University of South Carolina Libraries
she has ever exercised all proper deference and respect towards her sister States, and is even now doing so by inviting them to meet her in a Southern Congress. The truth is, that South Carolina is less responsible for the present agitation than al. most any other Southern State. Virginia, Georgia, Mississippi, and Alabama were cer tainly in advance of her. If then she now appears to be in advance of others, it is the result of causes for which she is not respon sible. But, I freely admit, that if she retires from-her present position she should always in future preserve the dignity of silence. She must now act or "forever after hold her peace." Again, it is said, that the-cause of disunion is making progress, and we ought to be sat isfied with its present advance and wait for further developments-that a few years ago there was no disunion party in South Caroli ia, whifst now there is scarcely any other. To this, I reply, that if it is meant to be said that our friends in' the other States have "kindled their fires at our altars," shall we now abandon our position and expect them to advance? Some of them are now telling Us: " we want a measure to unite us, we are beating the empty air, we speak to the idle winds." Let us then give them oil for their lamps. We have- no- other' issue to tender but secession; it is, the- last arrow' in our quiver, it is the only alternative to submission. Mr. President, a state of high excitement is not a natural condition either in men or nations. We must not expect to keep up this agitation always. The people become wearied- withlong continued and fruitless- ex ertions; they become fatigued into compli -anee, and yield a struggle that holds out no hope of immediate victory. This, sir, is our danger. Let us beware how we lose our op portunity. Another objection urged against us, is, that our friends in Congress from the other Southern States, have not counselled seces sion, and I am appealed to by my friend and colleague (Mr. Orr) to say if this is not the case. I answer frankly it is, so far as my in tercourse extends. But at the same time I must be permitted to say, that I am inclined to think these very gentlemen, who are wor thy of all our admiration and esteem, would be very apt to make the most uncompromi sing secessionists if they were, as I wish with all my heart they were, citizens of South Carolinas. In all questions of this kind in volving fundamental changes of government, we generally find that the people are ahead of their Representatives, and it is wise and proper that they should be so. In the ordi nary administration of public affhirs, the Re presentative may rightfully assume all re sponsibility-but the responsibility of alter ing their form of government belongs to the people and cannot be delegated. Hence we frequently hear the remark, even in our own State, that the representatives are behind the people on the question of disunion. Whilst our friends in Conigress, therefore, very prop erly declined to counsel a measure in regard to which they had no authority to commit their constituents, I know that they will never be found in the ranks of those who will de nounce South Carolina if she secedes, but that in them we will always find men whom we will delight to honor. Lastly, it is urged that secession will be met by coercion and its consequent difficul ties. Now, before proceeding to consider this objection, I must be permitted to say L tat f Iwer .ttann,,for_ the-mere 'ti umph of a forensia discusion, I should hold cur friends precluded from bringing into the argument any of the dzingers or sacrifices of secession, because the highest~ authority amongst them, one for whom we all feel a common veneration (JudgerCheves) whilst opposing this measure on other grounds, expressly says that "no dangers and no sac rifices can be too great in such a cause." But I am seeking !no such triumph. The subject forbids it-I am actuated, I trust, by a higher purpose. I will proceed then to consider this objection. It opens I admit a most important inquiry. The- aspect in which this braneh of the subject presents itself to my mind has al ways beenr this: Will the Administration, with the powers they now possess, under take, on their responsibility, to oppose the secession of South Carolina in any way ; or, supposing Congress to be in session, will they ask for authority to coerce us, and for ani increase of powerfor that purpose!i Now the answvers to these questions must of course by wholly conjectural. I doubt very mnch il~'the-Cabinet itself is prepared to answer them without qualification. Events must control the judgements and the actions of nall men. But still it is wise and proper, withi the lights before us, to endeavor to ascertain what are the probabilities that be in our path. No issue would ever be brought to an arbi trament, if each party waited to know, with certainty, the plan of his adiversary's ques tion. WVhether the Administration may think it possesses the right and the power to co erce- a secedina State or not, I cantpe tend to say.. We alr know it did not think that it had sufficient power to coerce a Bos ton mob, and asked for more, but did not obtain it. Now, I do-not intend to speak in terms of disrespect of' the Administration, or to excite unfounded prejudices. Our cause is not to be strengthened by throwing dirt at any one.. It spurns, the aid of such missiles. Let them be usced by those who have a taste for them. But in speaking of those who nowv wield the powver of this Government, and- their friends, we must speak of them~ ac cording. to their known opinions, principles and conduct. The school of politicians, to which the Administration belongs, is the school of consolidationists. Its most promi nent members are thoroughly anti-slavery in their'feelings,their principles and thier policy. The Presidenitbelieves that Congress has the power not only' to abolish slavery in the Dis. trict of'Columbia, but also the slave trade be twen the States, and that this power ought te~ be exercised, at what he calls a proper time. His opinions are on record and will be found to be extreme on this subject. Mr Webster believes slavery to be an evil, and "regrets exceedingly that it exists in ~thi .Southern States;" and whilst he admits thai Congress has no power to act upen it there still he suggests, to use his own words: " thai in the dispensation of Providence some reme. dy for this evil may occur or may be hopei for hereafter." The