and buistling ex citement throughout the crowded grounds. Tfhe order and arrangement of the feast was then anm nounced; and the mianagers proceeded forthwith in the work of preparatiemn, assistedl by the ladies whio had contributed all the nicer kindls of cook' ry. While this was going on, the good people pre sent forgot the hour of delay in social converse of~ the liveliest and frienidliest character. We were here and there and everywhere watching thme pro gress of things, Lnd we nowv give it as our candid opinion that this hour preceding the dinner was as pleasant an hour as any crowd ever passedl. It may be that the amount of beauty collected there had something to do with producing this effect. It may be that the gallantry of the young men had also some instrumentality in it. It may be that the kindness and benificence of the "old folks" helped not a little. It may be that the savoury smell, which arose from tl~e hiarbecue pit and was wafted over us by a gentle breeze, was one of the agents in producing this pleasant state of feeling. Whatever were the causes, that which we have before said and now repeat is emphatically trite: that liour before dinner was a delightful one. But pleasant as it was, no one, that we knowv of, object ed to its being cut short by the loud call to dinner, which issued from the throat of a committee-man. The tables were surrounded rapidly, but in perfect order ; and in a few minutes every pair of jaws was busily engaged in omasticating the most deli cate and finely seasoned meats and every palate employed in tasting varieties of the most delicious gastronomical comfits. It wvould be vain to attempt to give any idea of the Bill of Fare for the day ; as it would be impracticably long. Suiflice it to say that every one was strnvk with the great pro fusion and variety of the baniquet ; and every one left the tables pcrfctly sat'isfied. The uttmost pro priety of behaviour marked the entire occasion. Not an unkind word or an unamiable glance was exchanged, to the best of our knowledge. It was a great occasioni for enemiss to bury the hatchet and for true lovers to pass tokens. (May bie they did !) After the whites had completed their meal, the darkies advanced to the charge, emulating their masters and mistresses in the quiet order and decency of their behaviotur. The whole-hog gusto with whiect they transacted thme busitess of the repast was a sight worth seeing. About'the conclusion of the dinuner, the approach of a dark looking cloud drove a large portion oif the ladiem into the chu rch which was near by. The gentlemen of course accompanied them and such a "chit/chiat, tittle titlde tat" (as was then time. It was a pleasant after-piece to the per formances of the day. The hour for dispersing. having arrived, there was a general leave's-taking and a Lastening to carriage and to horse. The company departed in fine spirits, not a single un pleasant circumstance having transpired through out the day. WHY SHOULD CAROLINIANS QUARREL? IT is with feelings of the deepest melancholl th..t we witness the determination of some of ou rr. t estimable fellow-citizens to disorganize th< Ii Carolina party and to create two antagonistic factions within our borders. Our people have hi:herto been almost as one man upon the questior o, resistance to Federal injustice. This unanimaiti has been the true source of whatever power we h.ve exercised over the course and destiny of th< American States. That this influence, hitherto ht,. not be.en inconsiderable, will be admitted b3 n!I but our most senseless or blinded adversaries In :peaking to Carolinians, it is -nnecessary te a-Iduce the proof of our assertion, when we sa, t!.at no other State in the union has made greatei or more eiTective exertions to paralyze the hand of usurpation and to advance the true interests o our common country by enlightened Republican legislation. ANDarw J.CKSON, were he alive; would himself generously bear testimony to the rawer of Carolina interposition-and the Free Trade party of the world are compelled to ac knowledge the benefits which have accrued frot Carolina statesmanship. We are not desirous, it Sle had the ability, of trumnneting the praises of South Carolina in the ears of the American people HIeaven knows, we have been taunted enough with our " vain-glorious propensities," and it is at length come to pass that the exquisite sensibili ties of certain CaroUnians are shocked by any reference to the latrel wreuth of their mothers frane. But. we may, nevertheless, talk: of these -hings among oursre.es and for ours-nIes. withoul being charged with the design of rohbine others of t'ecir deserts. It is sa'utary to recall at times the memory of that energy and enthuerinam which have never yet carried us to the extent of folly which have never yet failed of achieving to a greater or less degree, the object had in view. Especially may it prove advantageous, when Dis cord threatens to destroy our characteriitic unity of purpose and to annihilate our power for good, Let every Carolinian now revert to the histo'ry of his State, and let him examine anew her claims to distinction-her right to a pre-eminent positien among her sisters. If he believes the record, hr will find that those claims are high-that right, indisputable. Let hin imagine Smuth Carolina to have been an inactive and typilh member of this confederacy for the last 39 year-:-hesit in principle and irresolute ini action. Let him sup pose that no State arose to nupply her place in the great political drama-that no State became the express and declared champi-n of those principles which she has