truth is, that both thi President and Mr. Webster, like many othei advocates of the Compromise, are responsi ble for much of that very agitation they arn seeking to quell. -They have sowna broadensi anti-slavery doctrines in the Northern mind and now behold the fruit. " The engineer have been hoisted by their own petard." Tlu Pope taught republicanism at Rome, and re publicamism drove him from Vatican. Mr Webster taught anti-slavery in Boston, anc antii-slavery drove himi from Faneuil Hall. French bayonets opened the way for the re turn of his Holiness. Federal bayonets open ed thle way for the coming of the Compro misc. Trained, then, in the school of the consolidationists, having as little respect i principle for the secession of a State as the sedition of a mob, with all their feelings anx opinions opposed to that institution on whiel rests our happiness and prosperity, and which no minister of State has any right to de nounce as an "evil" of such magnitude as to call for a " remedy" at the hands of : Divine Providbnce," with such feelings and opinions as these, I say, it is altogether probable that the Administration, urged on too by "the power behind the throne, greater than the throne itself," will be disposed to coerce South Carolina. The extirpation of the "pestilent heresy" of secession, the subjuga-I tion of a slave State, out of which, through the "dispensation of Providence." the ex tinction of slavery may be "hoped" for, are triumphs to tempt the ambition of better men than live in these degenerate days. In such a crusade it is not difficult to foresee that an army with many banners might soon be enlisted ; but what fruits would victory bring to them. The Administration would be compelled to say to their allies, like Phyr rhus of old: " Suclr another victory, and we must go home alone !" But it may be asked: Is the power to coerce a sovereigrr State so clear that the Cabinet will feel authorized to exert it on their own responsibility? Are there not such grav-e doubts on the subject asto make them pause before proceeding to such an extreme I I have already said that the Cabinet belong to the schoo1aof the Con solidationists. They deny the sovereignty of the States; then contend that the States never were sovereign; that at no period had they the powers of sovereignty, or if they had they have transferred them all to the General Government. They say that " the doctrine of Republicanism is, that the ma jority ea do no wrong, in the same sense in which it is said in England, that the King can do no wrong, and for the same reason ; because there is no legal remedy."* With such doctrines as these, it is easy to perceive, that the Administration would not call it "coercing" a sovereign State, but merely en forcing the laws on the disobedient citizens of an empire, who have no more right to jus tify their proceedings, under the authority of South Carolina, than under the authority of their particular protege, Hungary, whose re cent attempt at a redress of grievances has found such wonderful " favor at court." It is true, that we have all been taught to be lieve that "this government, created by com pact, was not made the exclusive, or final. judge of the extent of the powers delegated to itself." So said Thomas Jefferson, in the Kentucky resolutions; but this good old wine has been poured into new bottles, and they have burst. The moderns, I fear, have for gotten the faith of their fathers. But we are not left to speculation as to the opinion, at least of the head of the cabinet on the character of secession. In a letter ad dressed during the last winter by Mr. Web ster to a dinner party in New York, he de clared that " secession is war." By this is meant, I presume, that secession on the part of a State is ipso facto a declaration of war by her. The onus and the odium are to be thrown upon her. But supposing that the Administration determine to use coercion, in what form will it be attempted? I have been one of those who have conjectured, for as I have already observed every thing on this subject is conjectural, that a blockade of our ports would be attempted. In this opinion I find-our senior Senator, (Judge Butler,) if I understand him correctly does not coneur,t whilst our junior Senator, (Mr. Rhett) pro nounces it in very emphatic terms an " un mitigated humbug." With such high au thority against me, it is not improbable that I may be mistalien in my conjecture, but it is always-wiser--o-bapzepared4han to -be sur prised. I do not mean to say that the Gov canment wvill call their measure a "blockade." They will merely term it enforcing the reve nue laws-collectinig the customs; but by whatever name it may be called, the attempt must very soon result in nothing more nor less than actual blockade. It will soon be come an interception of all communication, commercial or otherwise, between us and all other States and nations, maintained by a be. sieging force sufficiently powerful to rcnder any intercourse with us dangerous to third parties, and expose them to seizure. To ren der-their coercion effectual their measure must come to this: It may commence in overhaul ing vessels at a certain distance from shore, and insp~ecting their manifests, or in attempt ing to erect floating custom houses, but it must endl, I repeat, in wvhat, through resec to the rights of foreign na:tion~s must be jus tified as blockade. But blockade is a bellige rent measure, and must be made public, so that neutrals may have notice of it and act accordingly. WVar then, public wvar, must be declared against South Carolina, and Con gress must be called on, for Congress only has power to levy wvar. I think, therefore, that the question of co ercion must he referred to that body. The Administration will be compelled to do so. But when the question comes, then no hu man sagacity can predict what course things will take. Thme Presidential question will then be in full discussion. Much will depend upon the bearing which the issue of coercion will have upon that question, for it is the mighty whirlpool wvhich drawvs within its greedy vortex all other subjects. Whilst the Administration will be in thme hands of the Whigs, the Democratic party wvill be largely in the ascendancy in the next Congress. If it is found that the South Carolina question can be madec political capi tal of, it will be used for that purpose. Al though the Compromise has patched up a hollow truce between the old party leaders yet there is no love between them. There can be none whatever. They are as far apart as ever, and when the Presidential race be gins the cry will be " oecupaL pos/remum sca bijes."-" the devil take the hindmost." This was clearly shown to be the state of feeling at the last Congress, when an attempt was made to get up a great Union pairty under a written compromise pledge. This pledge re ceived the signatures of many dist;inguished Whigs; but, if my memory serves mae, of only two prominent Southern Decr~ocrats, (Messrs. Cobb and Foote.) The Cohesive power of the Compronmise is fast giving way betwe'en party leaders, and they will soon be found in hostile array. Butrshoud the appeal to Congress by the A d miitainresult in the passage of some Force Bill, or other measure of coercion, then we will be culled upon to defend ourselves with all the resources we possess, and I feel thme utmost con fidence that ini such a contest the South wvill never stand neutral. Let the swordl be put into Ithe h'ands of the Excutive, after a long and an gry dehate in Congress, for the purpose of hew ing down a sovereign State, whose only sin has been her inmpatienec to defend our commnon in' stitutions ; bet who can appeal to tihe Judge of the World for the purity of her purposes, and the justice of her cause, and that sword must be dyed deep in Southern blood before it is returned to its scabbard. In such a struggle, whoever shall triumph, the Union will fall. But it is said by somne of our friends that we will lmve no direct issue of force, but that a war Iof custom houses and of commercial restrictions will be waged against us, in other words, that we will be destroyed by famine, and not by the * This is the language of Chief Justice Craft, in a recent publication. t At this point of my remarks Judge Butler rose and observed that I did not understand him cor reetdy, and restated his position which will be seen in his published speech to which I refer, as I write without notes, and my memory does not enable me to repeat accurately what wa said on the ocea sword. Now, [ think this objection is only the blockako-idea in another form. and may as well be classed under that head. I cannot see how our commerce can be efyectually restricted, ex cept by such measures as must ultimately result in a blockade of our ports, and I refer to what I have already said on that head. But something less than this is meant; if a sort of peaceable co ercion is intended-then I ask if its hazards or extremities are too great to be encountered in defence of a cause which is worthy of resistance "at every hazard and to the last extremity." But I think that with ten or fifteen millions of the richest products of the earth for sale, it would be difficult to destroy our commerce by any measure of practical coercion. If we will be con tent to realize moderate profits and to offer a cheap market to the world, I venture to assert that it cannot be closed by a war of eastom houses. But these are but speculations at best and if we wait to ascertain the exact cost of every hazard in dollars and cents, we will never resist either separately or conjointly. Supposing, however, that coercion in no form whatever is attempted, and that South Carolina is permitted peaceably to secede, still our friends contend that she cannot maintain a separate ex istence. Now this objection seems to me to amount to nothing more or less than this: That if South Carolina should resume those powers which she has delegated to the General Govern ment, and become, what we have always con tended she was, when she came into this Union, a free, sovereign, and independent State, then that moment she perishes. I must be permitted to say, with due respect to those who urge this argument, that it proves too much, and gives up everything in dispute. It is a fatal concession to the Consolidationists, and will be Tegarded by them as a complete surrender. They have al ways contended that the sovereignty of the States is an "abstraction," a mere thing of: words; that it has no practical value, and cannot protect the citizen, who. therefore, owes it no allegiance. They say that this is not a Confederacy of sove reign States, but a Government of one people-a unit, of which the States are the fractions, and that, therefore, the majority must govern, for there is no legal remedy against acts. From all this, it follows that our only remedy is that which belongs to us in common with our slaves-revo lution, and no more. I cannot but think, therefore, that if South Carolina declines to secede for a reason like this, she will give a death-blow to the great cause of State Rights, for which she. has hitherto perilled so muds, and with which her name is so proudly associated. Let us glance however at some of the difficul ties which it is urged lie in our way as a free, sovereign and independent State. It is said we will have to resort to smuggling for a livelihood. That our negro population will become redun lant, and that if they escape we cannot reclaim then. The objection in regard to smuggling is sufficiently answered by showing that if goods ire carried from our territory into the other States, it must be done by the citizens of those States themselves, and they must settle the mat ter with their own government. As to a redun lant population, I have no fears whatever on that mubject. If we eygr have more slaves than we :an profitably enpl'y, we will be able to sell them it a reduced price, and I have no doubt that the murrounding slaveholding States will soon be able o obtain the sanction of their government for heir purchase. It will be a very different thing rom the African slave trade, and as our slave olding neighbors are to be the pets of their gov :rnment for fear of the contagion of secession, I lave no doubt they will be able to make satisfac ory arrangements on this subject, even if it should involve an amendment of the constitution. Long before the day could come, when we would 'oluntary give-up our territory to our slaves, and runaway from them, or they could conquer it rem us, our neighbors -would find meanstme ieve us-as well as ib6see-r~nT'stieh dire alamities, by giving them much better employ neat in their rice and cotton fields. South Caro ina wvill not be permitted to become a St. Do ningo in the bosom of the South. History pre tents no instance of a nation perishing from a re lundant populatio-a peaceful exodus has al tvays been found. As to the difficulty in relation to the recapture if our fugitive slaves, it is obvious that as the slaveholding