illustrated-that no State had been found ready to throw itself into the br-m ehc to stay the progress of consolidation-that no State had interposed her sovereignty to save the South from the evils of oppr ssive taxation. Let him suppose, in a word, the name of South Carolina, the people of South Carolina and the principles of Soutlh Caro lina never to have existed, and then let hin ask himself, what would this government have been now ! Ile will find, if he is di:posed toanswer the question truly, that his State has ever been the van-guard in every battle for Southern Rights-he will find that, but for her. the Deslect:m of a ma. jority might have been. at this very time, tramp ling the helpless South into the very dust of degradation. Let him searcit for t1he real causes which have made his State an indlispensable agent in the preservationg-of the South-aye, and of the -Americaa Republi,-and, if lee iiearch philosophically, he will fined that it was because her people leave ever had the "inetsliigence to un derstand their rights ande the spirit to maintaine themn." lie will find that it was beenuse shee ever etas a sovereign Ste o~ueght to feel, trustful of leer owvn strengeh-tlhus acting out her creed. Hie will find theat it was because she was ever ready, while respecting the righets of others, to ruin all risks in the defence of leer own-ecause she ever theoughte finr he-rself and leaned uepoce no out-side advisers-becausee she ever determinal for heerself andI hceetded no out-side menaces~-nd. Iast and greatest oifall, becautse leer people were ever elan. nish, cager to stustain their State, right or trrong, aned, as a consequence, invaeriabely tenited ine het hours ref trial. If this brief interpretation of our past inefluence andI its caueses be n' truthleree, thec have we studied te political heistory of our cuomi monewealthe to buet litiee advantage. If it be true (and we theink few will (deny it.) tl.en we ask al1 to keep it steadily in view, while we press home upon thcem the queesti.an at the head of theis article. "Whey should Carulincian!: qucarrel neow ! Why dividle a State wlewlh has n'-ver knownr division See vote not that yoeu dare is most dlan. gerotsun'ertainty. See you nte: :nt' youe make a noviel page in Laistory.ra pay~ which slall, foe the first tine,. sell heer: eldl fSomht Carolina was at len-eth elicided agn i:,st her.:elf." IL-nr voue not the rhouts; of tritumphel wheiche will buest from our despisers aned revihers as they learn the precious news of ouer tdownefall: hear you not the groans and cuerses of those wheo lead been conefiding in us with perfect security. and wheos~e daily prayers were for the success of our action ! Ole! itn God's holy name. let not the- pridec of opinion cause you to persiset ien this efy~ert to divide South Carolinea. It is hiut juest began wvith fell eleteermineation. May it neot yet be stayed!? Is there no halms ien Gileadl ?" We leave no appreenzsion whatever of South Carolina being carried for suebmission. Thme evi dence to thee reverse of theis is coneclusive to every one who lhas closely wvatched nd faeirly wveighed the sentiment of the Stte. hibt the bare constitu tional power of acti-me w.ilI not, w,- fear, be sufl eienet for our triumeepe. If the decision of the State is frownced uapon by a considlerable mienority of leer citizens, thee danger of imbhecility of execuetion be comes jeninent at once. This we must avoid, if it be possibhi. We are called upeen to do so, by all that we heoldl dear upon earth-by our hopies of Freedom and Indep'endence-hy the heappliness of our children and our cheildren's chil-ren-by all that we have been and all that we heope to be--by the memory of Carolina's past fame and the antici pation of her future glory. These, fellow-citizens, are not unmeanineg expressions to fill a paragraph. WVe speak thle earnest theought of our innmust souel. Who, but a recrean---a hearthess recreanet, courld h le guilty of afreetation or dupelicity at a time like the preset? We are deeply serious whlen we sk yote to peopese, if you can, some mid-way ground upon wheiche we may all stand with honor. Wee cannot and will not come to you. How can you ask it ? I haul tien our position ice accord ance with wheat we thlen coneceived to be aned still think is ouer sacred duty. lonegbefore you intimated your platform. We spoke for you as well as our selves, never doubting that Souts Carolina, as et, would be a band of brothers, nd fondly imagiening that wve struck a cheord which woeuld meet a vibratory response in every true Caroliena heart. Thcat we have hbeen mistaken, lees been estr misforteene, not ouer fault We perheaps relied toes much upon thee experience of the last 25 years. The change, wvhich we now fear is coming over the oldl speirit oCf Carolina, had not been takene into consideration by us in maskineg up our decision. For, in truth, we lead not yet learned it. Our de cision was madle up af:er the uleen fasheion, upon tm. .pur of the momet As Carolinians, we felt the grievous wrongs which had been perpetrated against us by the infamous government at Wash ington. Our Senators and members of Congress had taught us that it was our duty to resist them, as glid those whowent beforeus. A lesseractof injus tice had once been met by nullification. A far more unreasonable and heinous one, as we thought called for a more effectual and decided step, and accordingly our patriotic Legislature set on foot the elevated apd constitutional step of secession. A majority of the State at once approved this poli cy. But a party springs up nearly six months after date, headed by a certain set