States would be exposed to the same evil by their slaves escaping into our territory, a remedy would soon ho found by our mutual ne ressities. Interest will regulate these subjects as it has always done. Should our slaves escape into the free States, we will lhave to do just wihat aw are doing now-submit to thmeir loss. Mr. President, I admit that it is very easy to say many hard things against secession, so I atp prehend it is just as easy to say nmany hard things against dismuion. Our friends mnust allowv me to say to them :Push not your argnments against secession too far, or you may find your batteries turned against your favorite scheme-disunion by ooeraton. Do you know that you enn accomn psh disunion anud the establishment of a South ern Confederacy, without many of those very sacrifices you now' urge agaist secessionl? If your Confederacy cotnsists of the Cotton States, dlo you know whtether you will be permitted to scede without coercin ? May you not-encoun ter blockadles and a watr of custom houses? Will not slavery become hemmed in, and localized within the borders of your Confederacy. Will your power of rCeapture be perfect ant complete? Mamy not the commerce of Charleston, and your other ports, be harrassed and driven away ? Who shall have the mouth of the Mississippi ? I have heard nmany brave words uttered by Western men on thissubject on the floor of Congress, and high claims put in to this right. Speak kindly, therefore, I pray you, oft seces sion, for it is the first born-the lawful offspring of disunion doctrines. Such, be assured; will be the judgmecnt of a candid world, the record of impartial histor'y. 1 admit, however, that outr friends have otno advantage over us. Their scheme lies in the~ fu tre ; ours is at hand. They have the chapter of accidents on their side ; we have only the chap ter or history. I am awa~re it may be said, that if, according to ry argutment, there is no danger of any overt acts of aggression against the South on the p~art of the Government itt our day, then there is no dager to us if we remanin in thte Union ; that in this respect my ar-gumtetnt is contradictory. But the reply is obvious. Thme argument on the other side is, that our destruction is incvitable if we re main in the Union ; that it is thes Goverment of or enemies. whto will annihilate us, btut that fur ther aggressions will soon be conminitted which will ute thte South in conjoitit secession. The first branch of the propositioni I admit, but the latter I deny. how, thetn, you ask, wi!l our de structiotn comle? I answer, by the gradual, but certain advance of ab.alition ; by the process of sapping and mtining; by imtmigration; by the spread or anti-slavery opitiions ; by degrading State Rights and exalting Federalism; by conm bining measures of justice wvith measeres of wrong-a fugitive slave bill with atn anti-slave trade bill ; by dividing thte South; by party con tests ; by denouncing slavery as an evyl, and hoping for a remedy through the dispensation of Divine Providetcee; by goiing on step by step in this wvay, until Consolidation and A bolitionm be come so'strong that (if I may be pardoited thte quotation) thte "one shall [told whtilst thme other skins." This is the way your destructimn widl conic, and there is~no contradiction whatever in the argutment. It uwill stand the test of any scru tiy. Here what thte leading journal of Europe says on this subjcet: The London Timecs thus describes what is to be the resutlt of the Union to the South, if it goes n as it has been doing. " Slavery is but a question of time. It is scarce ly possible to conceive tiat a hunidred years henice there will be one slave in the Untited States not, to say in thte whole contintent of America. The slave owners see the ramparts rising, the trenches opened, the coinmunications established, and the blockade closing around them, that is one day to reduce thtem to unconditional surrender. W e doubt ntot f'or at instant thtat our children's chil dreni, will see the chainis drop) in one hour froni th mb of trhree mimion slaves. The Fugitive Slave bill is only a last legislative effort against that which is more powerful than legislatures the progrews of human alliirs. Every acre added to the territory of the Union. every freeborn child added to its population, every immigrant that lands on its shores, is another weight to thetscale of abolition. Then why, except because th-yare demented and doomed, do the slave owners take no steps whatever to prepare for the great day of reckoning ! Why do they assume the perpetual stability of an institution at variande 'withthe whole tenor and course of moder' civilization ? We do not hesitate to advise them to set their house in order. If it is harder to do so now than it was seventy years back, instead of being easier, as the great statesman of that day. hoped and ex pected. If time has hitherto aggravated rather than removed the enormous difficulties, what will be the case thirty years hence, when perhaps there must and will be abolition without either the slave or his master being prepared for the change? The choice lies betweep gradual and sudden abolition, and it is for the slave States themselves to choose which of tliose two they will have-for one they must !' Behold this picture and say if it is true I If it is, then let me ask you, will delay tear down these ramparts, close these treneu, raise this blockade, and save you from uncoiditional sur render ! Ye are men, answer fort ourselves.' I have thus, Mr. President, 'endeavorea to givd my views on the present deeply interesting condition of our public afitias. I am seiislp that I have performed this duty veiy imp eetly. I have purposely abstained from any att&npt to stimu late the counsels of this assembly 'or the popular mind, by appeals to pride; to passion, orto pro judice. I trust I feel too deeply the heavy re sponsibility which rests upon me, to address my self to any other tribunal than the ealm judgment of an intelligent people. I haveLendeavored, too, carefully to avoid the use of any thing like the language of crimination or censure. I know too well that such language only elopes .the door to reason, and opens the windbw to passion.' I deprecate from the bottom of myieart any thing like angry dissensions within te"State. Our enemies are watching our connls; and will re joice at our divisions. Let us giie:them no such triumph. Let us tell them, onte and forever, that, though we differ we will nejer divide. For one, do not regret