of talented and spirit ed old men, who go to the opposite extreme at one jump, and tell us we are madmen, political inebri ates, delirious enthusiasts. Volatile young men I are not lacking to join the ranks of the new party; and after a long interval, demonstrations are made in Charleston, Marlboro' and one or two other places. and a new banner is flung to the breeze-a non-descript, co-operation banner, with no single motto distinctly and fully emblazoned upon it, but several half developed ones. And we are begged to desert the good old Palmetto flag, with its strikingly independent motto, under which we had ranged ourselves for the contest; and we are invited to enlist under a banner which says to us "Watch and Wait-eat your words and bite the dust for a while in patience-.perhaps we may get some one to help us out of our shackles in the course of the next ten, twenty or fifty years-if we receive no such succour, we will"--The banner says no more !! Gentlemen of the co-operation party, unless you propose some far more decisive line of operation than this, the action men can never meet you on common ground. And, though it may please you to look upon our refusal to do so as perverseness, yet we are willing to stand upon this issue :efore the tribunal of posterity. But we have extended these remarks beyond the propor limits. We conclude by submitting to our friends. who are now exerting themselves to distract the State, the following propositions: Whether the action party was not the first in the field ? Whether their course is not entirely con sonant with the past history of South Carolina? Whether their policy has not gone forth to the world as the dominant policy of the State ? Whether they have not been the attacked party? Whether it is easier for them now to retreat than for the co-operationists to advance? Whether union at home is not of greater importance than co-operation from abroad? Whether the anti-ac tionists are not forgetting the former in their over weening desire for the latter? Whether it is not better to take a course which cannot lead to sub mission, than one which in all probability will? Whether it be not the dangers of separate action which deter our opponents from embracing it? Whether these dangers are not purely hypotheti cal? Whether freemen should be frightened from the preservation of their Liberties by hypotheses? Whether, in fine, it is not easier, more rational and more Carolinian for the co-operationists to raise the shout and "ADVANCE TO THE FRONT," than for the actionists to whimper out their recan tation and meanly retreat to the rear? FIE! FOR SHAME I We clip from the Southern Standard the follow ing very delicate compliment to the brothers of the quill throughout Carolina.-" The amount of igno rance displayed by many of the secession papers in the State is'truly deplorable. We scarcely ever take up one of these country sheets, without noticing the term Traitor applied to such as oppose separate secession.**** Surely the amount of igno rance exhibited by them is pitiable." An elevated editor, truly, is this Mr. S~allorw pate of the Standard ! And a gentleman of nice feelings,. forsooth ! Hlow lie could have~ penned, 'hehtbove unou "ld'ai -'1 without anticipating the contemiptitao fully merits, we cannot realize. We exchange with all the secession papers of the State. We have read them carefully, and to the hest of our remembhranice. they are not at all amenable to the charge of illiberality either in word or in ded. To say that they have called the anti-secessionists traitors, is slander ext rnordi dary. If the enlightened cit will review these un fortunate "country sheets," with the aid of a sen sible adviser, his c-onscie:nce may prick him to change his "three-legged stool" for the stool of repentance. P'oor man ! GLORIOUS FROM3 SP5ARTANBURG, Tnmne were two meetings (says the Carolinian of the 12th inst.) held in Spartanburg on Monday Inst--one, a co-operation meeting, called by three hundred citizens; thme other, a Southern fRights meeting. called simply by a notice signed "Southern Rights." The c -operation meeting was held in the Court Ilouse, amid was attended by from 230 to 260 ci:izens; the secession m.:eting was held in thme pubilic square, and ntumbered two TJIoUSAND ! If we are not mistaken, Spartenbuirg was one of the District: where that hall "started at I1am burg, and shoved on by Greenovilhe, was to reeive a t reimedons imp.:tus." Strong seces.sion resoluo 1ions were adopted wsithout a single " No." Glorious news indeed ! 'The district of York has also spokemn loudly for secession. At a meeting Iof 1500 Yorkers, held on the 4thb inst., secession resolutions were unanimously adopted.- The cause will be overwhmelm'm;gly triupmhant. "JOHNY RUTLEDGE," WE pereive this niame at thme head of the late co-operation meeting held- in Charleston. Several personis have asked Its the qjuestion.