the introduction-of this-discus sion. It has been said that your.. Convention was elected before the question of secession was discussed. If this be so, then lit the-argument be heard before the judgment is pronounced. Free discussion never hindered any cause. On so grave an issue as that which is now presented to the people of South Carolina, there cannot be too great deliberation as there should be great unanimity. In the hour olher tajal the State will need'all her sons. Let us then.reason;.togetlyr with frateral confidence and respect, ren .rier ing that whilst we differ as to the s, we all seek a common end "A government established the base, Of justice, liberty and equalright:" EDGEFIELD , THURSDAY, JULY40, 1851. A.PWE call attention to tbe. extensive adver tisements of Dr. A. G. TEAGUE. He has perhaps the largest assortment of varlet es ever opened in this place. IHis stock of Drugs ~id Medicines is full and complete. Dr. TEaGU has just opened in the large new room adjoinjug the Merchant Tailor Store of Mr. Joins Lyoid His articles are sold at Augusta retail prices. EgPWu have received.ii ~alI Catalogue f-ihahalmsmneAw 0, ""Un4ns Abbeville District. .The Faceul4y is composed of five professors. The number of Students is eighty two. The course of studies is-very fulL The lo ation of this College is remarkably healthful. The annual examination will conmmenee on Fri day the 8th of August. Wat'. C. RICiADs is to deliver the Oration before the Literary societies. gg'THE I~on. A. P. Bunuit, has placed in our hands the "AexuaL RurouT OF THlE AMERIx CAY AYD FoREIoN ANTr-SLAvEnv SociETY, for inspetion. This voluminous report of 118 pages is a bitter but cool effort of the Abolition propa gandists, to shock the moral sense of the Northern people and to arouse their hostility more complete ly, by a glaring array of statements, many of which, it is needless to say, aie utterly false. It damns the "Fugitive slave law" as unconstitu tinal, unchristian and of no birnlingforce. Among oter distinguished Southernern, it attacks Judge Bt-r.n. The publication is gotten upin good style and prepared with considerable cicumspeetion. It shows that our fanatic foes htaye "method with their madness,'" which makes them hut the more dangerous. "Snap the link" that binds us to them, and we are safe from tltir nefarious plot tings and machinations. Fail to do it, and we may be ruled by an Abolition ud. A STARTLING TRIJEDY. Os Monday night last, a dif~culty occurred in this place between Purtsir GOtDE and WILLIAM CLOUD, which resulted in the bnath of the latter. CouD received two balls, one &n the breast-the other in the back. IIe died within two hours from the infliction of the wounds. Melancholy to tell, he has left a family of set-en children, the youngest only being a boy. We mnderstand GOODE left during the night of the occirrence. We are gratified to state thes this unfortunate affair had no cormexion with tis political discus sion of that day. LARGE BLACK OtTS. Mr. S. C. STROM, living on "'urkey Creek, in this District, has handed to us Iquart of this kind of Oats for our inspection. Thi grain is uncom muonly large and the yield is saicto be extraordina ry in proportion to the seed sotn. A gentleman of our n'equaintance has raisedat the rate of 31 busels to I bushel of seed. Any one desirous of examinibg this Oats, can do so by calling at our oflice. Mr STROM wtill be able to suply seed to a limi ted extent, to those desirous of tying this grain. PIC-NIC A T THE REV. J0HI~ K. JOHNSON'S -ACADEMY. Tns aflitir came offron the 4thl and, as we learn from several sources, with flyig colors. Of gen tlemen, ladies and children preselt,there were from 6 to 800 persons. The dinner is salto have been ex cellent, and all enjoyed the good cheer with a de gree of harmony and good-feelig worthy the ad miration and imitation of evey assemblage of Carolinians. In these days of itense political ex citement, it behores us to remnmber that what ever minor doubts may trouble to anxious bosoms of our people, there is one thaing~bout which there can be no doub-and itis this: FearenDaoTHExas, by every social and political tizaornEas, de termined never to snbmiL to Feeral oppression BtoTHEs, prepared to stand orall with our com mon mother, South Carolina,whoeverand in what ever manner alhe decides to resit that oppression. The influence of this high and mre feeling seems to have been fully felt on the rocasion of which we are speaking. rhe exercises of the-schtool khibition were pro perly appreciated by the deligied audience. The farce, "Family Jars," w'as oneof the pieces acted. Four speeches were deliveret by young men of the school, all in defence of soarate State action as the alternative of oubmissie. And the whole corcluded with the after-piec entitled. "Riaising of the Wind." Not a whisrr of unkindness or dissension was heard throughthe day. "dSo mote TILE MEETING OF MUNDAY LAST. Tuts place has nor, since '32,- 'itnossed so thronged an assemblage of cur fellow-citizens as met here on Monday last. Certainly we do not remember at any time to have seen so large a pro portion of intelligent-men. Every corner of the District was fully and fairly represented. It was not a one-sided meeting-It was exactly what it promised to be, a common, general meeting for 'htniadny and conciliation. And the result has been most happy. Edgefield is united.' Brethren of Carolina-we send you this intelligence with joy and thankfulness, and we pray you, by Caro lina's past fame and present noble attitude, to let the influence of our example sink deep into your hearts. We call upon our well-known and highly esteemed sister and associate, Abbeville, and we entreat her, by the memory of McDUFFIE and NoBLE, to stand boldly forth for the honor, the sovreignty, the equality or the independence of our State! We call upon old Chestet to banish' Unionism from her midst, seeing that it is but another name for abject submission-We entreat her to heed the voice of Edgefield and to unite up on the high Carolina ground of unflinching resis tance ! We call upon Greenville, by the free air of her blue mountains, to burst the inglorious shackles of Federal influence and to join in the holy cause of Carolina deliverance ! We need on ly remind high-toned Old Pendleton,at a time like the present, that she was the loved home of Cal houn ! We call upon Charleston, our noble and valued city, to heed the united and earnest voice that now appeals to the high impulses and distin guished intelligence