-"Who is this IJons~ IUTLEDG;E ?" An'l to be candid we mulst Iacknowledge that it was out of our power to satis fy them with thme proper answer. We have made enquiries of several intelligent men in vain. A traveller, who has heen in the tipper districts' mentioned to us the other day that it was a subject of wonder wherever lie had been. Lawyers, Doc tors, Merchatits. Planters, Editors and ev-en Judges had been unable to solve the mystery. He himslf, a native of the low-cotuntry and acquaint-. edl, as lie thoughct, with every man in Charleston of any prominmnce, had never heard of such a per son as belonging to this age. Singular, that no one should know who the President of thme Great Charleston co-operation meeting is! Very strange, that so few should be aware of the existence of thme Jouis RUTLEDGE of '31. It is a great old name truly-ahi! and that perhaps accounts for the whole matter. The name is all our sagacious friends wanted--and, doubtless, they founmd it. SHtAKESP-EARE asked "- What's in a name ?" and gave it as h is opiniain that there was nought. Cer Itain wits and statesmen of the presenmt age think differently, it would s'eenm. IJoux R U-rLEDG E, President of the co-operation meeting, may hiowvever prove to be some vcry worthy old man-nobody knows ! We mean this as no slur upon his merits, whatever they may he. It is merely an illustration of the skilful tactics with whlich the co-operationists have begun their 1co-operationis. gg" THE Abbeville Banner, of the 8th inst. says: "Our FExchanges in this State will please no tice the change in the reward oflered by Governor Mas~s, for thme apprehension of FARMER and Tosis. All the papers ini thme State are requested to give four additional insertions." NEW COTTON.--The first Ibale, crop of I1851, was rece'ived in Montgomery, (Alat.) on We'dniesday lash, from the planaton of J. G. Spain. and sold by Messrs. LeeC & Nor ton to ('ol. . R. Rowlanid. a, '7 1-2 cents. COMMUNICATINS. , FOR TI E vJa'i'sER. OUR CAUSE. U-QUARREL. Fellow Citizens:-I jroeeed to urge certain othersvi, which'if w1 1, aintained, are of a characterito excite ing Ion. in every manly bosom, and to rouse all 1"hern men, who are proud of their inherite of freedom, to the most resolute action. -. The North and Wcstfiaving obtained an over whelming majority in Odugress and in the coun cils of the Gove and being directly ad verse to the South impolitical sentiment, will never consent, according-to their own avowal, to the admission of new States into the Union, without some restrie in. the terms, or some guaranty to render thn forever subservient to their views, and to thdir own advancement in wealth and power. 1 90'unwilling to assent to the increase of the poweiof my oppressor, and, thereby, to contribute-tothe promotion of meas ures calculated to ens] r-ne, and to make me a mark for the shafts of, icule, and for contemp tuous jests. The course steadilypurvued by the North, for the last half a century, is enough, of itself, to convince us that the policy of that people is set tled, to consummator th ruin of all the -slave holding States. In Republican Goverrgents, there are three or four cheeks to the power of majoiities, which are often happily applied to conserve the liberties of the people. They are written constitutions, party-ties, and the patriotism of the sountrv. When these are efficient in their influence, Re publics are free, and gldious ; but when they fail to restrain, such governments are the most un scrupulous despotisms.6Earth. A single des pot has no one to share'ivith him, the responsi bility of hs acts :-he has the wants, and desires, and ambition of only one individual to gratify, and he has the "soul, and feelings, and princi ples of a man." But the responsibility of a dominant majority is so divided as to amount to no responsibility at all :-theirwants are as count less as the stars of the Firmament-their appe tites and desires are as vorac'pus and unappeasa ble as the devouring whirlpool; and being ac countable to no tribuna1bat-God's, they are as unfeeling as the spirit.of ' Flee itself, and as soulless as a bank co at ion Their views are ever popular, for it g they, themselves that make popularity, and theiitp6wer and wealth are as growing as the desire for'them is natural to the human breast. Let us see what effte, the cheeks referred to, have had, and are likly still further to have, on 'ur Northern brethren:and first, we will con sider the patriotism of the country-and particu larly, that of the Free States. When the first eeiens'of the United States was taken in 1790, accoramg to the recent statement of Mr. CAtLouN,.our' pppulation was 3,929,971. That of the North amounted to 1,977,899, and that of the South, to 1;952,072, leaving a differ ence of but 25,827 in favor of the former. The number of States was equally divided between the two sections, so that the North then had only a small major~ii~n~gress. In 1840, when the last publish~ eeggwavs tap our popula tion had risen to of w1 ich the North had- *2 2'- 437, making adifference of- 9, 'on the side of the North. The North now has a majority of be tween fifty and sixty in the Electoral College. By te late census, amounting as it does, to 23,000,000, the South will be altogether divested of her equality in the Confederacy-of her equality in numbers, and, as a necessary conse quence, of her equality, in position and influence. Why the foreign imnmigration into the North crn States is suffieient alone to secure to thorse States, the most absolute and certain preponder ancie in the Government, whilst the Union shall endure. So great has been the drain fronm Ire land, for a few years, that the number of her in habitants hans actually been diminished to an enormous extent. There has beent, for a consid erable period, a constant annual influx into this country, through the cities of the North, which would, perhaps, nearly. equal the whole white population of South Carolinaa, and according to the present ratio of representation, would, on an average, give to our antagonist section, a contin ual yearly increase of several members to Congress. Even,, if our facilities for transportation were equal to those of the Free States, we could hope to reap nothing but disaster from foreign emigra tion. That population, which now tends to our shores, arc the indigent, uneducated, and, I