of her people-it cries aloud to you to save the honor and character of Carolina, let all else sink ! We rejoice that in almost every other part of South Carolina, the harmonious and spirited determination of our District will meet a responsive shout of approbation and delight. -Heaven speed the work of Union at home! It is with us "the one thing needful," THE PEARL OF GREAT PRIcE. And we now have perfect faith that it will soon show itself to the world-one and indivisible--A DIAMOD OF THlE FIRST WATER. OUR NEW JAIL. The commissioners appointed to superintend this work have accepted the proposals of Mr. RAm3EY. He is to receive $11,000 to be paid as he requires it in the progress of the work-except some 2 or $3000 of it, which is to be retained by the commis, sioners until the entire completion of the contract. The jail will be three full stories, besides a good basement. The first floor and the basement are designed for the use of a regular jailer. The se cond floor is occupied principally by the debtor's room-and the third is to be divided into dunge ons. The plan of the building is an admirable one. The philanthropic Miss Dix, on her visit to to this place some months since, apfroved it en tirely. It was prepared and drawn off by Dr. R. T. Mins, one of the commissioners. --.-.. WHO OPPOSE THE ACTION OF SOUTH CAROLINA ? We ask this question now with reference to our out-side advisors and our out-side opponents. By the first we mean our Southern brethren-by the last, our Northern enemies. The first may be di vided into two parties, the Southern Rights and the Union parties. The last may be placed in several classifications, the two most prominent of which are the. Abolition and the Administration parties. Here then are four grand divisions, two South and two North. Among these four, which do we find esrnesIly..o' Carolina secession? The ansser is : illiition party at e ou an both parties at the North. And why is it so ? We will give what we conceive to be the true answer. very briefly. The Abolitionists oppose it, beesuse they per ceive that this act will place Carolina and her in stitutions beyond the reach of their controlling power. The Administration wing condemns it and is using various exertions to Prevent it, because it is highly probable that our action will result in a Southern Confederacy and a consequent pros tration of the political and commercial power of the Northern States. The Union division of Southerners are, as a mass, deluded and bewil dered by the tact of cunning and talented men. Of the causes then which operate upon the body of this party in opposing the action of Carolina, we delay our opinion. Of the causes which influence the leaders and wire-workers of that division, we are ready to speak nowv. They oppose Carolina's course, because they know the direct tendency of it will be to blight thcir cherished visions of Feder al honors and Federal emoluments. If examined, it will he found true, as a general rule, that those without the State who condemn most bitterly our course of resistance, are inimical to us-have no feeling of sympathy with us-and have ever, in the history of our government, op posed whatever might give us equal advantages with the North-whatever might clash with the interests of that section. We have then every rea son to infer that their opposition to Carolina's course arises, (not from any drawings of brotherly love, nor from any apprehensions for our future well-being,) but from a secret fear that our action will prove eminently successful. The bare fact then of their opposition, coupled with the perfect knowledge of their enmity, is one argument for our unflinching perseverance. Forif they saw, as the result of our action, Carolina's destruction in stead of peril to themselves, they would exult at the prospect of our secession. But there is a fourth division not yet spoken of the Southern Rights division. This is the great and rising party of the Slave States. What is their position towards us? Withfew exceptions, they most cordially approve the Carolina move ment. The more cautious among them give us 'aid and comfort' by denouncing the prospective interference of Federal power. The more intrepid openly declare that :he cause of the South is in our hands-that by advancing we secure it, by faltering we sink it. None condemn us-all, to a greater or less degree, encourege us. Here then is the conclusion. The only party in the Union, which feels with us, thinks wvitht us or can ever be expected to act with us, approves, either inciden tally or directly, our contemplated action. This is co-operation already attained, and it may be the only co-operation we will have, anterior to action. Our choice is between accepting this earnest from friends and Southerners, as asufficientsurety of the policy of our onward course, or cringing before the alarums and threats of our foes and oppressors, even to the extent of submission. Who can hesi tate wvhich to choose ? That the veil of uncertain ty hangs, at last, between us and our future, no one denies. That there is room for doubt as well as hope, we do not gainsay. But thvafacts, so far, give the preponderance to hope. L~ooking calm ly and impartially upon the probabilities of success or defeat, let us continually bear in mind the wholesome truth, that our doubts but too often --"prove traitors, And make us bose the good we oft might win By fearing to attempt." THE NEW COLLEGE AT GREENVILLE. WE learn from the Rev. Dr. JonssON that rapid progress is being made towards the comple tion of the arrangements for establishing this Bap tist Institution, which has been held in contempla tion for a year or more. It is understood already that Greenville has been settled utpon as the loca tion. A sum of money, exceeding forty thousand dollars, is now in hand for the erection of build ing. &., Te i..z..:.o.;.C Grecunville have pledgeti themselves to bear the expense of the purchase of the grounds..