am aorr-y to ray, often the most lawless of the people of Europe. They have neen accustomed, through life, to perform the menial offices discharged by our slaves, and, therefore, they cannot procure employment in the South, where tho institution of slavery is authorizediby law. It is the nature also of the freedman to rave for liberty, arid every emigrant to the United States casts an additional vote against the South, and supplies one more brand to the raging fires of fanaticism. Since the Deelaratien and establishment of their Independence, th'e United States have ac quired over 2,000,000 #quare miles of territory, of which, the North ha~ the undisputed posses sion, of nearly three-fourths. The South has thus been graciously allowed a fourth of the gen eral gain, or one half o'f her indisputable right, whilst die North has endowed herself with ter ritory sufficient to make thirty or forty, or, per haps, fifty, States of the average size of the pre sent Free States, anrd,.in duo course of time, to give her the three-fourths necessary to amend the constitution, and to usurp the whole Government It is very elear then, that, if from a depraved love of the Union, or from the base promptings of fear, we yield to the contin1ual encroachments of that dominant sectio'n, our political power will be annihilated--the constitution will be swept away-slaverywill be abolished, and there will be raised upon the ruins of our liberty a tower ing and mereiless despotism. This much I have felt bouud to say, as illustra ting the patriotism of the country, which is no longer a lofty sentiment in the land, but apart from the interests of individuals and sections, is the idhest sound, that ever deluded the weak and credulous. IIn a Government like ours, it is absolutely in dipnsable that there shall be a written consti tution to restrain the majority-and it is thre great duty of the States, as well as their point of honor, to eaforce a strict obs~rvance of such an instru nent. For, without it, even die personal rights of deni people.canno bewholl preserved, such sights, for instance, as property in slaves. If no permanent barrier be interposed to its partial legislation, a vast sectional majority may crush a State, and tamper with its institutions and inter nal afirs, until it annul the commonest privile ges of its citizens, and disturb the whole order of society. I agree, in part, with distinguished gentlemen' who maintain, that the great struggle of mankind now, is not for their personal, but for their politi cal rights, or for the rights of States and com munitics. This is entirely true in regard to Re publics, and to the liberal monarchy of Great Britain, but to no other Governments. The con test is more apparent now, than it was in any preceding age, because, there is more republican freedom now than there was formerly, and the Representative system derived from England, and the ideas of constitutional liberty imbibed from the same abundant fountain of wisdom and law, and first, in written forms, fully reduced to prac tice by our revolutionary ancestors, have presen ted to the world, the only true conception of a beneficient Republic. In all Republics and Democracies, where offi ces and distinctions have been attainable by the masses, the notion of universal equality has pre vailed, and there has been a tendency to agrari anism, as also, a disposition to repose unlimited power in the majority. In countries from which slavery has been excluded, the inclination to so cialism is greater and more apparent than in slaveholding communities. This natural pro clivity of men is easily discernible in the history of our own country as well as that of Greece and Rome. Our fathers were wise men. They were sen sibly impressed with the wisdom of the English Constitution, and they saw as much to dread in a fierce and reckless Democracy, controlled only by the will of a blind and selfish majority, as they apprehended from the most absolute tyran ny. They, therefore, established a written con stitution as a compact among the States-as a restraint upon the excited and interested majori ties that might arise, and as a protection for their posterity in all time to come. All Republics hitherto had been failures, and to prevent their own from sharing a like fate, it was their chief aim to make a sure provision. In my opinion, the great contest in Republics will be between the friends of a constitution. and the advocates of consolidation, or of the unlimi ted power of majorities. That is certainly the complexion of the struggle now sustained in this country. But the Constitution of the United States, though nominally of force, has, long ago, ceased to protect us. It has afforded no check to the progress of aggression, and to the spirit of mon opoly and plunder. From the first establishment of our Indepen dence, even down to 1816, the commerce of the Southern States and their general prosperity, far exceeded the commerce and prosperity of the Northern States ; and the decline of the former can be ascribed only to the deleterious influence of Government. The steadily growing majori ty of the North has successfully pursued a sys tem of measures, raising the taxes exelusively from duties on imports, and thus giving birth to a high Tariff for the encouragement of manufac tures. .It has devised and fostered a. grand scheme of Internal improvements. It built up arnd suistainred an enormous Barrking institution art Phriladelphria, to promote thre trade and riches of thre North arid East. It is sacrificing thre pub lie lands, with tire two-fold view of strengthen Iing itself by immnigration, aiid of forming a pie text fo:- highrer import duties. It hasine ously contrived nmearsures for thre collection of the revenues at tire North, although mostly paid by thre South, arid for making all thre principal Gov eranment, disbursements ia tire Northrern States Imeasures, which have reduced our flourishring cities to deserted hamlets, where poverty has ta kern tire place of opulence, and whrere weeds are ecowuing, ini rank luxuriance, ovcr~ thre places omnce adorner1 by the gardens, and pleasure g -oundrs, aind ornamented walk~s of thre nroble and virtuous mrenr and womren of other darys ! Such violations though, of tire spirit of tire Constitution might be tolerirted, arid wre night be reduceed to poverty, wvithrout being covered with infimity ; but it is now boldly avowed to be the Ileading policy of tihe Northrern section to renider our property valueless by circurmseribning thre in stitution of slavery ; arid it is likewise foreibly in diented, thrat there is a de.signi in that quarter, equally fixed, of manumitting our~ slarves, in di rect opposition to that great princeipal of conc:es sian anrd forbearanrce, without whichr tire Govern nmert would never have been formed. Senators arnd Legislators declare, thrat tire obligations of their religion arid conscience are above thir eathrs of office, and they laugh at thre extreme ir ritatiomn of Southern gentcemen, and tire manly seruplles of their own hronrorable colleagues. In tis relentless war against our institutions, thre old party divisions are often entirely broken down, arid "r Wing" anrd " Democrat," are frequently unknown in the political struggles of tire country. Tire contest is between thre aboli tionrists and tire consolidatiornists on tire one side, and tire friends of Constitutional liberty on tire other. Tire chiurchtes of tire thrree greatest de nominations of Protestant Christians are divided -famrilies are divided, and the whiole country is virtually divided. Thtus it is plain, that tire sections are eternally separrated, rnot onrly by tire ordinary local preju dices and feelings common to Northierns and Southierns situated as we are, but by their inter ests, and by tire institution of slavery ; and that tire Northrern people hauve a majority constantly increasing, and whiile tihe Union lasts, destined, forever, to increase, in wealthr, numibers and power. The Southrern portion of tire Unisn is reduced to weakness, and it has never known tire Govcrnrment by its blessings, but by its ex tortions,nd by its heartless despotism. THlE STAR REDOUBT. FOR THlE AnvEaLTnsER. TRIBUTE OF RESPECT. On Monday evening tire 4thr inst., tire follow ing Preamble and Resolutions were unanimously adopted by BU-rLFJL LODGE No. 17, 1. 0. 0. F. Whereas, the Disposer of all things has taken from us our brother Dsx. C. SnivariY, who died onn the 31st of July 1851, after a painful illness of several days. And whereas, tire deceased was a young man, whose whole life had given promise of the highrest usefulness both as a neighbor anrd a citizen, and whose deportment, from the day of Iris reception into our order, had endeared him to all its mcmbers, as an ornament, .a ... a pim.. of its strngth. Therefore, be it Resolved, That In the death of our beloved brother, this Lodge. has been deprived of one more of its most upright, and exemplary mem bers-the community, of an intelligent, indus trious and useful citizen, and his family of : a kinsman that honored it in all the relations of life. Resolved, That we extend to his family and friends, our warmest sympathy in their sorrow. Resolved, That in token of our respect and love for the memory of our departed brother, we cause these Resolutions to be recorded in the books of the Lodge, his name to be inscribed on a page of the Secretary's book, and his death to be written in the Bible of the Lodge. FOR THE ADVERTIsER. Mr. Editor :-If consistent with the character of your journal, I would respectfully ask the in sertion of the following article, being an abstract of the superintendant's monthly report of the Sunday Schools connected with Trinity (Pro't Epis.) Church, in this village. I desire its publication simply for the informa tion of the Parents, Guardians and Masters, who are interested in our work and labor of love. Very Respectfully. RICHARDSON GRAHAM. REORT. REV. AND DEAR SIR :-Agreeably to your re quest I submit to you a report of our Sunday Schools for the month of July. As however this is my first monthly report, I may in the first place revert to the state of the Schools on the 1st June last, when I entered upon my present duties as Librarian and Superintendant. There were then two Male and three Female Teachers, having charge of seventeen (17) white and twenty-four (4) colored scholars. On the first Sunday of the present month, there were connected with the Schools, three Male and three Female Teachers, besides the Superintendnt twenty-three (23) white and forty-eight (48) colored scholars. During the present month two Ladies have come to our assistance, so that there are now engaged in the Schools four Gen tlemen and five Ladies, making nine Teachers in all. Our present number of scholars is twenty eight (28) white, and sixty-five (65) colored. Total ninety-three, (93.) While our numbers have increased beyond our expectation, the attendance has been very. good indeed. The two colored classes are very large, taxing the voices of the Teachers very considera bly. Two or three more Teachers might be well employed in this very important department of our School, even if our numbers should not in crease. Very Respectfully