- The spot has, indeed, been selected and secured. An effort will forthwith be made to procure from the friends of the undertaking, the additional amount required for the entire work. Dr. Jonrs soN intends visiting the different quarters of our District at an early day for the furtherance of this desirable end. His energy and disinterested de votion to this business, have been of essential ser-. vice to the interests of the Institution; and we are sure that every Church of the Baptist denomi nation will hear him upon this subject with confi dence, and will second his suggestions with prompt ness. No man in South Carolina, in proportion to his means, has set a nobler example of Christian liberality than our Reverend fellow citizen. le has ever been the first to act upon his own exhor tations. And this may acceaunt for his uniform suc cess in forwarding good works. May success crown his efforts to the last ! ~ THE FORT MOULTRIE CELEBRATION AND ITS EFFECTS. WE called attention last week to the refusal ofthe commanding officer at this station to permit the Moultrie Guards to celebrate their Anniversary ac cording to a long established and hitherto uninter rupted custom. We also adverted to the fact that a number of citizens, aroused by the insult, swarm ed to the old spot and carried out the celebration under the "very shadow of the Fort." A later mail brings us cheering intelligence of the proceed ings of that occasion. They are full of interest, and we regret being unable to give them to our readers. Many short, but soul-stirring speeches were given, all indicating that the feeling of the meeting was one of glowing indignation, and of burning resolve to do and dare every thing for the honor of the Palmetto Flag. Almost every senti ment spoke of determined resistance, as the only honorable course left us now to pursue. Nor was this a mere ebullition of feeling in the action-ranks alone. It was common except among the real subs; and we venture to say it spread to all, but the most craven, even of that moiety. Anong the prominent gentlemen present, we perceive the name of Col. ISAAC W. IIAYNE, who is claimed by the advocates of United Secession ! He was called on by the assembly and responded in a few spirited remarks, in the course of which he said that "his heart fully sympathised" with the feelings he saw exhibited around him-that "when he counselled delay, it was only so much delay, and no more than would make the blow effective" that, but-for the danger of embarrassing friends &c., the SoONER TnE RuDICoN WAS PASSED, THE nETTER." We hail this circumstance as a bright harbinger of the- approaching hour when Carolina shall present that bold and undivided front, which will carry her triumphantly to successful inde pendence. The time is near, we verily believe, when we shall be enabled to exclaim with perfect truth, "Thank God, we are. united !" The PERRY Unionists will hide their diminished heads, and THE STATE, in the phrase of Join BUNTAN, "will go on her way," despite the terrors and seductions that may be brought to bear, to hold her down in the slough of submission. Like good old Christian, she will steadily follow her upward course and win the prize at last. Excelsior! FOR THE'ADVERTISER. DISTRICT MEETING. A very large and highly respectable body of citi zens, brought together- from all parts of the Din tine .uavnenA-n 514 'nnisCnn.5a&tls place orn Monday last. -It was a meeting of al parties for the proniotion of union bt hiome. A spirit of conciliation directed the proc'edings of the day, and the utmost order and decdirum re valled. The meeting was called to order by ths Hon. N. L GRIFFIN, on whose motion GenI. JAMs JoNE~S was invited to the chair. WV. W. ADAMs and Tuios. G. KEY. were requested to act as secre taries. Upon the Chairman's taking his seat and explaining the object of the meoting in a brief and forcible rmanner, the Hon. N. L GRIFFIn present ed for the adoption of the meeting the following Resolutions, Resolred, That the right of secession is essential to the sovereignty and freedom of the States of this Confederacy. and that the denial of that right, would furnish to aq..injutred State, the strongest additional cause for its exercise. Resolhsd, That concert of action with one or more of our sister States of the South, is an object worth miany sacrifices, but not the sacrifice in volved in submision. Resolved. That South Carolina cannot with honor or safety retire from her present position, and we pledge ourselves to sustain her in it, whether it ends in joint or separate secession. Resolved. That this meetintr feels no sympathy with any press or party in South Carolina which is opposed to a dissolution of the Union, or denies the right of secession. After reading the Resolutions, Mr. GRIFFIN commented uipon them in a speech replete with eloquence and forcible demonstration.. We are sorry that we are unprepared to give a sketch of his remarks. Would that they could have been heard by every man in the District ! Mr. GRiFFIN having closed his remarks, a call was made for Capt. P. S. Baoozs, who rose and addressed the meeting at considerable length in opposition to the policy of separate State Secession. It was a creditable performance containing many expressions of devotion to his State. At the conclusion of Capt. BROOK's remarks the lion. F. WV. PscKEaxs, was loudly called for, and was received wvith several rounds of enthusi astic applause. He enchained the attention of the meeting for nearly two hoturs, addressing to the reason of his hearers irresistible argument, and to their feelings the most powerful appeals. He canvassed the question of Southern resistance in all its bearings, and maintained that we must keep our eyes steadily fixed upon separate State action as thte probable result of the controversy. He did not relinquish the hope of co-opration, but upon its being clearly ascertained that we cannot longer reasonably indulge this hope, he strenuous ly maintained that separate State secession, would e the only right and honorable course left for South Carolina to pursue, whatever might be its hazards. Col. BAtisKETT was next called out and was also greeted with loud applause. He made a clear and pointed exposition of the policy of separate action, Hie maintained that it is, and of right ought to be a peaceful remedy. In a few plain remarks he stript it of its terrors, and in a vein of pleasantry demonstrated the fallacy of the argu ments used by our friends of the opposition At the conclusion of his remarks the question was called for, and was taken upon the resolutions separately. They were adopted unanimously, with exception of the third resolution, to which there was a solitary "No!" We deem it not improper, in conclusion, to state that it was generally conceded to be the largest and most respectable meeting held here for many years. The meeting adjourned in high spirits and in almost perfect harmony. JAMES JONES, Chairman. W. W. A ntS,? Seta-es - . Tuios. G. Kiv. ertes Chancellor Da ROA N's toast sent to the late cele bration in Columbia: The Federal Union.