Yours, C. B. WALKER, Librarian and Superintendant. To Rev. R. GRAUAx, Rector of Tr'nity Church, Edgefield S. C. Another Letter from Georgia. The following extract of a Letter from a Carolinian, now in Georgia, to a gentleman in Charleston, we find in the Mercury. "It is with extreme regret and pain, that I observe through the Charleston papers, what I regard, and what is regarded by Southern Rights men in this State, as sym toms of a retreat from the elevated and firm position we all thought South Carolina is. standing upon, by ,a portion of' the citizens of Charleiston. I arn'a Charlestonian liybirth, and it is only within- the past year that I came into our sister State of Georgia with business prospects. Being still as deeply in terested in the cause in which South Caro lina is engaged, as if I was still her citizen, and the same cause being contended- for here, it seems to me that my opinions are entitled, apart from their perfect sincerity, to be .regarded as without the least degree of' prejudice. " You cannot calculate, perhaps, the injiuryI which the cause of State Rights, Southern Rights, the great constitution Remedy for Southern Wrongs, will sustain, by the for mation of t wo parties among you. If South Carolina waits for co-operation, meaning thereby 'hat ait least two States shall simul tancously, and by preconcert, secede from the Union, she had as well give up the contest at once, and acquiesce. No such thing is g oing to occur. Virginia-no, I beg her par don- Virginia's last Legislature has, recent ly, made the last will and testament on the subject. She mar'. or she may not, hereafter elect those who n'ill destroy that decision, or at least, add a codicil. The Southern Rights men of Georgia, I know, are~ intensely anxious that South Carolina should take the initiative, and secede as early as possible. What may be the result of the coming elections here, is uncertain, but in "either fortune," Carolina ought to act. If the Union party keep the ascendancy, Georgia cannot recover under two years. Should the Southern Rights party succeed, then you have, at once, the co-operation so much desired. Is it not too much losing sight of the great foundation of the doctrine of secession, viz: State Sover eignty, to insist so strongly upon the abso lute necessity of co-operation? " Col. J1. ME. Calhoun, in his acceptance of a Union nomination for Senator, from the 31st district of this State, says-' Could South Carolina obtain the co-operation of Georgia, she would secede.' &c. T1he press at the North are extremely anxious for the election of Mr. Cobb, in hope, no doubt, of' its result ing in the effect of' keeping South Carolina from acting nowv. And, if not nowv, when ? Perhaps, never. " The Union party, here, are in dread of the election of' Ex-Gov. McDonald. If we elect him, as I have said above. South Caro lina has co-operation at once: if we fail, will she wait two years, not knowing what will be the result then ? " But I have digressed. My main object was, to entreat yen to unite-join your as sociations-don't quarrel-don't accuse-if possible, don't dilfer. ' The argument is ex hausted.' If' South Carolina falter now, she becomes a by-word and a mockery, and the cause is lost. If she preserves her moral dignity, and redeems her pledge-' to resume the powers delegated for special purposes' the tyranny of' a reckless majority is checked, and liberty is safe, at least, in her hands. " Let me add, that,should Georgia, through her authorities, fail to second South Carolina, there are thousands in the State ready, at the least intimation of coercion, to bring to her soil arms of flesh, and nerve, and steel, to uphold her righteous cause, of trutih and justice. Alas!-the Constitution is dead." MORE Co-oPERADoN.-The Charleston Mercury says. " Company C. of the Fourth A rtillery, consisting of three lieutenanta and 53 privates, arrived yesterday in the boat from Wilmington. Another Comprany of Artillery will arrive in the boat this morn ing. They are, we understand, intended to strengthen the garrisons of the forts in our harbor. Large quantities of ordnance and munitions have also arrived recently in vnesels frnm the North-" From 9MDe r Chancellor aana; y At a citizen's meeting 14e were entertained fo'i'ome by a speech from Chancellor momentous question now agl& lie mind. We had longr been hear the views at large of this dis , jurist, pure patriot, and honest man. His" independent and original cast of mina, is eminent services as a State Senator fro i Darlington, his extensive and long continued - acquaintance with the people as a leading v lawyer at this bar, as well as his present honorable position'as one of the Chaneell of the State, rendered his views on ' question of secession a matter of no: interest to the people of this District. were highly gratified, as were many others who had the pleasure of listening to lis unanswerable arguments in favor of seces-. sion. We have often heard him in forensie debate-we have listened to him in the sei ate Chamber and on the Bench, but never with more heartfelt satisfaction than on the occasiou referred to. In the opening of remarks he took a brief and rapid review the gradual and progressive encroachments of the Government upon the cherished Inat - tutions of the South, referring to the M.. souri Compromise, the repeal of the 2fst Rule in Congress, and finally to that.batcli of measures hut recently adopted and mis called a Compromise, by which a magnifi. cent empire, won by Southern blodd ad treasure, had been fraudulently smuggled into the Union by abolition votes, with the design of overcoming the power of the South, and finally accomplishing the fell purpose of circumscribing and destroying the instisutfn of slavery. He referred also to the dismem berment of Texas, by which a large portion of slave territory had been purchased with our own money for the purpose of being converted into free-soil. He said that all we had obtained by the so-called Compro mise, was the Fugitive Slave Law, and that and that we were previously entitled by the constitution, to the rendition of fugitive slaves. He further said that the law was worthless, inasmuch as it cost the owner of the fugitive slave more to recover him.than the slave was worth. At this point Dr. Byrd rose to enquire, as we understood,. if the United States Marshall was not-required to render his services free of charge to those seeking to recover fugitives. The Chancel lor replied that he was; that the law was fair enough upon its face, but that attorney's costs and other incidental expenses invariably amounted to more than the value of the slave. He said he took it for granted that all his hearers were united in opinion n.the necessity of resistance; the only difference was as to the mode and time. He believed that now was the time; our duty to posteri ty demanded it; it had been asked by adis. tinguished politician, (for whom he had-great:: respect personally,) what had posterity ever done for us? He would ask what.. w ld have been our-condition if our revolutionary fathers had reasoned in this way.'-- They had secured for us a high degree of civil-lib. erty. The man who denied such an-obliga- . tain was unworthy to be 'a father. He-con tended that the only practical mode ofresis tance was secession. He viewed the-q ies tion in three aspects; lie said it could-only be productive of one of three results. ..The Government would either attempt coercion or it would not. He thought the mostfavor able result would spring from an attempt to coerce. He wanted some blood; shed. not much;. one drop. of, :blood wouldsk ave.. more solvent, power than acid on a ,roek4 then we would, .have practical 'eo-oratim in the shape of thousatidsofmhinund~lliona. of money from our sister Southern States, which would inevitably result in a Southern States, which would inevitably 'result in a Southern Confederacy. 'He mentioned that le had seen private letters from distinguish ed lenders in other States, which gave the strongest assunnce that such would be the ease. He then proceeded to discuss the question of the abilitj of South Carolina to support a separate nationality in ease othe government did not attempt coercion, which was the second result that mnighti apring' from secession. He thought South.Carolina might exist as a separate Government. It had been urged elsewhere. that the expenses of a separ ate Government would amount to the enorn moos sum of nine millions annually.. This calcnlation had proceeded upon thme supposi tion that we must have a Government on as. splendid a scale as that of the United States forgetting.. " How wide the limits stand Between a splendid and a happy land." It had been said, we must have a president, with a salary of $25,000 a year-that we miust build a President's House, and raise a navy. In answver to this he said, we- nened not give our President more than our Gover nor now receives-and that he could occupy his own house, as our Governor now does ..-that as to a navy we would need. non the United States had none et first. That we were emphatically an agricultural people -we could make our cotton and rice and deliver them to onr British and French cus tomers who would be amply able to defend them from Yankee depredations, on the high seas, we would not be required to convey our produce across the ocean to them; at this point the Chancellor was again interrup ted by Dr. Byrd, who said something about denouncing Great Britain and.. something about an alliance with Great Britain, which we did not exactly understand. The Chancellor remarked that he was glad of the interruption, as he wished to say something on that point. He would rather die than see South Carolina in a state of vassalage to Great Britain, but much as he was opposed to that, he hated Yankeedom a tlhousalnd times more than Groat. Britain.; yea ten thousand times more. This senti ment was responded to by deafening ap.. plause. At this point Dr. Byrd again rose, and in an excited tone, and with violent gee. tures, made some remarks which we could not understand well enough to attempt to. report them-he ended by saying that ho, wvould leave the Court House, a eiet~ the streets. Great confusion prevailed for a few moments-cries of order and - silence from the Chair, and all parts of the Court room were heard-calls for the. anti-seces sionists to leave the Court room were head and appeals from other gentlemen; not to be lead away on any such issues. - The at tempt to draw a line of demarcation between the two wings of the resistance party sig.. ully failed. A corporal's guard left the Court room, and a few others camne in about the same time. The Chancellor calmly wnited until order was restored and then proeeded; lie said the only kind of allince he desired with Great Britain was that of a Commercial. treaty. The third and last result and the one least probable to spring from secession, was subjugation by the Federal Governmuent. [n that event our condition would .e* no worse than at present-..a few lives migt be lost, but rather than submit ing orieusly he preferred the State should malk on pin struggle for her tottering liberisA bld thiere would be no danger-it was owingjo division, that Hungary was.subjugatek.H