-.It must be dissolved ; with Southern co-operation if It can be obtained before te final adjournment of our State Convention; FOR TUE ADVERTISER. SHOULD SOUTH CAROLINA STRIKE FOR HER INDEPENDENCE? IN ancient Athens, when Macedonian aggres sions were the topies of excitement among the States of Greece, two rival statesmen. Piocror and Darosriixas, urged the State to a different policy. PnocroN, a virtuous patriot, of the ut most- wisdom aid mn6aeration, and conspicuous in his valor, dreading failure from any attempt at resistaice, exhorted to .quiet inactivity...To the fierce phillipies of DEaosTnENEs, in which the great orator employed his stormy eloquence to rouse his countrymen to immediate action against the Northern tyrant, Phocion replieT: "I will recommend to you, 0 Athenians, togo to war when I find you.capable lof.ijppostiig;'a war; when I see the youth of the Republic ani mat'd with courage, yet-submlsliive and obedi ent; the rich cheerfully-conributing. be n.. cessaries of the State ; and the orators Ajonge cheating and pillaging theepublic.' Athens was degenerate, and there may have been prudence andsafetyin this advice; yet who can fail to admire the bolder connsels of.Deuos thenes, whisought, with all the energiep~o)s. nature, to urge his countrymen to maintainkthe National honor; to enkindle anew in theirbop , if possible, the expiring flame of liberty; orqhje a .. it was destined to expire, to cause it to-god'otin a blaze of patriotio'exertion! But we console ourselves with the belief that the advice of PIJOCION is not demanded .by-the ;, exigences of our ease. Are we degenerate, like the Athenians of that day ? Have we lost t te courage and patriotism capable of supporting war? Are the sons of our State unwillingteon - . . tribute their money and services to maintainur liberties? No ! no ! impossible. - Why, then, should we not strike for our, iidependence .It is said, we are too weak. This is the old alartwm, which is always sounded on the approach of re sistance to tyranny. It was much employed, if we mistake not, prior to the Amerie u-evn tion. But our brave Fathers did ny e) ;. , What ! is a nation, because it is ,sullr-to sur render ..its rights and liberties mhout, a struggld ? This would belo forfeit a'e tatmnto the respect and admiration of It were even a bliad leap into the 4 rk, witi ..tan . y light from history, we could never eonsen tht our State should evade the icsponsibiliieso rg. sistance upon so slender an argument; but wie we gather from the past the heroid resolverd chivalrous conduct of numerous -small. Royes on behalf of liberty, our bosom is animated yith - the fire of genuine hope, and we can urge our State to bold and manly action in something , the confidence of success. - Let as look through'the pa of history, sad take courage from the experienced; aptions.,ge pass over the well-known heroism :of the small. - Spartan band, at the straits of TwunE zuom fighting for the liberties of Grece : allude to the noble strugg or}of Prrav ,'tfe Town in Beotia, in defenco of itliberties with 400 citizens, 80. Athenians, ai4 ,mQ omena and -children, sustained a- uiege~enJmo . o~r two years, aguiust.;the--pbwgeof'- teeozbJ all supplies, one half of the way throug he il made their'escape.d.efl-moetsop e t~mut adinire thebri'iiflehAtii @"n soopor thanlyield their liberties to& 'ina many times'their niriiideserad lifea i houses and property 'nd *ithtlteir a families took to their ships, resolved -nevertle subduned.. .; Passing over many such coatests in antiquity, we come at once to more modern times. 1. The struggle of the issforindeie'neee was begun by a mere hanxdfull of nien, tLan i - tons of Swarrz, TU.r and.UrERZIwALD, upon~n indignity offered to WILLIAM TELL. With 400 or 500 men they met a regular force of 20,000, under the Arch-Duke Leopold of Austria, at tte pass of MoRGARTEJJ, arnd defeate tem wi~1l slaughter. [A. D. 1315.J' Encouragped by this open act of resistance, other cantons joined ; but the hand, still small, nobly persevered in their efforts, till after 60 pitched battles withthe Ais trians, (at that time even a powerful ji T,) they achieved their independee. It is worthy of remark, that in this memorable struggle, the cantons at first refused to make commnd cause, though the oppressions they suffered-were alike - burdennus. BERN, the prinicipal canton. did npt enter the Confederacy for 37 yearsa, and thlere maining cantons not till near two centuries; yet the heroic few, who began the revolt, aided by irregular forces from the neighboring cantois, achieved their independence,- which they have preserved to this day. The Swiss tiow' live un der a Rtepublic, occupying a territoryc f ,only 19.208 sqr. miles, proverbially one of the freest people on the globe, in the very midst, of large despotic powers. 2. We read in English history, that EDWADs I of England invaded ScoTLAND [A.P. 27J with an army of 100,000 men,-The Scotch, de termined to yield their liberties only with their lives, rallied under ROBRT Bauci, their King, and in an army of only 30,000 defeated the English at the famous battle of BurANoCDURN, and drove hack the invader from their bordrs. 3. A bout the year A. D. 1500, the Poen, tbe Emperior MAXuIrr~iAs of Germany, FEKauxxxD of Spain, Louis XII of France, the DUKE of voy ' and the KrNG of IHungary, all conlfederated 'to overrun and destroy the little State of.VUNrOE. With an heroic resolve, worthy of the highest adnairation, this small State boldly took the field against these formidable powers, determined to exhaust her blood and treasure in maintaining her independenee. Superior forces inight at length have overpowered her ; but that Paovr DEXCE, who overrules the affairs of nations,in terposed on behalf of the weak and the just. Dis cord and dissension broke out among the eon, federates. The unholy leauge was -diabolted, and VENICE preserved. 4. Perhaps the nobleis strugglefbr liberty on record was that made by tlit city ofiAer in 1573, against the formidable poer of (Ne'Span iards. This small city underwent a vigorpus siege, during which the -women performea1 the duties of soldiers.-After a long andgprious eontest, the selge was raised, and the dtsated by throwing down the dykeis and inundathtig the country with the sei.. It is worthy of remark oer ,hs l h ramous contest, of-the 17 Boicso Daly een, embracing a versmAiM~l4y' Dombined to defend .their libestiam ~ui~dyhe heroic Prince -of -Orange, at tlhe indZ miall Provines, reakable fo h am $t